A
GENERAL
HISTORY AND COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. XV.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH: AND T. CADELL, LONDON. MDCCCXXIV.
CONTENTS
OF
VOL. XV.
PART III.--BOOK II.
[Continuing An Account of a Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World,
performed in his Majesty's ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years
1772, 3, 4, and 5: Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution.]
CHAP. IV.--_Continued._--From leaving New Zealand to our return to
England,
SECT. III. Range from Christmas Sound, round Cape Horn, through Strait
Le Maire, and round Staten Land; with an Account of the Discovery of a
Harbour in that Island, and a Description of the Coasts,
IV. Observations, geographical and nautical, with an Account of the
Islands near Staten Land, and the Animals found in them,
V. Proceedings after leaving Staten Island, with an Account of the
Discovery of the Isle of Georgia, and a Description of it,
VI. Proceedings after leaving the Isle of Georgia, with an Account of
the Discovery of Sandwich Land; with some Reasons for there being Land
about the South Pole,
VII. Heads of what has been done in the Voyage; with some Conjectures
concerning the Formation of Ice-Islands; and an Account of our
Proceedings till our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope,
VIII. Captain Furneaux's Narrative of his Proceedings, in the Adventure,
from the Time he was separated from the Resolution, to his Arrival in
England; including Lieutenant Burney's Report concerning the Boat's Crew
who were murdered by the Inhabitants of Queen Charlotte's Sound,
SECT. IX. Transactions at the Cape of Good Hope; with an Account of
some Discoveries made by the French; and the Arrival of the Ship at St
Helena,
X. Passage from St Helena to the Western Islands, with a Description of
the Island of Ascension and Fernando Noronha,
XI. Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Fayal, a Description of the
Place, and the Return of the Resolution to England,
A Vocabulary of the Language of the Society Isles,
BOOK III. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, undertaken by the Command of
his Majesty, for making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere; to
determine the Position and Extent of the West Side of North America, its
Distance from Asia, and the Practicability of a Northern Passage to
Europe. Performed under the Direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, and
Gore, in his Majesty's Ships the Resolution and Discovery, in the Years
1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, & 1780,
Introduction,
CHAP. I. Transactions from the Beginning of the Voyage till our
Departure from New Zealand,
SECT. I. Various Preparations for the Voyage. Omai's Behaviour on
embarking. Observations for determining the Longitude of Sheerness, and
the North Foreland. Passage of the Resolution from Deptford to Plymouth.
Employments there. Complements of the Crews of both Ships, and Names of
the Officers. Observations to fix the Longitude of Plymouth. Departure
of the Resolution,
II. Passage of the Resolution to Teneriffe. Reception there. Description
of Santa Cruz Road. Refreshments to be met with. Observations for fixing
the Longitude of Teneriffe. Some Account of the Island. Botanical
Observations. Cities of Santa Cruz and Laguna, Agriculture. Air and
Climate. Commerce. Inhabitants,
III. Departure from Teneriffe. Danger of the Ship near Bonavista. Isle
of Mayo. Port Praya. Precautions against the Rain and sultry Weather in
the Neighbourhood of the Equator. Position of the Coast of Brazil.
Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope. Transactions there. Junction of the
Discovery. Mr Anderson's Journey up the Country. Astronomical
Observations. Nautical Remarks on the Passage from England to the Cape,
with regard to the Currents and the Variation,
SECT. IV. The two Ships leave the Cape of Good Hope. Two Islands, named
Prince Edward's, seen, and their Appearance described. Kerguelen's Land
visited. Arrival in Christmas Harbour. Occurrences there. Description of
it,
V. Departure from Christmas Harbour. Range along the Coast, to discover
its Position and Extent. Several Promontories and Bays, and a Peninsula,
described and named. Danger from Shoals, Another Harbour and a Sound. Mr
Anderson's Observations on the Natural Productions, Animals, Soil, &c.
of Kerguelen's Land,
VI. Passage from Kerguelen's to Van Diemen's Land. Arrival in Adventure
Bay. Incidents there. Interviews with the Natives. Their Persons and
Dress described. Account of their Behaviour. Table of the Longitude,
Latitude, and Variation. Mr Anderson's Observations on the Natural,
Productions of the Country, on the Inhabitants, and their Language,
VII. The Passage from Van Diemen's Land to New Zealand. Employments in
Queen Charlotte's Sound. Transactions with the Natives there.
Intelligence about the Massacre of the Adventure's Boat's Crew. Account
of the Chief who headed the Party on that Occasion. Of the two young Men
who embark to attend Omai. Various Remarks on the Inhabitants.
Astronomical and Nautical Observations,
VIII. Mr Anderson's Remarks on the Country near Queen Charlotte's Sound.
The Soil. Climate. Weather. Winds. Trees. Plants. Birds. Fish. Other
Animals. Of the Inhabitants. Description of their Persons. Their Dress.
Ornaments. Habitations. Boats. Food and Cookery. Arts. Weapons. Cruelty
to Prisoners. Various Customs. Specimen of their Language,
CHAP. II From leaving New Zealand to our Arrival at Otaheite, or the
Society Islands,
Sect. I. Prosecution of the Voyage. Behaviour of the two New Zealanders
on board. Unfavourable Winds. An Island called Mangeea discovered. The
Coast of it examined. Transactions with the Natives. An Account of their
Persons, Dress, and Canoes. Description of the Island. A Specimen of the
Language. Disposition of the Inhabitants,
II. The Discovery of an Island called Wateeoo. Its Coasts
examined.--Visits from the Natives on board the Ships. Mess, Gore,
Burney, and Anderson, with Omai, sent on Shore. Mr Anderson's Narrative
of their Reception. Omai's Expedient to prevent their being detained.
His meeting with some of his Countrymen, and their distressful Voyage.
Farther Account of Wateeoo, and of its Inhabitants,
III. Wenooa-ette, or Otokootaia, visited. Account of that Island, and of
its Produce. Hervey's Island, or Terougge mou Attooa, found to be
inhabited. Transactions with the Natives. Their Persons, Dress,
Language, Canoes. Fruitless Attempt to land there. Reason for bearing
away for the Friendly Islands. Palmerston's Island touched at.
Description of the two Places where the Boats landed. Refreshments
obtained there. Conjectures on the Formation of such low Islands.
Arrival at the Friendly Islands,
IV. Intercourse with the Natives of Komango, and other Islands. Arrival
at Annamooka. Transactions there. Feenou, a principal Chief, from
Tongataboo, comes on a Visit. The Manner of his Reception in the Island,
and on board. Instances of the pilfering Disposition of the Natives.
Some Account of Annamooka. The Passage from it to Hepaee,
V. Arrival of the Ships at Hepaee, and friendly Reception there.
Presents and Solemnities on the Occasion. Single Combats with Clubs.
Wrestling and Boxing Matches. Female Combatants. Marines exercised. A
Dance performed by Men. Fireworks exhibited. The Night-entertainments of
Singing and Dancing particularly described,
SECT. VI. Description of Lefooga. Its cultivated State. Its Extent.
Transactions there. A female Oculist. Singular Expedients for shaving
off the Hair. The Ships change their Station. A remarkable Mount and
Stone. Description of Hoolaiva. Account of Poulaho, King of the Friendly
Islands. Respectful Manner in which he is treated by his People.
Departure from the Hepaee Islands. Some Account of Kotoo. Return of the
Ships to Annamooka. Poulaho and Feenou meet Arrival at Tongataboo,
VII. Friendly Reception at Tongataboo. Manner of distributing a baked
Hog and Kava to Poulaho's Attendants. The Observatory, &c. erected. The
Village where the Chiefs reside, and the adjoining Country, described.
Interviews with Mareewagee, and Toobou, and the King's Son. A grand
Haiva, or Entertainment of Songs and Dances, given by Mareewagee.
Exhibition of Fireworks. Manner of Wrestling and Boxing. Distribution of
the Cattle. Thefts committed by the Natives. Poulaho, and the other
Chiefs, confined on that Account. Poulaho's Present and Haiva,
VIII. Some of the Officers plundered by the Natives. A fishing Party. A
Visit to Poulaho. A Fiatooka described. Observations on the Country
Entertainments at Poulaho's House. His Mourning Ceremony. Of the Kava
Plant, and the Manner of preparing the Liquor. Account of Onevy, a
little Island. One of the Natives wounded by a Sentinel. Messrs King and
Anderson visit the King's Brother. Their Entertainment. Another Mourning
Ceremony. Manner of passing the Night. Remarks on the Country they
passed through. Preparations made for Sailing. An Eclipse of the Sun,
imperfectly observed. Mr Anderson's Account of the Island, and its
Productions,
SECT. IX. A grand Solemnity, called Natche, in Honour of the King's
Son, performed. The Procession and other Ceremonies, during the first
Day, described. The Manner of passing the Night at the King's House.
Continuation of the Solemnity the next Day; Conjectures about the Nature
of it. Departure from Tongataboo, and the Arrival at Eooa. Account of
that Island, and Transactions there,
X. Advantages derived from visiting the Friendly Islands. Best Articles
for Traffic. Refreshments that may be procured. The Number of the
Islands, and their Names. Keppel's and Boscawen's Islands belong to
them. Account of Vavaoo, of Hamao, of Feejee. Voyages of the Natives in
their Canoes. Difficulty of procuring exact Information. Persons of the
Inhabitants of both Sexes. Their Colour. Diseases. Their general
Character. Manner of wearing their Hair. Of puncturing their Bodies.
Their Clothing and Ornaments. Personal Cleanliness,
XI. Employments of the Women at the Friendly Islands. Of the Men.
Agriculture. Construction of their Houses. Their working Tools. Cordage
and fishing Implements. Musical Instruments. Weapons. Food and Cookery.
Amusements. Marriage. Mourning Ceremonies for the Dead. Their
Divinities. Notions about the Soul, and a future State. Their Places of
Worship. Government. Manner of paying Obeisance to the King. Account of
the Royal Family. Remarks on their Language, and Specimen of it.
Nautical and other Observations,
A Vocabulary of the Language of the Friendly Isles,
A Vocabulary of the Language of Atooi, one of the Sandwich Islands,
A
GENERAL HISTORY
AND
COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
PART III. BOOK II. (CONTINUED.)
[An Account of a Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World,
performed in his Majesty's ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years
1772, 3, 4, and 5: Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution.]
CHAPTER IV.--_Continued_.
FROM LEAVING NEW ZEALAND TO OUR RETURN TO ENGLAND.
SECTION III.
_Range from Christmas Sound, round Cape Horn, through Strait Le Maire,
and round Staten Land; with an Account of the Discovery of a Harbour in
that Island, and a Description of the Coasts._
At four o'clock in the morning on the 28th, we began to unmoor, and at
eight weighed, and stood out to sea, with a light breeze at N.W., which
afterwards freshened, and was attended with rain. At noon, the east
point of the sound (Point Nativity) bore N. 1/2 W., distant one and a
half leagues, and St Ildefonzo Isles S.E. 1/2 S., distant seven leagues.
The coast seemed to trend in the direction of E. by S.; but the weather
being very hazy, nothing appeared distinct.
We continued to steer S.E. by E. and E.S.E.; with a fresh breeze at
W.N.W., till four o'clock p.m., when we hauled to the south, in order to
have a nearer view of St Ildefonzo Isles. At this time we were abreast
of an inlet, which lies E.S.E, about seven leagues from the sound; but
it must be observed that there are some isles without this distinction.
At the west point of the inlet are two high peaked hills, and below
them, to the east, two round hills, or isles, which lie in the direction
of N.E. and S.W. of each other. An island, or what appeared to be an
island, lay in the entrance; and another but smaller inlet appeared to
the west of this: Indeed the coast appeared indented and broken as
usual.
At half past five o'clock, the weather clearing up, gave us a good sight
of Ildefonzo Isles. They are a group of islands and rocks above water,
situated about six leagues from the main, and in the latitude of 55° 53'
S., longitude 69° 41' W.
We now resumed our course to the east, and, at sun-set, the most
advanced land bore S.E. by E. 3/4 E.; and a point, which I judged to be
the west point of Nassau Bay, discovered by the Dutch fleet under the
command of Admiral Hermite in 1624, bore N. 80° E., six leagues distant.
In some charts this point is called False Cape Horn, as being the
southern point of Terra del Fuego. It is situated in latitude 55° 39' S.
From the inlet above-mentioned to this false cape, the direction of the
coast is nearly east, half a point south, distant fourteen or fifteen
leagues.
At ten o'clock, having shortened sail, we spent the night in making
short boards under the top-sails, and at three next morning made sail,
and steered S.E. by S., with a fresh breeze at W.S.W., the weather
somewhat hazy. At this time the west entrance to Nassau Bay extended
from N. by E. to N.E. 1/2 E., and the south side of Hermite's Isles, E.
by S. At four, Cape Horn, for which we now steered, bore E. by S. It is
known, at a distance, by a high round hill over it. A point to the
W.N.W. shews a surface not unlike this; but their situations alone will
always distinguish the one from the other.
At half past seven, we passed this famous _cape_, and entered the
southern Atlantic ocean. It is the very same point of land I took for
the cape, when I passed it in 1769, which at that time I was doubtful
of. It is the most southern extremity on a group of islands of unequal
extent, lying before Nassau Bay, known by the name of Hermite Islands,
and is situated in the latitude of 55° 58', and in the longitude of 68°
13' W.; according to the observations made of it in 1769. But the
observations which we had in Christmas Sound, and reduced to the cape by
the watch, and others which we had afterwards, and reduced back to it by
the same means, place it in 67° 19'. It is most probable that a mean
between the two, viz. 67° 46', will be nearest the truth. On the N.W.
side of the cape are two peaked rocks, like sugar-loaves: They lie N.W.
by N., and S.E. by S., by compass, of each other. Some other straggling
low rocks lie west of the cape, and one south of it; but they are all
near the shore. From Christmas Sound to Cape Horn the course is E.S.E
1/4 E., distant thirty-one leagues. In the direction of E.N.E., three
leagues from Cape Horn, is a rocky point, which I called Mistaken Cape,
and is the southern point of the easternmost of Hermite Isles. Between
these two capes there seemed to be a passage directly into Nassau Bay;
some small isles were seen in the passage; and the coast, on the west
side, had the appearance of forming good bays or harbours. In some
charts, Cape Horn is laid down as belonging to a small island. This was
neither confirmed, nor can it be contradicted by us; for several
breakers appeared on the coast, both to the east and west of it; and the
hazy weather rendered every object indistinct. The summits of some of
the hills were rocky, but the sides and vallies seemed covered with a
green turf, and wooded in tufts.[1]
[Footnote 1: True Cape Horn, distinguishable at a distance by a round
hill of considerable height, is the south point of Hermite's Isles, a
cluster which separates the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. False Cape Horn
lies nine miles to the north-east and is the west point of Nassau Bay,
where James Hermite cast anchor. Vide vol. x. page 197.--E.]
From Cape Horn we steered E. by N. 1/2 N., which direction carried us
without the rocks that lie off Mistaken Cape. These rocks are white with
the dung of fowls, and vast numbers were seen about them. After passing
them we steered N.E. 1/2 E. and N.E., for Strait Le Maire, with a view
of looking into Success Bay, to see if there were any traces of the
Adventure having been there. At eight o'clock in the evening, drawing
near the strait, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind. At this time
the Sugar-loaf on Terra del Fuego bore N. 33° W.; the point of Success
Bay, just open of the cape of the same name, bearing N. 20° E.; and
Staten Land, extending from N. 53° E. to 67° E. Soon after the wind
died away, and we had light airs and calms by turns till near noon the
next day, during which time we were driven by the current over to Staten
Land.
The calm being succeeded by a light breeze at N.N.W., we stood over for
Success Bay, assisted by the currents, which set to the north. Before
this we had hoisted our colours, and fired two guns; and soon after saw
a smoke rise out of the woods, above the south point of the bay, which I
judged was made by the natives, as it was at the place where they
resided when I was here in 1769. As soon as we got off the bay, I sent
Lieutenant Pickersgill to see if any traces remained of the Adventure
having been there lately; and in the mean time we stood on and off with
the ship. At two o'clock, the current turned and set to the south; and
Mr Pickersgill informed me, when he returned, that it was falling water
on shore, which was contrary to what I had observed when I was here
before, for I thought then that the flood came from the north. Mr
Pickersgill saw not the least signs of any ship having been there
lately. I had inscribed our ship's name on a card, which he nailed to a
tree at the place where the Endeavour watered. This was done with a view
of giving Captain Furneaux some information, in case he should be behind
us and put in here.
On Mr Pickersgill's landing he was courteously received by several of
the natives, who were clothed in guanicoe and seal skins, and had on
their arms bracelets, made of silver wire, and wrought not unlike the
hilt of a sword, being no doubt the manufacture of some Europeans. They
were the same kind of people we had seen in Christmas Sound, and, like
them, repeated the word pechera on every occasion. One man spoke much to
Mr Pickersgill, pointing first to the ship and then to the bay, as if he
wanted her to come in. Mr Pickersgill said the bay was full of whales
and seals; and we had observed the same in the strait, especially on the
Terra del Fuego side, where the whales, in particular, are exceedingly
numerous.[2]
[Footnote 2: "Not less than thirty large whales, and some hundreds of
seals, played in the water about us. The whales went chiefly in couples,
from whence we supposed this to be the season when the sexes meet.
Whenever they spouted up the water, or, as the sailors term it, were
seen blowing to windward, the whole ship was infested with a most
detestable, rank, and poisonous stench, which went off in the space of
two or three minutes. Sometimes these huge animals lay on their backs,
and with their long pectoral fins beat the surface of the sea, which
always caused a great noise, equal to the explosion of a swivel. This
kind of play has doubtless given rise to the mariner's story of a fight
between the thrasher and the whale, of which the former is said to leap
out of the water in order to fall heavily on the latter. Here we had an
opportunity of observing the same exercise many times repeated, and
discovered that all the belly and under side of the fins and tail are of
a white colour, whereas the rest are black. As we happened to be only
sixty yards from one of these animals, we perceived a number of
longitudinal furrows, or wrinkles, on its belly, from whence we
concluded it was the species by Linnaeus named _balaena boops_. Besides
flapping their fins in the water, these unwieldy animals, of forty feet
in length, and not less than ten feet in diameter, sometimes fairly
leaped into the air, and dropped down again with a heavy fall, which
made the water foam all round them. The prodigious quantity of power
required to raise such a vast creature out of the water is astonishing;
and their peculiar economy cannot but give room to many
reflections."--G.F.]
As soon as the boat was hoisted in, which, was not till near six
o'clock, we made sail to the east, with a fine breeze at north. For
since we had explored the south coast of Terra del Fuego, I resolved to
do the same by Staten Land, which I believed to have been as little
known as the former. At nine o'clock the wind freshening, and veering to
N.W., we tacked, and stood to S.W., in order to spend the night; which
proved none of the best, being stormy and hazy, with rain.
Next morning, at three o'clock, we bore up for the east end of Staten
Land, which, at half past four, bore S. 60° E., the west end S. 2° E.,
and the land of Terra del Fuego S. 40° W. Soon after I had taken these
bearings, the land was again obscured in a thick haze, and we were
obliged to make way, as it were, in the dark; for it was but now and
then we got a sight of the coast. As we advanced to the east, we
perceived several islands, of unequal extent, lying off the land. There
seemed to be a clear passage between the easternmost, and the one next
to it, to the west. I would gladly have gone through this passage, and
anchored under one of the islands, to have waited for better weather,
for on sounding we found only twenty-nine fathoms water; but when I
considered that this was running to leeward in the dark, I chose to keep
without the islands, and accordingly hauled off to the north. At eight
o'clock we were abreast of the most eastern isle, distant from it about
two miles, and had the same depth of water as before. I now shortened
sail to the three top-sails, to wait for clear weather; for the fog was
so thick that we could see no other land than this island. After waiting
an hour, and the weather not clearing, we bore up and hauled round the
east end of the island, for the sake of smooth water and anchorage, if
it should be necessary. In hauling round, we found a strong race of a
current, like unto broken water; but we had no less than nineteen
fathoms. We also saw on the island abundance of seals and birds. This
was a temptation too great for people in our situation to withstand, to
whom fresh provisions of any kind were acceptable; and determined me to
anchor, in order that we might taste of what we now only saw at a
distance. At length, after making a few boards, fishing, as it were, for
the best ground, we anchored in twenty-one fathoms water, a stony
bottom, about a mile from the island, which extended from N. 18° E. to
N. 55° 1/2 W.; and soon after, the weather clearing up, we saw Cape St
John, or the east end of Staten Land, bearing S. 76° E., distant four
leagues. We were sheltered from the south wind by Staten Land, and from
the north wind by the island; the other isles lay to the west, and
secured us from that wind; but beside being open to the N.E. and E., we
also lay exposed to the N.N.W. winds. This might have been avoided by
anchoring more to the west, but I made choice of my situation for two
reasons; first, to be near the island we intended to land upon, and,
secondly, to be able to get to sea with any wind.
After dinner we hoisted out three boats, and landed with a large party
of men; some to kill seals, others to catch or kill birds, fish, or what
came in our way. To find the former it mattered not where we landed, for
the whole shore was covered with them; and by the noise they made one
would have thought the island was stocked with cows and calves. On
landing we found they were a different animal from seals, but in shape
and motion exactly resembling them. We called them lions, on account of
the great resemblance the male has to that beast.[3] Here were also the
same kind of seals which we found in New Zealand, generally known by the
name of sea-bears; at least we gave them that name.
[Footnote 3: The resemblance had been noticed by earlier voyagers, and
procured for these animals the same name. This is mentioned by Mr G.F.,
who refers to Francis Petty in Hackluyt's collection, Sir Richard
Hawkins, Sir John Nasborough and Labbe, in Des Brosses' Nav. aux Terres
Australes. The description which the same gentleman has given of these
remarkable creatures is too interesting (though Cook's account
afterwards given might suffice) to be omitted. "The old males were, in
general, very fat, and measured from ten to twelve feet in length; the
females were more slender, and from six to eight feet long. The weight
of the largest male amounts to 1200 or 1500 lb., for one of a middle
size weighed 550 lb. after the skin, entrails, and blubber were taken
off. The head of the male has really some resemblance to a lion's head,
and the colour is likewise very nearly the same, being only a darker hue
of tawny. The long shaggy hair on the neck and throat of the male,
beginning at the back of the head, bears a strong resemblance to a mane;
and is hard and coarse to the touch; all the rest of the body is covered
with short hairs, which lie very close to the skin, and form a smooth
glossy coat. The lioness is perfectly smooth all over the body; but both
sexes are formed alike with regard to the feet, or rather fins. Those
fins, which originate near the breast, are large flat pieces of a black
coriaceous membrane, which have only some small indistinct vestiges of
nails on their middle. The hinder fins are rather more like feet, being
black membranes divided into five long toes, with a thin thong, or
membrane, projecting far beyond the nails, which are very small. With
these nails, however, we have seen them scratch all parts of their body.
The tail is excessively short, and hid between the hind feet or fins,
which grow close together. The whole hind quarters are very round, being
covered with an amazing quantity of fat. The noise which all the animals
of this kind made together was various, and sometimes stunned our ears.
The old males snort and roar like mad bulls or lions; the females bleat
exactly like calves, and the young cubs like lambs. Of the young we saw
great numbers on the beaches; and one of the females being knocked down
with a club, littered in the same instant. The sea-lions live together
in numerous herds. The oldest and fattest males lie apart, each having
chosen a large stone, which none of the rest dares approach without
engaging in a furious battle. We have often seen them seize each other
with a degree of rage which is not to be described; and many of them had
deep gashes on their backs, which they had received in the wars. The
younger active sea-lions, with all the females and the cubs, lie
together. They commonly waited the approach of our people, but as soon
as some of the herd were killed, the rest took flight with great
precipitation, some females carrying off a cub in their mouths, whilst
many were so terrified as to leave them behind. When left to themselves,
they were often seen caressing each other in the most tender manner, and
their snouts often met together, as if they were kissing. They come
ashore on these uninhabited spots to breed; they do not, however, breed
during their stay on shore, which sometimes lasts several weeks, but
grow lean, and swallow a considerable quantity of stones to keep their
stomach distended. We were surprised to find the stomachs of many of
these animals entirely empty, and of others filled with ten or a dozen
round heavy stones, each of the size of two fists."--Professor Steller's
description of these animals, which he found at Bering's Isle, near
Kamtchatka, corresponds perfectly with that now given, and is referred
to by Mr G.F. Pernetty, Bougainville, and others also speak of them as
met with in their voyages.--E.]
They were, in general, so tame, or rather stupid, as to suffer us to
come near enough to knock them down with sticks; but the large ones we
shot, not thinking it safe to approach them. We also found on the island
abundance of penguins and shags; and the latter had young ones almost
fledged, and just to our taste. Here were geese and ducks, but not many;
birds of prey, and a few small birds. In the evening we returned on
board, our boats well laden with one thing or other.[4]
[Footnote 4: "Having made some havock among the sea-lions, we walked
upon the summit of the island, which was nearly level, but covered with
innumerable little mounds of earth, on each of which grew a large tuft
of grass (_dactylis glomerata_). The intervals between these tufts were
very muddy and dirty, which obliged us to leap from one tuft to
another. We soon discovered that another kind of seals occupied this
part of the island, and caused the mud by coming out of the sea. These
were no other than the sea-bears which we had already seen at Dusky Bay,
but which were here infinitely more numerous, and grown to a much larger
size, equalling that assigned to them by Steller. They are, however, far
inferior to the sea-lions, the males being never above eight or nine
feet long, and thick in proportion. Their hair is dark-brown, minutely
sprinkled with grey, and much longer on the whole body than that of the
sea-lion, but does not form a mane. The general outline of the body, and
the shape of the fins, are exactly the same. They were more fierce
towards us, and their females commonly died in defence of their young.
We observed on another occasion, that these two species, though
sometimes encamped on the same beach, always kept at a great distance
asunder, and had no communication. A strong rank stench is common to
them, as well as to all other seals; a circumstance as well known to the
ancients, as their inactivity and drowsiness whilst they lie on shore--
Web-footed seals forsake the whitening waves,
And sleep in herds, exhaling nauseous stench.
HOMER.
Great numbers of a species of vultures, commonly called carrion crows by
the sailors (_vultur aura_), were seen upon this island, and probably
feed on young seal-cubs, which either die in the birth, or which they
take an opportunity to seize upon. Besides them we also found a new
species of hawks, and several geese of the sort which had so well
furnished out our Christmas entertainment. Here we likewise saw a few
penguins, of a species which we had not met with before, some large
petrels of the size of albatrosses, being the same species which the
Spaniards name _que-branta-huessos_, or the bone-breakers, and some
shags."--G.F.]
Next day, being January the 1st, 1775, finding that nothing was wanting
but a good harbour to make this a tolerable place for ships to refresh
at, whom chance or design, might bring hither, I sent Mr Gilbert over to
Staten Land in the cutter to look for one. Appearances promised success
in a place opposite the ship. I also sent two other boats for the lions,
&c. we had killed the preceding day; and soon after I went myself, and
observed the sun's meridian altitude at the N.E. end of the island,
which gave the latitude 54° 40' 5" S. After shooting a few geese, some
other birds, and plentifully supplying ourselves with young shags, we
returned on board, laden with sea-lions, sea-bears, &c. The old lions
and bears were killed chiefly for the sake of their blubber, or fat, to
make oil of; for, except their haslets, which were tolerable, the flesh
was too rank to be eaten with any degree of relish. But the young cubs
were very palateable, and even the flesh of some of the old lionesses
was not much amiss, but that of the old males was abominable. In the
afternoon I sent some people on shore to skin and cut off the fat of
those which yet remained dead on shore, for we had already more carcases
on board than necessary; and I went myself, in another boat, to collect
birds. About ten o'clock Mr Gilbert returned from Staten Land, where he
found a good port, situated three leagues to the westward of Cape St
John, and in the direction of north, a little easterly, from the N.E.
end of the eastern island. It may be known by some small islands lying
in the entrance. The channel, which is on the east side of these
islands, is half a mile broad. The course is in S.W. by S., turning
gradually to W. by S. and W. The harbour lies nearly in this last
direction; is almost two miles in length; in some places near a mile
broad; and hath in it from fifty to ten fathoms water, a bottom of mud
and sand. Its shores are covered with wood fit for fuel; and in it are
several streams of fresh water. On the islands were sea-lions, &c. and
such an innumerable quantity of gulls as to darken the air when
disturbed, and almost to suffocate our people with their dung. This they
seemed to void in a way of defence, and it stunk worse than assafoetida,
or what is commonly called devil's dung. Our people saw several geese,
ducks, and race-horses, which is also a kind of duck. The day on which
this port was discovered occasioned my calling it New-Year's Harbour. It
would be more convenient for ships bound to the west, or round Cape
Horn, if its situation would permit them to put to sea with an easterly
and northerly wind. This inconvenience, however, is of little
consequence, since these winds are never known to be of long duration.
The southerly and westerly are the prevailing winds, so that a ship
never can be detained long in this port.[5]
[Footnote 5: "The largest of the New-Year's Islands, as we called them,
and which we now left, is about six leagues in circuit, and that under
which we lay at anchor, between three and four leagues. They are
excellent places of refreshment for a ship's crew bound on expeditions
like ours; for though the flesh of sea-lions and penguins is not the
most palateable food, yet it is infinitely more salubrious than salt
meat; and by searching the different islands, it is not improbable that
a sufficient quantity of celery and scurvy-grass might be found to
supply the whole crew, especially as we saw both the species on our
excursions. Our seamen lived several days on young shags and penguins,
of which they found the former extremely palateable, comparing them to
young pullets. They likewise roasted several little cubs of seals, but
there was a degree of softness in the meat which made it disgustful. The
flesh of young, but full-grown sea-bears, was greatly preferable, and
tasted like coarse and bad beef; but that of the old sea-lions and bears
was so rank and offensive, that we could not touch it."--G.F.]
As we could not sail in the morning of the 2d for want of wind, I sent a
party of men on shore to the island, on the same duty as before. Towards
noon we got a fresh breeze at west; but it came too late, and I resolved
to wait till the next morning, when, at four o'clock, we weighed, with a
fresh gale at N.W. by W., and stood for Cape St John, which, at half
past six, bore N. by E., distant four or five miles. This cape, being
the eastern point of Staten Land, a description of it is unnecessary. It
may, however, not be amiss to say, that it is a rock of a considerable
height, situated in the latitude of 54° 46' S., longitude 63° 47' W.,
with a rocky islet lying close under the north part of it. To the
westward of the cape, about five or six miles, is an inlet, which seemed
to divide the land, that is, to communicate with the sea to the south;
and between this inlet and the cape is a bay, but I cannot say of what
depth. In sailing round the cape we met with a very strong current from
the south: It made a race which looked like breakers; and it was as much
as we could do, with a strong gale, to make head against it.[6]
[Footnote 6: Captain Krusenstern, as has been noticed in vol. 12, page
413, verified Cook's longitude of Cape St John, having found it to agree
exactly with that pointed out by the watches on board his consort the
Neva, which differed but a few minutes from those in his own
vessel.--E.]
After getting round the cape, I hauled up along the south coast, and as
soon as we had brought the wind to blow off the land, it came upon us in
such heavy squalls as obliged us to double-reef our top-sails. It
afterwards fell, by little and little, and at noon ended in a calm. At
this time Cape St John bore N. 20° E., distant three and a half leagues;
Cape St Bartholomew, or the S.W. point of Staten Land, S. 83° W.; two
high detached rocks N. 80° W.; and the place where the land seemed to be
divided, which had the same appearance on this side, bore N. 15° W.
three leagues distant. Latitude observed 54° 56'. In this situation we
sounded, but had no bottom with a line of 120 fathoms. The calm was of
very short duration, a breeze presently springing up at N.W.; but it was
too faint to make head against the current, and we drove with it back to
the N.N.E. At four o'clock the wind veered, at once, to S. by E., and
blew in squalls attended with rain. Two hours after, the squalls and
rain subsided, and the wind returning back to the west, blew a gentle
gale. All this time the current set us to the north, so that, at eight
o'clock, Cape St John bore W.N.W., distant about seven leagues. I now
gave over plying, and steered S.E., with a resolution to leave the land;
judging it to be sufficiently explored to answer the most general
purposes of navigation and geography.[7]
[Footnote 7: The very intelligent officer mentioned in the preceding
note, seems to have been very materially benefited by the observations
of Captain Cook, in navigating this quarter, and does not hesitate to
avow his obligations. An instance of this is recorded in our account of
Byron's voyage, vol. 12, p. 74, which refers to a passage in the next
section as to the currents losing their force at ten or twelve leagues
from land.--E.]
SECTION IV.
_Observations, geographical and nautical, with an Account of the Islands
near Staten Land, and the Animals found in them_.[8]
[Footnote 8: It has been thought advisable to retain this section
verbatim, although the references it makes to Captain Cook's chart can
scarcely be understood without that accompaniment, and several
observations of another sort which it contains, are given elsewhere. In
justice to the memory of Cook, it was resolved to preserve the whole of
his relation, at the risk of a very trivial repetition, which the
reader, it is believed, will be little disposed to resent.--E.]
The chart will very accurately shew the direction, extent, and position
of the coast, along which I have sailed, either in this or my former
voyage. The latitudes have been determined by the sun's meridian
altitude, which we were so fortunate as to obtain every day, except the
one we sailed from Christmas Sound, which was of no consequence, as its
latitude was known before. The longitudes have been settled by lunar
observations, as is already mentioned. I have taken 67° 46' for the
longitude of Cape Horn. From this meridian the longitudes of all the
other parts are deduced by the watch, by which the extent of the whole
mast be determined to a few miles; and whatever errors there may be in
longitude, must be general. But I think it highly probable that the
longitude is determined to within a quarter of a degree. Thus the extent
of Terra del Fuego from east to west, and consequently that of the
straits of Magalhaens, will be found less than most navigators have made
it.
In order to illustrate this and to shew the situations of the
neighbouring lands, and, by this means, make the chart of more general
use, I have extended it down to 47° of latitude. But I am only
answerable for the accuracy of such parts as I have explored myself. In
laying down the rest I had recourse to the following authorities.
The longitude of Cape Virgin Mary, which is the most essential point, as
it determines the length of the straits of Magalhaens, is deduced from
Lord Anson, who made 2° 30' difference of longitude between it and the
Strait Le Maire. Now as the latter lies in 65° 22', Cape Virgin-Mary
must lie in: 67° 52', which is the longitude I have assigned to it, and
which, I have reason to think, cannot be far from the truth.
The strait of Magalhaens, and the east coast of Patagonia, are laid down
from the observations made by the late English and French navigators.
The position of the west coast of America, from Cape Victory northward,
I have taken from the discoveries of _Sarmiento_, a Spanish navigator,
communicated to me by Mr Stuart, F.R.S.
Falkland Islands are copied from a sketch taken from Captain M'Bride,
who circumnavigated them some years ago in his majesty's ship Jason; and
their distance from the main is agreeable to the run of the Dolphin,
under the command of Commodore Byron, from Cape Virgin Mary to Port
Egmont, and from Port Egmont to Port Desire, both of which runs were
made in a few days; consequently no material errors could happen.
The S.W. coast of Terra del Fuego, with respect to inlets, islands, &c.
may be compared to the coast of Norway; for I doubt if there be an
extent of three leagues where there is not an inlet or harbour which
will receive and shelter the largest shipping. The worst is, that till
these inlets are better known, one has, as it were, to fish for
anchorage. There are several lurking rocks on the coast, but happily
none of them lie far from land, the approach to which may be known by
sounding, supposing the weather so obscure that you cannot see it. For
to judge of the whole by the parts we have sounded, it is more than
probable that there are soundings all along the coast, and for several
leagues out to sea. Upon the whole, this is by no means the dangerous
coast it has been represented.
Staten Land lies near E. by N. and W. by S., and is ten leagues long in
that direction, and no where above three or four leagues broad. The
coast is rocky, much indented, and seemed to form several bays or
inlets. It shews a surface of craggy hills which spire up to a vast
height, especially near the west end. Except the craggy summits of the
hills, the greatest part was covered with trees and shrubs, or some sort
of herbage, and there was little or no snow on it. The currents between
Cape Deseada and Cape Horn set from west to east, that is, in the same
direction as the coast; but they are by no means considerable. To the
east of the cape their strength is much increased, and their direction
is N.E. towards Staten Land. They are rapid in Strait Le Maire and along
the south coast of Staten Land, and set like a torrent round Cape St
John; where they take a N.W. direction, and continue to run very strong
both within and without New Year's Isles. While we lay at anchor within
this island, I observed that the current was strongest during the flood;
and that on the ebb its strength was so much impaired, that the ship
would sometimes ride head to the wind when it was at W. and W.N.W. This
is only to be understood of the place where the ship lay at anchor, for
at the very time we had a strong current setting to the westward, Mr
Gilbert found one of equal strength near the coast of Staten Land
setting to the eastward, though probably this was an eddy current or
tide.
If the tides are regulated by the moon, it is high-water by the shore at
this place on the days of the new and full moon, about four o'clock. The
perpendicular rise and fall is very inconsiderable, not exceeding four
feet at most. In Christmas Sound it is high-water at half past two
o'clock on the days of the full and change, and Mr Wales observed it to
rise and fall on a perpendicular three feet six inches; but this was
during the neap tides, consequently the spring tides must rise higher.
To give such an account of the tides and currents on these coasts as
navigators might depend on, would require a multitude of observations,
and in different places, the making of which would be a work of time. I
confess myself unprovided with materials for such a task; and believe
that the less I say on this subject the fewer mistakes I shall make. But
I think I have been able to observe, that in Strait Le Maire the
southerly tide or current, be it flood or ebb, begins to act on the days
of new and full moon about four o'clock, which remark may be of use to
ships who pass the strait.
Were I bound round Cape Horn to the west, and not in want of wood or
water, or any other thing that might make it necessary to put into port,
I would not come near the land at all. For by keeping out at sea you
avoid the currents, which, I am satisfied, lose their force at ten or
twelve leagues from land; and at a greater distance, there is none.
During the time we were upon the coast we had more calms than storms,
and the winds so variable, that I question if a passage might not have
been made from east to west in as short a time as from west to east; nor
did we experience any cold weather. The mercury in the thermometer at
noon was never below 46°; and while we lay in Christmas Sound it was
generally above temperate. At this place the variation was 23° 30' E.; a
few leagues to the S. W. of Strait Le Maire it was 24°; and at anchor,
within New Year's Isles, it was 24° 20' E.
These isles are, in general, so unlike Staten Land, especially the one
on which we landed, that it deserves a particular description. It shews
a surface of equal height, and elevated about thirty or forty feet above
the sea, from which it is defended by a rocky coast. The inner part of
the isle is covered with a sort of sword-grass, very green, and of a
great length. It grows on little hillocks of two or three feet in
diameter, and as many or more in height, in large tufts, which seemed to
be composed of the roots of the plant matted together. Among these
hillocks are a vast number of paths made by sea-bears and penguins, by
which they retire into the centre of the isle. It is, nevertheless,
exceedingly bad travelling; for these paths are so dirty that one is
sometimes up to the knees in mire. Besides this plant, there are a few
other grasses, a kind of heath, and some celery. The whole surface is
moist and wet, and on the coast are several small streams of water. The
sword-grass, as I call it, seems to be the same that grows in Falkland
Isles, described by Bougainville as a kind of _gladiolus_, or rather a
species of _gramen_[9] and named by Pernety corn-flags.
[Footnote 9: See English Translation of Bougainville, p. 51.]
The animals found on this little spot are sea-lions, sea-bears, a
variety of oceanic, and some land-birds. The sea-lion is pretty well
described by Pernety, though those we saw here have not such fore-feet
or fins as that he has given a plate of, but such fins as that which he
calls the sea-wolf. Nor did we see any of the size he speaks of; the
largest not being more than twelve or fourteen feet in length, and
perhaps eight or ten in circumference. They are not of that kind
described under the same name by Lord Anson; but, for aught I know,
these would more properly deserve that appellation: The long hair, with
which the back of the head, the neck and shoulders, are covered, giving
them greatly the air and appearance of a lion. The other part of the
body is covered with short hair, little longer than that of a cow or a
horse, and the whole is a dark-brown. The female is not half so big as
the male, and is covered with a short hair of an ash or light-dun
colour. They live, as it were, in herds, on the rocks, and near the
sea-shore. As this was the time for engendering as well as bringing
forth their young, we have seen a male with twenty or thirty females
about him, and always very attentive to keep them all to himself, and
beating off every other male who attempted to come into his flock.
Others again had a less number; some no more than one or two; and here
and there we have seen one lying growling in a retired, place, alone,
and suffering neither males nor females to approach him: We judged these
were old and superannuated.
The sea-bears are not so large, by far, as the lions, but rather larger
than a common seal. They have none of that long hair which distinguishes
the lion. Theirs is all of an equal length, and finer than that of the
lion, something like an otter's, and the general colour is that of an
iron-grey. This is the kind which the French call sea-wolfs, and the
English seals; they are, however, different from the seals we have in
Europe and North America. The lions may, too, without any great
impropriety, be called over-grown seals; for they are all of the same
species. It was not at all dangerous to go among them, for they either
fled or lay still. The only danger was in going between them and the
sea; for if they took fright at any thing, they would come down in such
numbers, that, if you could not get out of their way, you would be run
over. Sometimes, when we came suddenly upon them, or waked them out of
their sleep, (for they are a sluggish sleepy animal), they would raise
up their heads; snort and snarl, and look as fierce as if they meant to
devour us; but as we advanced upon them they always run away, so that
they are downright bullies.
The penguin is an amphibious bird, so well known to most people, that I
shall only observe, they are here in prodigious numbers, so that we
could knock down as many as we pleased with a stick. I cannot say they
are good eating. I have indeed made several good meals of them, but it
was for want of better victuals. They either do not breed here, or else
this was not the season; for we saw neither eggs nor young ones.
Shags breed here in vast numbers; and we carried on board not a few, as
they are very good eating. They take certain spots to themselves, and
build their nests near the edge of the cliffs on little hillocks, which
are either those of the sword-grass, or else they are made by the shags
building on them from year to year. There is another sort rather smaller
than these, which breed in the cliffs of rocks.
The geese are of the same sort we found in Christmas Sound; we saw but
few, and some had young ones. Mr Forster shot one which was different
from these, being larger, with a grey plumage, and black feet. The
others make a noise exactly like a duck. Here were ducks, but not many;
and several of that sort which we called race-horses. We shot some, and
found them to weigh twenty-nine or thirty pounds; those who eat of them
said they were very good.
The oceanic birds were gulls, terns, Port Egmont hens, and a large brown
bird, of the size of an albatross, which Pernety calls quebrantahuessas.
We called them Mother Carey's geese, and found them pretty good eating;
The land-birds were eagles, or hawks, bald-headed vultures, or what our
seamen called turkey-buzzards, thrushes, and a few other small birds.
Our naturalists found two new species of birds. The one is about the
size of a pigeon, the plumage as white as milk. They feed along-shore,
probably on shell-fish and carrion, for they have a very disagreeable
smell. When we first saw these birds we thought they were the
snow-peterel, but the moment they were in our possession the mistake was
discovered; for they resemble them in nothing but size and colour. These
are not webb-footed. The other sort is a species of curlews nearly as
big as a heron. It has a variegated plumage, the principal colours
whereof are light-grey, and a long crooked bill.
I had almost forgot to mention that there are sea-pies, or what we
called, when in New Zealand, curlews; but we only saw a few straggling
pairs. It may not be amiss to observe, that the shags are the same bird
which Bougainville calls saw-bills; but he is mistaken in saying that
the quebrantahuessas are their enemies; for this bird is of the peterel
tribe, feeds wholly on fish, and is to be found in all the high southern
latitudes.
It is amazing to see how the different animals which inhabit this little
spot are mutually reconciled. They seem to have entered into a league
not to disturb each other's tranquillity. The sea-lions occupy most of
the sea-coast; the sea-bears take up their abode in the isle; the shags
have post in the highest cliffs; the penguins fix their quarters where
there is the most easy communication to and from the sea; and the other
birds choose more retired places. We have seen all these animals mix
together, like domestic cattle and poultry in a farm-yard, without one
attempting to molest the other. Nay, I have often observed the eagles
and vultures sitting on the hillocks among the shags, without the
latter, either young or old, being disturbed at their presence. It may
be asked how these birds of prey live? I suppose on the carcases of
seals and birds which die by various causes; and probably not few, as
they are so numerous.
This very imperfect account is written more with a view to assist my own
memory than to give information to others. I am neither a botanist nor a
naturalist; and have not words to describe the productions of nature,
either in the one branch of knowledge or the other.
SECTION V.
_Proceedings after leaving Staten Island, with an Account of the
Discovery of the Isle of Georgia, and a Description of it._
Having left the land in the evening of the 3d, as before mentioned, we
saw it again next morning, at three o'clock, bearing west. Wind
continued to blow a steady fresh breeze till six p.m., when it shifted
in a heavy squall to S.W., which came so suddenly upon us, that we had
not time to take in the sails, and was the occasion of carrying away a
top-gallant mast, a studding-sail boom, and a fore studding-sail. The
squall ended in a heavy shower of rain, but the wind remained at S.W.
Our course was S.E., with a view of discovering that extensive coast
laid down by Mr Dalrymple in his chart, in which is the gulph of St
Sebastian. I designed to make the western point of that gulph, in order
to have all the other parts before me. Indeed I had some doubt of the
existence of such a coast; and this appeared to me the best route for
clearing it up, and for exploring the southern part of this ocean.
On the 5th, fresh gales, and wet and cloudy weather. At noon observed in
57° 9', latitude made from Cape St John, 5° 2' E. At six o'clock p.m.,
being in the latitude 57° 21', and in longitude 57° 45' W., the
variation was 21° 28' E.
At eight o'clock in the evening of the 6th, being then in the latitude
of 58° 9' S., longitude 53° 14' W., we close-reefed our top-sails, and
hauled to the north, with a very strong gale at west, attended with a
thick haze and sleet. The situation just mentioned is nearly the same
that Mr Dalrymple assigns for the S.W. point of the gulph of St
Sebastian. But as we saw neither land, nor signs of land, I was the more
doubtful of its existence, and was fearful that, by keeping to the
south, I might miss the land said to be discovered by La Roche in 1675,
and by the ship Lion in 1756, which Mr Dalrymple places in 54° 30'
latitude, and 45° of longitude; but on looking over D'Anville's chart, I
found it laid down 9° or 10° more to the west; this difference of
situation being to me a sign of the uncertainty of both accounts,
determined me to get into the parallel as soon as possible, and was the
reason of my hauling to the north at this time.
Towards the morning of the 7th the gale abated, the weather cleared up,
and the wind veered to the W.S.W., where it continued till midnight,
after which it veered to N.W. Being at this time in the latitude of 56°
4' S., longitude 53° 36' W., we sounded, but found no bottom with a line
of one hundred and thirty fathoms. I still kept the wind on the
larboard-tack, having a gentle breeze and pleasant weather. On the 8th,
at noon, a bed of sea-weed passed the ship. In the afternoon, in
latitude 55° 4', longitude 51° 43' W., the variation was 20° 4' E.
On the 9th, wind at N.E., attended with thick hazy weather; saw a seal,
and a piece of sea-weed. At noon, latitude 55° 12' S., longitude 50° 15'
W., the wind and weather continuing the same till towards midnight, when
the latter cleared up, and the former veered to west, and blew a gentle
gale. We continued to ply till two o'clock the next morning, when we
bore away east, and at eight E.N.E.; at noon, observed in latitude 54°
35' S., longitude 47° 56' W., a great many albatrosses and blue peterels
about the ship. I now steered east, and the next morning, in the
latitude of 54° 38', longitude 45° 10' W., the variation was 19° 25' E.
In the afternoon saw several penguins, and some pieces of weed.
Having spent the night lying-to, on the 12th, at day-break, we bore
away, and steered east northerly, with a fine fresh breeze at W.S.W.; at
noon observed in latitude 54° 28' S., longitude in 42° 8' W.; that is,
near 3° E. of the situation in which Mr Dalrymple places the N.E. point
of the gulph of St Sebastian; but we had no other signs of land than
seeing a seal and a few penguins; on the contrary, we had a swell from
E.S.E., which would hardly have been, if any extensive track of land lay
in that direction. In the evening the gale abated, and at midnight it
fell calm.
The calm, attended by a thick fog, continued till six next morning, when
we got a wind at east, but the fog still prevailed. We stood to the
south till noon, when, being in the latitude of 55° 7', we tacked and
stretched to the north with a fresh breeze at E. by S. and E.S.E.,
cloudy weather; saw several penguins and a snow-peterel, which we looked
on to be signs of the vicinity of ice. The air too was much colder than
we had felt it since we left New Zealand. In the afternoon the wind
veered to the S.E., and in the night to S.S.E., and blew fresh, with
which we stood to the N.E.
At nine o'clock the next morning we saw an island of ice, as we then
thought, but at noon were doubtful whether it was ice or land. At this
time it bore E. 3/4 S., distant thirteen leagues; our latitude was 53°
56' 1/2, longitude 39° 24' W.; several penguins, small divers, a
snow-peterel, and a vast number of blue peterels about the ship. We had
but little wind all the morning, and at two p.m. it fell calm. It was
now no longer doubted that it was land, and not ice, which we had in
sight. It was, however, in a manner wholly covered with snow. We were
farther confirmed in our judgement of its being land, by finding
soundings at one hundred and seventy-five fathoms, a muddy bottom. The
land at this time bore E. by S., about twelve leagues distant. At six
o'clock the calm was succeeded by a breeze at N.E., with which we stood
to S.E. At first it blew a gentle gale; but afterwards increased so as
to bring us under double-reefed top-sails, and was attended with snow
and sleet.
We continued to stand to the S.E. till seven in the morning on the
15th, when the wind veering to the S.E., we tacked and stood to the
north. A little before we tacked, we saw the land bearing E. by N. At
noon the mercury in the thermometer was at 35° 1/4. The wind blew in
squalls, attended with snow and sleet, and we had a great sea to
encounter. At a lee-lurch which the ship took, Mr Wales observed her to
lie down 42°. At half past four p.m. we took in the top-sails, got down
top-gallant yards, wore the ship, and stood to the S.W., under two
courses. At midnight the storm abated, so that we could carry the
top-sails double-reefed.
At four in the morning of the 16th we wore and stood to the east, with
the wind at S.S.E., a moderate breeze, and fair; at eight o'clock saw
the land extending from E. by N. to N.E. by N.; loosed a reef out of
each top-sail, got top-gallant yards across, and set the sails. At noon
observed in latitude 54° 25' 1/2, longitude 38° 18' W. In this situation
we had one hundred and ten fathoms water; and the land extended from N.
1/2 W. to E., eight leagues distant. The northern extreme was the same
that we first discovered, and it proved to be an island, which obtained
the name of Willis's Island, after the person who first saw it.
At this time we had a great swell from the south, an indication that no
land was near us in that direction; nevertheless the vast quantity of
snow on that in sight induced us to think it was extensive, and I chose
to begin with exploring the northern coast. With this view we bore up
for Willis's Island, all sails set, having a fine gale at S.S.W. As we
advanced to the north, we perceived another isle lying east of Willis's,
and between it and the main. Seeing there was a clear passage between
the two isles, we steered for it, and at five o'clock, being in the
middle of it, we found it about two miles broad.
Willis's Isle is an high rock of no great extent, near to which are some
rocky islets. It is situated in the latitude of 54° S., longitude 38°
23' W. The other isle, which obtained the name of Bird Isle, on account
of the vast number that were upon it, is not so high, but of greater
extent, and is close to the N.E. point of the main land, which I called
Cape North.
The S.E. coast of this land, as far as we saw it, lies in the direction
of S. 50° E., and N. 50° W. It seemed to form several bays or inlets;
and we observed huge masses of snow, or ice, in the bottoms of them,
especially in one which lies ten miles to the S.S.E. of Bird Isle.
After getting through the passage, we found the north coast trended E.
by N., for about nine miles; and then east and east-southerly to Cape
Buller, which is eleven miles more. We ranged the coast, at one league
distance, till near ten o'clock, when we brought-to for the night, and
on sounding found fifty fathoms, a muddy bottom.
At two o'clock in the morning of the 17th we made sail in for the land,
with a fine breeze at S.W.; at four, Willis's Isle bore W. by S.,
distant thirty-two miles; Cape Buller, to the west of which lie some
rocky islets, bore S.W. by W.; and the most advanced point of land to
the east, S. 63° E. We now steered along shore, at the distance of four
or five miles, till seven o'clock, when, seeing the appearance of an
inlet, we hauled in for it. As soon as we drew near the shore, having
hoisted out a boat, I embarked in it, accompanied by Mr Forster and his
party, with a view of reconnoitring the bay before we ventured in with
the ship. When we put off from her, which was about four miles from the
shore, we had forty fathoms water. I continued to sound as I went
farther in, but found no bottom with a line of thirty-four fathoms,
which was the length of that I had in the boat, and which also proved
too short to sound the bay, so far as I went up it. I observed it to lie
in S.W. by S. about two leagues, about two miles broad, well sheltered
from all winds; and I judged there might be good anchorage before some
sandy beaches which are on each side, and likewise near a low flat isle,
towards the head of the bay. As I had come to a resolution not to bring
the ship in, I did not think it worth my while to go and examine these
places; for it did not seem probable that any one would ever be
benefited by the discovery. I landed at three different places,
displayed our colours, and took possession of the country in his
majesty's name, under a discharge of small arms.
I judged that the tide rises about four or five feet, and that it is
high water on the full and change days about eleven o'clock.
The head of the bay, as well as two places on each side, was terminated
by perpendicular ice-cliffs of considerable height. Pieces were
continually breaking off, and floating out to sea; and a great fall
happened while we were in the bay, which made a noise like cannon.
The inner parts of the country were not less savage and horrible. The
wild rocks raised their lofty summits till they were lost in the clouds,
and the valleys lay covered with everlasting snow. Not a tree was to be
seen, nor a shrub even big enough to make a toothpick. The only
vegetation we met with was a coarse strong-bladed grass growing in
tufts, wild burnet, and a plant like moss, which sprung from the rocks.
Seals, or sea-bears, were pretty numerous. They were smaller than those
at Staten Land: Perhaps the most of those we saw were females, for the
shores swarmed with young cubs. We saw none of that sort which we call
lions; but there were some of those which the writer of Lord Anson's
voyage describes under that name; at least they appeared to us to be of
the same sort; and are, in my opinion, very improperly called lions, for
I could not see any grounds for the comparison.
Here were several flocks of penguins, the largest I ever saw; some which
we brought on board weighed from twenty-nine to thirty-eight pounds. It
appears by Bougainville's account of the animals of Falkland Islands,
that this penguin is there; and I think it is very well described by him
under the name of first class of penguins. The oceanic birds were
albatrosses, common gulls, and that sort which I call Port Egmont hens,
terns, shags, divers, the new white bird, and a small bird like those of
the Cape of Good Hope, called yellow birds; which, having shot two, we
found most delicious food.
All the land birds we saw consisted of a few small larks, nor did we
meet with any quadrupeds. Mr Forster indeed observed some dung, which he
judged to come from a fox, or some such animal. The lands, or rather
rocks, bordering on the sea-coast, were not covered with snow like the
inland parts; but all the vegetation we could see on the clear places
was the grass above-mentioned. The rocks seemed to contain iron. Having
made the above observations, we set out for the ship, and got on board a
little after twelve o'clock, with a quantity of seals and penguins, an
acceptable present to the crew.
It must not, however, be understood that we were in want of provisions:
we had yet plenty of every kind; and since we had been on this coast, I
had ordered, in addition to the common allowance, wheat to be boiled
every morning for breakfast; but any kind of fresh meat was preferred by
most on board to salt. For my own part, I was now, for the first time,
heartily tired of salt meat of every kind; and though the flesh of the
penguins could scarcely vie with bullock's liver, its being fresh was
sufficient to make it go down. I called the bay we had been in,
Possession Bay. It is situated in the latitude of 54° 5' S., longitude
37° 18' W., and eleven leagues to the east of Cape North. A few miles to
the west of Possession Bay, between it and Cape Buller, lies the Bay of
Isles, so named on account of several small isles lying in and before
it.
As soon as the boat was hoisted in, we made sail along the coast to the
east, with a fine breeze at W.S.W. From Cape Buller the direction of the
coast is S. 72° 30' E., for the space of eleven or twelve leagues, to a
projecting point, which obtained the name of Cape Saunders. Beyond this
cape is a pretty large bay, which I named Cumberland Bay. In several
parts in the bottom of it, as also in some others of less extent, lying
between Cape Saunders and Possession Bay, were vast tracks of frozen
snow, or ice, not yet broken loose. At eight o'clock, being just past
Cumberland Bay, and falling little wind, we hauled off the coast, from
which we were distant about four miles, and found one hundred and ten
fathoms water.
We had variable light airs and calms till six o'clock the next morning,
when the wind fixed at north, and blew a gentle breeze; but it lasted no
longer than ten o'clock, when it fell almost to a calm. At noon,
observed in latitude 54° 30' S., being then about two or three leagues
from the coast, which extended from N. 59° W. to S. 13° W. The land in
this last direction was an isle, which seemed to be the extremity of the
coast to the east. The nearest land to us being a projecting point which
terminated in a round hillock, was, on account of the day, named Cape
Charlotte. On the west side of Cape Charlotte lies a bay which obtained
the name of Royal Bay, and the west point of it was named Cape George.
It is the east point of Cumberland Bay, and lies in the direction of
S.E. by E. from Cape Saunders, distant seven leagues. Cape George and
Cape Charlotte lie in the direction of S. 37° E. and N. 37° W., distant
six leagues from each other. The isle above-mentioned, which was called
Cooper's Isle, after my first lieutenant, lies in the direction of S. by
E., distant eight leagues from Cape Charlotte. The coast between them
forms a large bay, to which I gave the name of Sandwich. The wind being
variable all the afternoon we advanced but little; in the night it fixed
at S. and S.S.W., and blew a gentle gale, attended with showers of snow.
The 19th was wholly spent in plying, the wind continuing at S. and
S.S.W., clear pleasant weather, but cold. At sunrise a new land was
seen, bearing S.E. 1/2 E. It first appeared in a single hill, like a
sugar-loaf; some time after other detached pieces appeared above the
horizon near the hill. At noon, observed in the latitude 54° 42' 30" S.,
Cape Charlotte bearing N. 38° W., distant four leagues; and Cooper's
Isle S. 31° W. In this situation a lurking rock, which lies off Sandwich
Bay, five miles from the land, bore W. 1/2 N., distant one mile, and
near this rock were several breakers. In the afternoon we had a prospect
of a ridge of mountains behind Sandwich Bay, whose lofty and icy summits
were elevated high above the clouds. The wind continued at S.S.W. till
six o'clock, when it fell to a calm. At this time Cape Charlotte bore N.
31° W., and Cooper's Island W.S.W. In this situation we found the
variation, by the azimuths, to be 11° 39', and by the amplitude, 11° 12'
E. At ten o'clock, a light breeze springing up at north, we steered to
the south till twelve, and then brought-to for the night.
At two o'clock in the morning of the 20th we made sail to S.W. round
Cooper's Island. It is a rock of considerable height, about five miles
in circuit, and one mile from the main. At this isle the main coast
takes a S.W. direction for the space of four or five leagues to a point,
which I called Cape Disappointment. Off that are three small isles, the
southernmost of which is green, low, and flat, and lies one league from
the cape.
As we advanced to S.W. land opened, off this point, in the direction of
N. 60° W., and nine leagues beyond it. It proved an island quite
detached from the main, and obtained the name of Pickersgill Island,
after my third officer. Soon after a point of the main, beyond this
island, came in sight, in the direction of N. 55° W., which exactly
united the coast at the very point we had seen, and taken the bearing
of, the day we first came in with it, and proved to a demonstration that
this land, which we had taken for part of a great continent, was no more
than an island of seventy leagues in circuit.
Who would have thought that an island of no greater extent than this,
situated between the latitude of 54° and 55°, should, in the very height
of summer, be in a manner wholly covered, many fathoms deep, with frozen
snow, but more especially the S.W. coast? The very sides and craggy
summits of the lofty mountains were cased with snow and ice; but the
quantity which lay in the valleys is incredible; and at the bottom of
the bays the coast was terminated by a wall of ice of considerable
height. It can hardly be doubted that a great deal of ice is formed here
in the water, which in the spring is broken off, and dispersed over the
sea; but this island cannot produce the ten-thousandth part of what we
saw; so that either there must be more land, or the ice is formed
without it. These reflections led me to think that the land we had seen
the preceding day might belong to an extensive track, and I still had
hopes of discovering a continent. I must confess the disappointment I
now met with did not affect me much; for, to judge of the bulk by the
sample, it would not be worth the discovery.
I called this island the isle of Georgia, in honour of his majesty. It
is situated, between the latitudes of 53° 57' and 54° 57' S.; and
between 38° 13' and 35° 34' west longitude. It extends S.E. by E. and
N.W. by W., and is thirty-one leagues long in that direction; and its
greatest breadth is about ten leagues. It seems to abound with bays and
harbours, the N.E. coast especially; but the vast quantity of ice must
render them inaccessible the greatest part of the year; or, at least, it
must be dangerous lying in them, on account of the breaking up of the
ice cliffs.
It is remarkable that we did not see a river, or stream of fresh water,
on the whole coast. I think it highly probable that there are no
perennial springs in the country; and that the interior parts, as being
much elevated, never enjoy heat enough to melt the snow in such
quantities as to produce a river, or stream, of water. The coast alone
receives warmth sufficient to melt the snow, and this only on the N.E.
side; for the other, besides being exposed to the cold south winds, is,
in a great degree, deprived of the sun's rays, by the uncommon height of
the mountains.
It was from a persuasion that the sea-coast of a land situated in the
latitude of 54°, could not, in the very height of summer, be wholly
covered with snow, that I supposed Bouvet's discovery to be large
islands of ice. But after I had seen this land, I no longer hesitated
about the existence of Cape Circumcision; nor did I doubt that I should
find more land than I should have time to explore. With these ideas I
quitted this coast, and directed my course to the E.S.E. for the land we
had seen the preceding day.
The wind was very variable till noon, when it fixed at N.N.E., and blew
a gentle gale; but it increased in such a manner, that, before three
o'clock, we were reduced to our two courses, and obliged to strike
top-gallant yards. We were very fortunate in getting clear of the land,
before this gale overtook us; it being hard to say what might have been
the consequence had it come on while we were on the north coast. This
storm was of short duration; for, at eight o'clock it began to abate;
and at midnight it was little wind. We then took the opportunity to
sound, but found no bottom with a line of an hundred and eighty fathoms.
Next day the storm was succeeded by a thick fog, attended with rain; the
wind veered to N.W., and, at five in the morning, it fell calm, which
continued till eight; and then we got a breeze southerly, with which we
stood to the east till three in the afternoon. The weather then coming
somewhat clear, we made sail, and steered north in search of land; but,
at half-past six, we were again involved in a thick mist, which made it
necessary to haul the wind, and spend the night in making short boards.
We had variable light airs next to a calm, and thick foggy weather, till
half-past seven o'clock in the evening of the 22d, when we got a fine
breeze at north, and the weather was so clear that we could see two or
three leagues round us. We seized the opportunity, and steered to west;
judging we were to the east of the land. After running ten miles to the
west, the weather again became foggy, and we hauled the wind, and spent
the night under top-sails.
Next morning at six o'clock, the fog clearing away, so that we could see
three or four miles, I took the opportunity to steer again to the west,
with the wind at east, a fresh breeze; but two hours after, a thick fog
once more obliged us to haul the wind to the south. At eleven o'clock, a
short interval of clear weather gave us view of three or four rocky
islets extending from S.E. to E.N.E., two or three miles distant; but
we did not see the Sugar-Loaf Peak beforementioned. Indeed, two or three
miles was the extent of our horizon.
We were well assured that this was the land we had seen before, which we
had now been quite round; and therefore it could be no more than a few
detached rocks, receptacles for birds, of which we now saw vast numbers,
especially shags, who gave us notice of the vicinity of land before we
saw it. These rocks lie in the latitude of 55° S., and S. 75° E.,
distant twelve leagues from Cooper's Isle.
The interval of clear weather was of very short duration, before we had
as thick a fog as ever, attended with rain, on which we tacked in sixty
fathoms water, and stood to the north. Thus we spent our time, involved
in a continual thick mist; and, for aught we knew, surrounded by
dangerous rocks. The shags and soundings were our best pilots; for after
we had stood a few miles to the north, we got out of soundings, and saw
no more shags. The succeeding day and night we spent in making short
boards; and at eight o'clock on the 24th, judging ourselves not far from
the rocks by some straggling shags which came about us, we sounded in
sixty fathoms water, the bottom stones and broken shells. Soon after, we
saw the rocks bearing S.S.W. 1/2 W., four miles distant, but still we
did not see the peak. It was, no doubt, beyond our horizon, which was
limited to a short distance; and, indeed, we had but a transient sight
of the other rocks, before they were again lost in the fog.
With a light air of wind at north, and a great swell from N.E., we were
able to clear the rocks to the west; and, at four in the p.m., judging
ourselves to be three or four leagues east and west of them, I steered
south, being quite tired with cruizing about them in a thick fog; nor
was it worth my while to spend any more time in waiting for clear
weather, only for the sake of having a good sight of a few straggling
rocks. At seven o'clock, we had at intervals a clear sky to the west,
which gave us a sight of the mountains of the isle of Georgia, bearing
W.N.W., about eight leagues distant. At eight o'clock we steered S.E. by
S., and at ten S.E. by E., with a fresh breeze at north, attended with a
very thick fog; but we were, in some measure, acquainted with the sea
over which we were running. The rocks above-mentioned obtained the name
of Clerke's Rocks, after my second officer, he being the first who saw
them.[10]
[Footnote 10: There was no inducement to offer a single remark on the
discoveries mentioned in this section, and the one that follows, or to
give any additional observations from the works hitherto used. It is
utterly improbable that any human being could be benefited by the most
perfect information that might be afforded, respecting these desolate
regions. Mr G.F. it is true, hazards a speculation, that if the northern
ocean should ever be cleared of whales, by our annual fisheries, this
part of the southern hemisphere might be visited for the sake of
procuring these animals so abundant in it. But as besides this proviso,
he thinks it necessary that Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego should be
inhabited and civilized like Scotland and Sweden, there will evidently
be time enough some centuries hence, to investigate minutely the
geography and natural history of Georgia and its kindred
neighbours.--E.]
SECTION VI.
_ Proceedings after leaving the Isle of Georgia, with an Account of the
Discovery of Sandwich Land; with some Reasons for there being Land about
the South Pole_.
On the 25th, we steered E.S.E., with a fresh gale at N.N.E., attended
with foggy weather, till towards the evening, when the sky becoming
clear, we found the variation to be 9° 26' E., being at this time in the
latitude of 56° 16' S., longitude 32° 9' W.
Having continued to steer E.S.E., with a fine gale at N.N.W., till
day-light next morning, on seeing no land to the east, I gave orders to
steer south, being at this time in the latitude of 56° 33' S., longitude
31° 10' W. The weather continued clear, and gave us an opportunity to
observe several distances of the sun and moon for the correcting our
longitude, which at noon was 31° 4' W., the latitude observed 57° 38' S.
We continued to steer to the south till the 27th, at noon, at which time
we were in the latitude of 59° 46' S., and had so thick a fog that we
could not see a ship's length. It being no longer safe to sail before
the wind, as we were to expect soon to fall in with ice, I therefore
hauled to the east, having a gentle breeze at N.N.E. Soon after the fog
clearing away, we resumed our course to the south till four o'clock,
when it returned again as thick as ever, and made it necessary for us to
haul upon a wind.
I now reckoned we were in latitude 60° S., and farther I did not intend
to go, unless I observed some certain signs of soon meeting with land.
For it would not have been prudent in me to have spent my time in
penetrating to the south, when it was at least as probable that a large
tract of land might be found near Cape Circumcision. Besides, I was
tired of these high southern latitudes, where nothing was to be found
but ice and thick fogs. We had now a long hollow swell from the west, a
strong indication that there was no land in that direction; so that I
think I may venture to assert that the extensive coast, laid down in Mr
Dalrymple's chart of the ocean between Africa and America, and the Gulph
of St Sebastian, do not exist.
At seven o'clock in the evening, the fog receding from us a little, gave
us a sight of an ice island, several penguins and some snow peterels; we
sounded, but found no ground at one hundred and forty fathoms. The fog
soon returning, we spent the night in making boards over that space
which we had, in some degree, made ourselves acquainted with in the day.
At eight in the morning of the 28th, we stood to the east, with a gentle
gale at north; the weather began to clear up; and we found the sea
strewed with large and small ice; several penguins, snow peterels, and
other birds were seen, and some whales. Soon after we had sun-shine, but
the air was cold; the mercury in the thermometer stood generally at
thirty-five, but at noon it was 37°; the latitude by observation was 60°
4' S., longitude 29° 23' W.
We continued to stand to the east till half-past two o'clock, p.m., when
we fell in, all at once, with a vast number of large ice-islands, and a
sea strewed with loose ice. The weather too was become thick and hazy,
attended with drizzling rain and sleet, which made it the more dangerous
to stand in among the ice. For this reason we tacked and stood back to
the west, with the wind at north. The ice-islands, which at this time
surrounded us, were nearly all of equal height, and shewed a flat even
surface; but they were of various extent, some being two or three miles
in circuit. The loose ice was what had broken from these isles.
Next morning, the wind falling and veering to S.W., we steered N.E.; but
this coarse was soon intercepted by numerous ice-islands; and, having
but very little wind, we were obliged to steer such courses as carried
us the clearest of them; so that we hardly made any advance, one way or
other, during the whole day. Abundance of whales and penguins were about
us all the time; and the weather fair, but dark and gloomy.
At midnight the wind began to freshen at N.N.E., with which we stood to
the N.W., till six in the morning of the 30th, when the wind veering to
N.N.W., we tacked and stood to N.E., and soon after sailed through a
good deal of loose ice, and passed two large islands. Except a short
interval of clear weather about nine o'clock, it was continually foggy,
with either sleet or snow. At noon we were, by our reckoning, in the
latitude of 59° 3O' S., longitude 29° 24' W.
Continuing to stand to N.E. with a fresh breeze at N.N.W., at two
o'clock, we passed one of the largest ice-islands we had seen in the
voyage, and some time after passed two others, which were much smaller;
Weather still foggy, with sleet: And the wind continued at N. by W.,
with which we stood to N.E., over a sea strewed with ice.
At half an hour past six next morning, as we were standing N.N.E. with
the wind at west, the fog very fortunately clearing away a little, we
discovered land ahead, three or four miles distant. On this we hauled
the wind to the north; but finding we could not weather the land on this
tack, we soon after tacked in one hundred and seventy-five fathoms
water, three miles from the shore, and about half a league from some
breakers. The weather then cleared up a little more, and gave us a
tolerably good sight of the land. That which we had fallen in with
proved three rocky islets of considerable height. The outermost
terminated in a lofty peak like a sugar-loaf, and obtained the name of
Freezeland Peak, after the man who first discovered it. Latitude 59° S.,
longitude 27° W. Behind this peak, that is to the east of it, appeared
an elevated coast, whose lofty snow-clad summits were seen above the
clouds. It extended from N. by E. to E.S.E., and I called it Cape
Bristol, in honour of the noble family of Hervey. At the same time
another elevated coast appeared in sight, bearing S.W. by S., and at
noon it extended from S.E. to S.S.W., from four to eight leagues
distant; at this time the observed latitude was 59° 13' 30" S.,
longitude 27° 45' W. I called this land Southern Thule, because it is
the most southern land that has ever yet been discovered. It shews a
surface of vast height, and is every where covered with snow. Some
thought they saw land in the space between Thule and Cape Bristol. It is
more than probable that these two lands are connected, and that this
space is a deep bay, which I called Forster's Bay.
At one o'clock, finding that we could not weather Thule, we tacked and
stood to the north, and at four, Freezeland Peak bore east, distant
three or four leagues. Soon after, it fell little wind, and we were left
to the mercy of a great westerly swell, which set right upon the shore.
We sounded, but a line of two hundred fathoms found no bottom.
At eight o'clock, the weather, which had been very hazy, clearing up, we
saw Cape Bristol bearing E.S.E., and terminating in a point to the
north, beyond which we could see no land. This discovery relieved us
from the fear of being carried by the swell on the most horrible coast
in the world, and we continued to stand to the north all night, with a
light breeze at west.
On the 1st of February, at four o'clock in the morning, we got sight of
a new coast, which at six o'clock bore N. 60° east. It proved a high
promontory, which I named Cape Montagu, situated in latitude 58° 27' S.,
longitude 26° 44' west, and seven or eight leagues to the north of Cape
Bristol. We saw land from space to space between them, which made me
conclude that the whole was connected. I was sorry I could not determine
this with greater certainty; but prudence would not permit me to venture
near a coast, subject to thick fogs, on which there was no anchorage;
where every port was blocked or filled up with ice; and the whole
country, from the summits of the mountains, down to the very brink of
the cliffs which terminate the coast, covered, many fathoms thick, with
everlasting snow. The cliffs alone was all which was to be seen like
land.
Several large ice-islands lay upon the coast; one of which attracted my
notice. It had a flat surface, was of considerable extent both in height
and circuit, and had perpendicular sides, on which the waves of the sea
had made no impression; by which I judged that it had not been long from
land, and that it might lately have come out of some bay on the coast,
where it had been formed.
At noon we were east and west of the northern part of Cape Montagu,
distant about five leagues, and Freezeland Peak bore S. 16° east,
distant twelve leagues; latitude observed 58° 25' S. In the morning the
variation was 10° 11' east. At two in the afternoon, as we were standing
to the north, with a light breeze at S.W., we saw land bearing N. 25'
east, distant fourteen leagues. Cape Montagu bore at this time, S. 66°
east; at eight it bore S. 40° east; Cape Bristol, S. by E.; the new land
extending from N. 40° to 52° east; and we thought we saw land still more
to the east, and beyond it.
Continuing to steer to the north all night, at six o'clock the next
morning a new land was seen bearing N. 12° east, about ten leagues
distant. It appeared in two hummocks just peeping above the horizon; but
we soon after lost sight of them; and having got the wind at N.N.E. a
fresh breeze, we stood for the northernmost land we had seen the day
before, which at this time bore E.S.E. We fetched in with it by ten
o'clock, but could not weather it, and were obliged to tack three miles
from the coast, which extended from E. by S. to S.E., and had much the
appearance of being an island of about eight or ten leagues circuit. It
shews a surface of considerable height, whose summit was lost in the
clouds, and, like all the neighbouring lands, covered with a sheet of
snow and ice, except in a projecting point on the north side, and two
hills seen over this point, which probably might be two islands. These
only were clear of snow, and seemed covered with a green turf. Some
large ice islands lay to the N.E., and some others to the south.
We stood off till noon, and then tacked for the land again, in order to
see whether it was an island or no. The weather was now become very
hazy, which soon turning to a thick fog, put a stop to discovery, and
made it unsafe to stand for the shore; so that after having run the same
distance in, as we had run off, we tacked and stood to N.W., for the
land we had seen in the morning, which was yet at a considerable
distance. Thus we were obliged to leave the other, under the supposition
of its being an island, which I named Saunders, after my honourable
friend Sir Charles. It is situated in the latitude of 57° 49' south
longitude, 26° 44' west; and north, distant thirteen leagues, from Cape
Montagu.
At six o'clock in the evening, the wind shifting to the west, we tacked,
and stood to the north; and at eight the fog clearing away, gave us a
sight of Saunders's Isle, extending from S.E. by S. to E.S.E. We were
still in doubt if it was an island; for, at this time, land was seen
bearing E. by S., which might or might not be connected with it; it
might also be the same that we had seen the preceding evening. But, be
this as it may, it was now necessary to take a view of the land to the
north, before we proceeded any farther to the east. With this intention,
we stood to the north, having a light breeze at W. by S., which at two
o'clock in the morning of the 3d, was succeeded by a calm that continued
till eight, when we got the wind at E. by S. attended by hazy weather.
At this time we saw the land we were looking for, and which proved to be
two isles. The day on which they were discovered, was the occasion of
calling them Candlemas Isles; latitude 57° 11' S., longitude 27° 6' W.
They were of no great extent, but of considerable height, and were
covered with snow. A small rock was seen between them, and perhaps there
may be more; for the weather was so hazy that we soon lost sight of the
islands, and did not see them again till noon, at which time they bore
west, distant three or four leagues.
As the wind kept veering to the south, we were obliged to stand to the
N.E., in which route we met with several large ice islands, loose ice,
and many penguins; and at midnight, came at once into water uncommonly
white, which alarmed the officer of the watch so much, that he tacked
the ship instantly. Some thought it was a float of ice; others that it
was shallow water; but, as it proved neither, probably it was a shoal of
fish.
We stood to the south till two o'clock next morning, when we resumed our
course to the east with a faint breeze at S.S.E. which having ended in a
calm, at six, I took the opportunity of putting a boat in the water to
try if there were any current; and the trial proved there was none. Some
whales were playing about us, and abundance of penguins: a few of the
latter were shot, and they proved to be of the same sort that we had
seen among the ice before, and different both from those on Staten Land,
and from those at the isle of Georgia. It is remarkable, that we had not
seen a seal since we left that coast. At noon we were in latitude of 56°
44' S., longitude 25° 33' W. At this time we got a breeze at east, with
which we stood to the south, with a view of gaining the coast we had
left; but at eight o'clock the wind shifted to the south, and made it
necessary to tack and stand to the east; in which course we met with
several ice-islands and some loose ice; the weather continuing hazy with
snow and rain.
No penguins were seen on the 5th, which made me conjecture that we were
leaving the land behind us, and that we had already seen its northern
extremity. At noon we were in the latitude of 57° 8' S., longitude 23°
34' west, which was 3° of longitude to the east of Saunders's Isle. In
the afternoon the wind shifted to the west; this enabled us to stretch
to the south, and to get into the latitude of the land, that, if it took
an east direction, we might again fall in with it.
We continued to steer to the south and S.E. till next day at noon, at
which time we were in the latitude of 58° 15' S., longitude 21° 34'
west, and seeing neither land nor signs of any, I concluded that what we
had seen, which I named Sandwich Land, was either a group of islands, or
else a point of the continent. For I firmly believe that there is a
tract of land near the Pole which is the source of most of the ice that
is spread over this vast southern ocean. I also think it probable that
it extends farthest to the north opposite the southern Atlantic and
Indian oceans; because ice was always found by us farther to the north
in these oceans than any where else, which I judge could not be, if
there were not land to the south; I mean a land of considerable extent.
For if we suppose that no such land exists, and that ice may be formed
without it, it will follow of course that the cold ought to be every
where nearly equal round the Pole, as far as 70° or 60' of latitude, or
so far as to be beyond the influence of any of the known continents;
consequently we ought to see ice every where under the same parallel, or
near it; and yet the contrary has been, found. Very few ships have met
with ice going round Cape Horn: And we saw but little below the sixtieth
degree of latitude, in the Southern Pacific Ocean. Whereas in this
ocean, between the meridian of 40° west and 50° or 60° east, we found
ice as far north as 51°. Bouvet met with, some in 48°, and others have
seen it in a much lower latitude. It is true, however, that the greatest
part of this southern continent (supposing there is one), must lie
within the polar circle, where the sea is so pestered with ice, that the
land is thereby inaccessible. The risque one runs in exploring a coast,
in these unknown and icy seas, is so very great, that I can be bold
enough to say that no man will ever venture farther than I have done;
and that the lands which may lie to the south will never be explored.
Thick fogs, snow storms, intense cold, and every other thing that can
render navigation dangerous, must be encountered, and these difficulties
are greatly heightened by the inexpressibly horrid aspect of the
country; a country doomed by nature never once to feel the warmth of
the sun's rays, but to lie buried in everlasting snow and ice. The ports
which may be on the coast, are, in a manner, wholly filled up with
frozen snow of vast thickness; but if any should be so far open as to
invite a ship into it, she would run a risque of being fixed there for
ever, or of coming out in an ice island. The islands and floats on the
coast, the great falls from the ice-cliffs in the port, or a heavy
snow-storm attended with a sharp frost, would be equally fatal.
After such an explanation as this, the reader must not expect to find me
much farther to the south. It was, however, not for want of inclination,
but for other reasons. It would have been rashness in me to have risqued
all that had been done during the voyage, in discovering and exploring a
coast, which, when discovered and explored, would have answered no end
whatever, or have been of the least use, either to navigation or
geography, or indeed to any other science. Bouvet's discovery was yet
before us, the existence of which was to be cleared up; and, besides all
this, we were not now in a condition to undertake great things; nor
indeed was there time, had we been ever so well provided.
These reasons induced me to alter the course to the east, with a very
strong gale at north, attended with an exceedingly heavy fall of snow.
The quantity which lodged on our sails was so great, that we were
frequently obliged to throw the ship up in the wind to shake it out of
them, otherwise neither they nor the ship could have supported the
weight. In the evening it ceased to snow; the weather cleared up, the
wind backed to the west, and we spent the night in making two short
boards, under close-reefed top-sails and fore-sail.
At day-break on the 7th, we resumed our course to the east, with a very
fresh gale at S.W. by W., attended by a high sea from the same
direction. In the afternoon, being in the latitude of 58° 24' S.,
longitude 16° 19' west, the variation was 1° 52' east. Only three
ice-islands seen this day. At eight o'clock, shortened sail, and hauled
the wind to the S.E. for the night, in which we had several showers of
snow and sleet.
On the 8th at day-light, we resumed our east course with a gentle breeze
and fair weather. After sun-rise, being then in the latitude of 58° 30'
S., longitude 15° 14' west, the variation, by the mean results of two
compasses, was 2° 43' east. These observations were more to be depended
on than those made the night before, there being much less sea now than
then. In the afternoon, we passed three ice-islands. This night was
spent as the preceding.
At six next morning, being in the latitude of 58° 27' S., longitude 13°
4' W., the variation was 26' E.; and in the afternoon, being in the same
latitude, and about a quarter of a degree more to the east, it was 2'
west. Therefore this last situation must be in or near the Line, in
which the compass has no variation. We had a calm the most part of the
day. The weather fair and clear, excepting now and then a snow-shower.
The mercury in the thermometer at noon rose to 40; whereas, for several
days before, it had been no higher than 36 or 38. We had several
ice-islands in sight, but no one thing that could induce us to think
that any land was in our neighbourhood. At eight in the evening a breeze
sprung up at S.E., with which we stood to N.E.
During the night the wind freshened and veered south, which enabled us
to steer east. The wind was attended with showers of sleet and snow till
day-light, when the weather became fair, but piercing cold, so that the
water on deck was frozen, and at noon the mercury in the thermometer was
no higher than 34-1/2. At six o'clock in the morning, the variation was
23' west, being then in the latitude of 58° 15' S., longitude 11° 41' W;
and at six in the evening, being in the same latitude, and in the
longitude of 9° 24' W., it was 1° 51' W. In the evening the wind abated;
and during the night, it was variable between south and west.
Ice-islands continually in sight.
On the 11th, wind westerly, light airs attended with heavy showers of
snow in the morning; but as the day advanced, the weather became fair,
clear, and serene. Still continuing to steer east, at noon we observed
in latitude 58° 11', longitude at the same time 7° 55' west. Thermometer
34-2/3. In the afternoon we had two hours calm; after which we had faint
breezes between the N.E. and S.E.
At six o'clock in the morning of the 12th, being in the latitude of 58°
23' S., longitude 6° 54' W., the variation was 3° 23' west. We had
variable light airs next to a calm all this day, and the weather was
fair and clear till towards the evening, when it became cloudy with
snow-showers, and the air very cold. Ice-islands continually in sight;
most of them small and breaking to pieces.
In the afternoon of the 13th, the wind increased, the sky became
clouded, and soon after we had a very heavy fall of snow, which
continued till eight or nine o'clock in the evening, when the wind
abating and veering to S.E., the sky cleared up, and we had a fair
night, attended with so sharp a frost, that the water in all our vessels
on deck was next morning covered with a sheet of ice. The mercury in the
thermometer was as low as 29°, which is 3° below freezing, or rather 4;
for we generally found the water freeze when the mercury stood at 33°.
Towards noon on the 14th, the wind veering to the south, increased to a
very strong gale, and blew in heavy squalls attended with snow. At
intervals, between the squalls, the weather was fair and clear, but
exceedingly cold. We continued to steer east, inclining a little to the
north, and in, the afternoon crossed the first meridian, or that of
Greenwich, in the latitude of 57° 50' S. At eight in, the evening, we
close-reefed the top-sails, took in the main-sail, and steered east with
a very hard gale at S.S.W., and a high sea from the same direction.
At day-break on the 15th, we set the main-sail, loosed a reef out of
each top-sail, and with a very strong gale at S.W., and fair weather,
steered E.N.E. till noon, at which, time we were in latitude of 50° 37'
S., longitude 4° 11' E., when we pointed to the N.E., in order to get
into the latitude of Cape Circumcision. Some large ice-islands were in
sight, and the air was nearly as cold as on the preceding day. At eight
o'clock in the evening, shortened sail, and at eleven hauled the wind to
the N.W., not daring to stand on in the night, which was foggy, with
snow-showers, and a smart frost.
At day-break on the 16th, we bore away N.E., with a light breeze at
west, which, at noon, was succeeded by a calm and fair weather. Our
latitude at this time was 55° 26' S., longitude 5° 52' E., in which
situation we had a great swell from the southward, but no ice in sight.
At one o'clock in the p.m., a breeze springing up at E.N.E., we stood to
S.E. till six, then tacked, and stood to the north, under double-reefed
top-sails and courses, having a very fresh gale attended with snow and
sleet, which fixed to the masts and rigging as it fell, and coated the
whole with ice.
On the 17th the wind continued veering, by little and little, to the
south, till midnight, when it fixed at S.W. Being at this time in the
latitude of 54° 20' S., longitude 6° 33' east, I steered east, having a
prodigious high sea from the south, which assured us no land was near in
that direction.
In the morning of the 18th, it ceased to snow; the weather became fair
and clear; and we found the variation to be 18° 44' west. At noon we
were in the latitude of 54° 25', longitude 8° 46' east. I thought this a
good latitude to keep in, to look for Cape Circumcision; because, if the
land had ever so little extent in the direction of north and south, we
could not miss seeing it, as the northern point is said to lie in 54°.
We had yet a great swell from the south, so that I was now well assured
it could only be an island, and it was of no consequence which side we
fell in with. In the evening Mr Wales made several observations of the
moon, and stars Regulus and Spica; the mean results, at four o'clock
when the observations were made, for finding the time by the watch, gave
9° 15' 20" east longitude. The watch at the same time gave 9° 36' 45".
Soon after the variation was found to be 13° 10' west. It is nearly in
this situation that Mr Bouvet had 1° east. I cannot suppose that the
variation has altered so much since that time; but rather think he had
made some mistake in his observations. That there could be none in ours
was certain, from the uniformity for some time past. Besides, we found
12° 8' west, variation, nearly under this meridian, in January 1773.
During the night the wind veered round by the N.W. to N.N.E. and blew a
fresh gale.
At eight in the morning of the 19th, we saw the appearance of land in
the direction of E. by S., or that of our course; but it proved a mere
fog-bank, and soon after dispersed. We continued to steer E. by S. and
S.E., till seven o'clock in the evening, when being in the latitude of
54° 42' S., longitude 13° 3' E., and the wind having veered to N.E., we
tacked and stood to N.W. under close-reefed topsails and courses; having
a very strong gale attended with snow-showers.
At four o'clock next morning, being in the latitude of 54° 30' S.,
longitude 12° 33'. east, we tacked and stretched to N.E. with a fresh
gale at S.W., attended with snow-showers and sleet. At noon, being in
the latitude of 54° 8' S., longitude 12° 59' E., with a fresh gale at W.
by N., and tolerably clear weather, we steered east till ten o'clock in
the evening, when we brought-to, lest we might pass any land in the
night, of which we however had not the least signs.
At day-break, having made sail, we bore away E., and at noon observed in
latitude 54° 16' S., longitude 16° 13' east, which is 5° to the east of
the longitude in which Cape Circumcision is said to lie; so that we
began to think there was no such land in existence. I however continued
to steer east, inclining a little to the south, till four o'clock in the
afternoon of the next day, when we were in latitude 54° 24' S.,
longitude 19° 18' east.
We had now run down thirteen degrees of longitude in the very latitude
assigned for Bouvet's Land. I was therefore well assured that what he
had seen could be nothing but an island of ice; for, if it had been
land, it is hardly possible we could have missed it, though it were ever
so small. Besides, from the time of leaving the southern lands, we had
not met with the least signs of any other. But even suppose we had, it
would have been no proof of the existence of Cape Circumcision; for I am
well assured that neither seals nor penguins, nor any of the oceanic
birds, are indubitable signs of the vicinity of land. I will allow that
they are found on the coasts of all these southern lands; but are they
not also to be found in all parts of the southern ocean? There are,
however, some oceanic or aquatic birds which point out the vicinity of
land; especially shags, which seldom go out of sight of it; and gannets,
boobies, and men-of-war birds, I believe, seldom go very far out to sea.
As we were now no more than two degrees of longitude front our route to
the south, when we left the Cape of Good Hope, it was to no purpose to
proceed any farther to the east under this parallel, knowing that no
land could be there. But an opportunity now offering of clearing up some
doubts of our having seen land farther to the south, I steered S.E. to
get into the situation in which it was supposed to lie.
We continued this course till four o'clock the next morning, and then
S.E. by E. and E.S.E., till eight in the evening, at which time we were
in the latitude of 55° 25' S., longitude 23° 22' east, both deduced from
observations made the same day; for, in the morning, the sky was clear
at intervals, and afforded an opportunity to observe several distances
of the sun and moon, which we had not been able to do for some time
past, having had a constant succession of bad weather.
Having now run over the place where the land was supposed to lie,
without seeing the least signs of any, it was no longer to be doubted
but that the ice-islands had deceived us as well as Mr Bouvet. The wind
by this time having veered to the north, and increased to a perfect
storm, attended as usual with snow and sleet, we handed the top-sails
and hauled up E.N.E. under the courses. During the night the wind
abated, and veered to N.W., which enabled us to steer more to the north,
having no business farther south.
SECTION VII.
_Heads of what has been done in the Voyage; with some Conjectures
concerning the Formation of Ice-Islands; and an Account of our
Proceedings till our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope._
I had now made the circuit of the southern ocean in a high latitude, and
traversed it in such a manner as to leave not the least room for the
possibility of there being a continent, unless near the Pole, and out of
the reach of navigation. By twice visiting the tropical sea, I had not
only settled the situation of some old discoveries, but made there many
new ones, and left, I conceive, very little more to be done even in that
part. Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of the voyage has, in
every respect, been fully answered; the southern hemisphere sufficiently
explored, and a final end put to the searching after a southern
continent, which has, at times, ingrossed the attention of some of the
maritime powers, for near two centuries past, and been a favourite
theory amongst the geographers of all ages.
That there may be a continent, or large tract of land, near the Pole, I
will not deny; on the contrary I am of opinion there is; and it is
probable that we have seen a part of it. The excessive cold, the many
islands and vast floats of ice, all tend to prove that there must be
land to the south; and for my persuasion that this southern land must
lie, or extend, farthest to the north opposite to the southern Atlantic
and Indian oceans, I have already assigned some reasons; to which I may
add the greater degree of cold experienced by us in these seas, than in
the southern Pacific ocean under the same parallels of latitude.[11]
[Footnote 11: After what has been said of the utter inutility of a
southern continent to any human being, or even in the way of hypothesis
to explain the constitution of nature, it may seem quite unnecessary to
occupy a moment's attention about any arguments for its existence. As,
however, a few remarks were hazarded respecting those of a mathematical
kind, it may be proper to say a word or two as to others of a physical
nature. Two reasons for this supposition have been urged; viz. the
presence of rivers necessary to account for the large masses of
fresh-water ice found in high southern latitudes; and the existence of
firm and immoveable points of land round which these masses might form.
The first of these is glaringly erroneous in point of principle and
fact. In the first place, it is most certain, that the waters of the
ocean admit of being frozen, and that when so, they either do or do not
contain the salts they held in solution, according to certain
circumstances, which the argument does not require to be explained. And,
secondly, it is absurd to imagine that lands in the vicinity of the Pole
should have any rivers, as the snow-line, as it has been called, reaches
so low down there as the surface of the earth, and as the temperature of
the atmosphere, reckoning from what is known of it in high latitudes,
can scarcely ever be above that point at which water becomes solid. The
second argument is equally unsubstantial, and may be as readily
invalidated. In fact, the principal thing requisite for the congelation
of water in any circumstances of situation, is the reduction of the
temperature to a certain point, to the effect of which, it is well
known, the agitation of the water often materially contributes. It may
be remarked also, that as the beat of the ocean seems to diminish in
pretty regular progression from the surface downwards, so it is highly
probable, that, even at considerable distances from the Pole, the lower
strata may be in a state of congelation; much more probably, therefore,
there may exist at and near the Pole, a mass of ice of indefinite size
and durability, which, extending to greater or smaller distances
according to different circumstances, may serve as the basis, or _point
d'appui_, of all the islands and fields of ice discoverable in this
region. Ice, in fact, is just as capable of a fixed position as earth
is, or any other solid body, and may accordingly have constituted the
substratum of the southern hemisphere within the polar circle, since the
time that this planet assumed its present form and condition. So much
then on the subject of a southern continent, which, after all, we see is
not worth being disputed about, and appears to be set up, as it were, in
absolute derision of human curiosity and enterprise. Wise men, it is
likely, notwithstanding such promissory eulogiums as Mr Dalrymple held
out, will neither venture their lives to ascertain its existence, nor
lose their time and tempers in arguing about it. Cook's observation, it
is perhaps necessary to remark, as to the ice extending further towards
the north opposite the Atlantic and Indian oceans than any where else,
may be accounted for without the supposition he makes in explanation of
it. Thus certain warm currents of water may be conceived to proceed from
the north, towards those other parts where the ice has not been seen to
extend so far, and to prevent the formation of it to the same distance;
or again, there may be islands and rocks, to which the ice adheres, in
the situations mentioned by Cook. Both causes, indeed, may operate, and
there may be others also quite equivalent to the effect. But it is full
time to leave this merely curious subject. Mr G.F. has somewhat wittily
remarked, that the opinion of the existence of a southern continent
maintained by some philosophers, though much invalidated by this voyage,
is nevertheless a proof of their great intelligence, considering the few
_data_ on which they could proceed. Some readers may incline, perhaps,
to give as much credit to the writer, for hazarding, on about equal
grounds, any opinion in opposition to it.--E.]
In this last ocean, the mercury in the thermometer seldom fell so low as
the freezing point, till we were in 60° and upwards; whereas in the
others, it fell as low in the latitude of 54°. This was certainly owing
to there being a greater quantity of ice, and to its extending farther
to the north, in these two seas than in the south Pacific; and if ice be
first formed at, or near land, of which I have no doubt, it will follow
that the land also extends farther north.
The formation or coagulation of ice-islands has not, to my knowledge,
been thoroughly investigated. Some have supposed them to be formed by
the freezing of the water at the mouths of large rivers, or great
cataracts, where they accumulate till they are broken off by their own
weight. My observations will not allow me to acquiesce in this opinion;
because we never found any of the ice which we took up incorporated with
earth, or any of its produce, as I think it must have been, had it been
coagulated in land-waters. It is a doubt with me, whether there be any
rivers in these countries. It is certain, that we saw not a river, or
stream of water, on all the coast of Georgia, nor on any of the southern
lands. Nor did we ever see a stream of water run from any of the
ice-islands. How are we then to suppose that there are large rivers? The
valleys are covered, many fathoms deep, with everlasting snow; and, at
the sea, they terminate in icy cliffs of vast height. It is here where
the ice-islands are formed; not from streams of water, but from
consolidated snow and sleet, which is almost continually falling or
drifting down from the mountains, especially in the winter, when the
frost must be intense. During that season, the ice-cliffs must so
accumulate as to fill up all the bays, be they ever so large. This is a
fact which cannot be doubted, as we have seen it so in summer. These
cliffs accumulate by continual falls of snow, and what drifts from the
mountains, till they are no longer able to support their own weight;
and then large pieces break off, which we call ice-islands. Such as have
a flat even surface, must be of the ice formed in the bays, and before
the flat vallies; the others, which have a tapering unequal surface,
must be formed on, or under, the side of a coast composed of pointed
rocks and precipices, or some such uneven surface. For we cannot suppose
that snow alone, as it falls, can form, on a plain surface, such as the
sea, such a variety of high peaks and hills, as we saw on many of the
ice-isles. It is certainly more reasonable to believe that they are
formed on a coast whose surface is something similar to theirs. I have
observed that all the ice-islands of any extent, and before they begin
to break to pieces, are terminated by perpendicular cliffs of clear ice
or frozen snow, always on one or more sides, but most generally all
round. Many, and those of the largest size, which had a hilly and spiral
surface, shewed a perpendicular cliff, or side, from the summit of the
highest peak down to its base. This to me was a convincing proof, that
these, as well as the flat isles, must have broken off from substances
like themselves, that is, from some large tract of ice.
When I consider the vast quantity of ice we saw, and the vicinity of the
places to the Pole where it is formed, and where the degrees of
longitude are very small, I am led to believe that these ice-cliffs
extend a good way into the sea, in some parts, especially in such as are
sheltered from the violence of the winds. It may even be doubted if ever
the wind is violent in the very high latitudes. And that the sea will
freeze over, or the snow that falls upon it, which amounts to the same
thing, we have instances in the northern hemisphere. The Baltic, the
Gulph of St Laurence, the Straits of Belle-Isle, and many other equally
large seas, are frequently frozen over in winter.[12] Nor is this at all
extraordinary, for we have found the degree of cold at the surface of
the sea, even in summer, to be two degrees below the freezing point;
consequently nothing kept it from freezing but the salt it contains, and
the agitation of its surface. Whenever this last ceaseth in winter, when
the frost is set in, and there comes a fall of snow, it will freeze on
the surface as it falls, and in a few days, or perhaps in one night,
form such a sheet of ice as will not be easily broken up. Thus a
foundation will be laid for it to accumulate to any thickness by falls
of snow, without its being at all necessary for the sea-water to
freeze. It may be by this means these vast floats of low ice we find in
the spring of the year are formed, and which, after they break up, are
carried by the currents to the north. For, from all the observations I
have been able to make, the currents every where, in the high latitudes,
set to the north, or to the N.E. or N.W.; but we have very seldom found
them considerable.
[Footnote 12: Forster the elder, in his observations, has related many
instances of this sort, and given some very ingenious remarks on the
subject of the formation of ice in high latitudes; but it is impossible
to do justice to them within the compass of a note, and perhaps most
readers are of opinion that the text is abundantly copious on this part
of the voyage.--E.]
If this imperfect account of the formation of these extraordinary
floating islands of ice, which is written wholly from my own
observations, does not convey some useful hints to an abler pen, it
will, however, convey some idea of the lands where they are formed:
Lands doomed by Nature to perpetual frigidness; never to feel the warmth
of the sun's rays; whose horrible and savage aspect I have not words to
describe. Such are the lands we have discovered; what then may we expect
those to be which lie still farther to the south? For we may reasonably
suppose that we have seen the best, as lying most to the north. If any
one should have resolution and perseverance to clear up this point by
proceeding farther than I have done, I shall not envy him the honour of
the discovery; but I will be bold to say, that the world will not be
benefited by it.
I had, at this time, some thoughts of revisiting the place where the
French discovery is said to lie. But then I considered that, if they had
really made this discovery, the end would be as fully answered as if I
had done it myself. We know it can only be an island; and if we may
judge from the degree of cold we found in that latitude, it cannot be a
fertile one. Besides, this would have kept me two months longer at sea,
and in a tempestuous latitude, which we were not in a condition to
struggle with. Our sails and rigging were so much worn, that something
was giving way every hour; and we had nothing left either to repair or
to replace them. Our provisions were in a state of decay, and
consequently afforded little nourishment, and we had been a long time
without refreshments. My people, indeed, were yet healthy, and would
have cheerfully gone wherever I had thought proper to lead them; but I
dreaded the scurvy laying hold of them at a time when we had nothing
left to remove it. I must say farther, that it would have been cruel in
me to have continued the fatigues and hardships they were continually
exposed to, longer than was absolutely necessary. Their behaviour,
throughout the whole voyage, merited every indulgence which it was in my
power to give them. Animated by the conduct of the officers, they shewed
themselves capable of surmounting every difficulty and danger which came
in their way, and never once looked either upon the one or the other, as
being at all heightened, by our separation from our consort the
Adventure.[13]
[Footnote 13: "The sour krout, that excellent anti-scorbutic food, of
which sixty large casks were put on board our ship, was now entirely
consumed, and the want of it was severely felt from the captain down to
the sailor. It enabled us to eat our portion of salt meat, of which it
corrected the septic quality. The wish for a speedy release from this
nauseous diet now became universal, and our continuance in the high
latitudes was disagreeable to all on board."--G.F.]
All these considerations induced me to lay aside looking for the French
discoveries, and to steer for the Cape of Good Hope; with a resolution,
however, of looking for the isles of Denia and Marseveen, which are laid
down in Dr Halley's variation chart in the latitude of 41° 1/2 S., and
about 4° of longitude to the east of the meridian of the Cape of Good
Hope. With this view I steered N.E., with a hard gale at N.W. and thick
weather; and on the 25th, at noon, we saw the last ice island, being at
this time in the latitude of 52° 52' S., longitude 26° 31' E.
The wind abating and veering to the south, on the first of March, we
steered west, in order to get farther from Mr Bouvet's track, which was
but a few degrees to the east of us, being at this time in the latitude
of 46° 44' S., longitude 33° 20' E., in which situation we found the
variation to be 23° 36' W. It is somewhat remarkable, that all the time
we had northerly winds, which were regular and constant for several
days, the weather was always thick and cloudy; but, as soon as they came
south of west, it cleared up, and was fine and pleasant. The barometer
began to rise several days before this change happened; but whether on
account of it, or our coming northward, cannot be determined.[14]
[Footnote 14: It may be worth while preserving here the remark made by
Mr Wales. When off, and in the neighbourhood of Georgia, the cold was
much less severe when the wind blew from the south, than when it came
from the north. He assigns no reason for it, and perhaps the
observations were too limited to place and time to justify any general
inferences. It may, however, be suggested, with little risk of error,
that the northerly wind would be most loaded with moisture, hence the
cloudy sort of weather noticed during its continuance; and that, on very
well-ascertained principles, moisture is a considerable source of
cold.--E.]
The wind remained not long at south before it veered round by the N.E.
to the N.W., blowing fresh and by squalls, attended, as before, with
rain and thick misty weather. We had some intervals of clear weather in
the afternoon of the 3d, when we found the variation to be 22° 26' W.;
latitude at this time 45° 8' S., longitude 30° 50' E. The following
night was very stormy, the wind blew from S.W. and in excessively heavy
squalls. At short intervals between the squalls the wind would fall
almost to a calm, and then come on again with such fury, that neither
our sails nor rigging could withstand it, several of the sails being
split, and a middle stay-sail being wholly lost. The next morning the
gale abated, and we repaired the damage we had sustained in the best
manner we could.
On the 8th, being in the latitude of 41° 30' S., longitude 26° 51' E.,
the mercury in the thermometer rose to 61, and we found it necessary to
put on lighter clothes. As the wind continued invariably fixed between
N.W. and W., we took every advantage to get to the west, by tacking
whenever it shifted any thing in our favour; but as we had a great swell
against us, our tacks were rather disadvantageous. We daily saw
albatrosses, peterels, and other oceanic birds; but not the least sign
of land.
On the 11th, in the latitude of 40° 40' S., longitude 23° 47' E., the
variation was 20° 48' W. About noon the same day the wind shifted
suddenly from N.W. to S.W., caused the mercury in the thermometer to
fall as suddenly from 62° to 52°; such was the different state of the
air, between a northerly and southerly wind. The next day, having
several hours calm, we put a boat in the water, and shot some
albatrosses and peterels, which, at this time, were highly acceptable.
We were now nearly in the situation where the isles which we were in
search of, are said to lie; however, we saw nothing that could give us
the least hope of finding them.
The calm continued till five o'clock of the next morning, when it was
succeeded by a breeze at W. by S., with which we stood to N.N.W., and at
noon observed in latitude 38° 51' S. This was upwards of thirty miles
more to the north than our log gave us; and the watch shewed that we had
been set to the east also. If these differences did not arise from some
strong current, I know not how to account for them. Very strong currents
have been found on the African coast, between Madagascar and the Cape
of Good Hope, but I never heard of their extending so far from the land;
nor is it probable they do. I rather suppose that this current has no
connection with that on the coast; and that we happened to fall into
some stream which is neither lasting nor regular. But these are points
which require much time to investigate, and must therefore be left to
the industry of future navigators.
We were now two degrees to the north of the parallel in which the isles
of Denia and Marseveen are said to lie. We had seen nothing to encourage
us to persevere in looking after them, and it must have taken up some
time longer to find them, or to prove their non-existence. Every one was
impatient to get into port, and for good reasons: As for a long time we
had had nothing but stale and salt provisions, for which every one on
board had lost all relish. These reasons induced me to yield to the
general wish, and to steer for the Cape of Good Hope, being at this time
in the latitude of 38° 38' S., longitude 23° 37' E.
The next day the observed latitude at noon was only seventeen miles to
the north of that given by the log; so that we had either got out of the
strength of the current, or it had ceased.
On the 15th the observed latitude at noon, together with the watch,
shewed that we had had a strong current setting to the S.W., the
contrary direction to what we had experienced on some of the preceding
days, as hath been mentioned.[15]
[Footnote 15: It is highly probable, that both these currents were
branches of the equinoctial current, that flows from east to west--the
first, which was farthest off from land, being on the return towards the
east; and the second, which was found nearer to the land, having still
enough of its original impulse to direct it onwards by the coast to the
southern point of Africa, from which it would afterwards be deflected.
Similar circuits are well known to be performed by the equinoctial
current, in the Atlantic Ocean, on both sides of the equator.--E.]
At day-light, on the 16th, we saw two sail in the N.W. quarter standing
to the westward, and one of them shewing Dutch colours. At ten o'clock
we tacked and stood to the west also, being at this time in the latitude
of 39° 9' S., longitude 22° 38' E.
I now, in pursuance of my instructions, demanded of the officers and
petty officers, the log-books and journals they had kept; which were
delivered to me accordingly, and sealed up for the inspection of the
Admiralty. I also enjoined them, and the whole crew, not to divulge
where we had been, till they had their lordships' permission so to do.
In the afternoon, the wind veered to the west, and increased to a hard
gale, which was of short duration; for, the next day, it fell, and at
noon veered to S.E. At this time we were in the latitude of 34° 49' S.,
longitude 22° E.; and, on sounding, found fifty-six fathoms water. In
the evening we saw the land in the direction of E.N.E. about six leagues
distant; and, during the fore-part of the night, there was a great fire
or light upon it.
At day-break on the 18th, we saw the land again, bearing N.N.W., six or
seven leagues distant, and the depth of water forty-eight fathoms. At
nine o'clock, having little or no wind, we hoisted out a boat, and sent
on board one of the two ships before-mentioned, which were about two
leagues from us; but we were too impatient after news to regard the
distance. Soon after, a breeze sprung up at west, with which we stood to
the south; and, presently, three sail more appeared in sight to
windward, one of which shewed English colours.
At one, p.m., the boat returned from on board the Bownkerke Polder,
Captain Cornelius Bosch, a Dutch Indiaman from Bengal. Captain Bosch,
very obligingly, offered us sugar, arrack, and whatever he had to spare.
Our people were told by some English seamen on board this ship, that the
Adventure had arrived at the Cape of Good Hope twelve months ago, and
that the crew of one of her boats had been murdered and eaten by the
people of New Zealand; so that the story which we heard in Queen
Charlotte's Sound was now no longer a mystery.
We had light airs next, to a calm till ten o'clock the next morning,
when a breeze sprung up at west, and the English ship, which was to
windward, bore down to us. She proved to be the True Briton, Captain
Broadly, from China. As he did not intend to touch at the Cape, I put a
letter on board him for the secretary of the Admiralty.
The account which we had heard of the Adventure was now confirmed to us
by this ship. We also got, from on board her, a parcel of old
newspapers, which were new to us, and gave us some amusement; but these
were the least favours we received from Captain Broadly. With a
generosity peculiar to the commanders of the India Company's ships, he
sent us fresh provisions, tea, and other articles which were very
acceptable, and deserve from me this public acknowledgment. In the
afternoon we parted company. The True Briton stood out to sea, and we in
for the land, having a very fresh gale at west, which split our fore
top-sail in such a manner, that we were obliged to bring another to the
yard. At six o'clock we tacked within four or five miles of the shore;
and, as we judged, about five or six leagues to the east of Cape
Aguilas. We stood off till midnight, when, the wind having veered round
to the south, we tacked, and stood along-shore to the west. The wind
kept veering more and more in our favour, and at last fixed at E.S.E.;
and blew for some hours a perfect hurricane.
As soon as the storm began to subside, we made sail, and hauled in for
the land. Next day at noon, the Table Mountain over the Cape Town bore
N.E. by E., distant nine or ten leagues. By making use of this bearing
and distance to reduce the longitude shewn by the watch to the Cape
Town, the error was found to be no more than 18' in longitude, which it
was too far to the east. Indeed the difference found between it and the
lunar observations, since we left New Zealand, had seldom exceeded half
a degree, and always the same way.
The next morning, being with us Wednesday the 22d, but with the people
here Tuesday the 21st, we anchored in Table Bay, where we found several
Dutch ships; some French; and the Ceres, Captain Newte, an English East
India Company's ship, from China, bound directly to England, by whom I
sent a copy of the preceding part of this journal, some charts, and
other drawings to the Admiralty.
Before we had well got to an anchor, I dispatched an officer to acquaint
the governor with our arrival, and to request the necessary stores and
refreshments; which were readily granted. As soon as the officer came
back, we saluted the garrison with thirteen guns, which compliment was
immediately returned with an equal number.
I now learnt that the Adventure had called here, on her return; and I
found a letter from Captain Furneaux, acquainting me with the loss of
his boat, and of ten of his best men, in Queen Charlotte's Sound. The
captain, afterwards, on my arrival in England, put into my hands a
complete narrative of his proceedings, from the time of our second and
final separation, which I now lay before the public in the following
section.
SECTION VIII.
_Captain Furneaux's Narrative of his Proceedings, in the Adventure,
from, the Time he was separated from the Resolution, to his Arrival in
England; including Lieutenant Burney's Report concerning the Boat's Crew
who were murdered by the Inhabitants of Queen Charlottes Sound_.
After a passage of fourteen days from Amsterdam, we made the coast of
New Zealand near the Table Cape, and stood along-shore till we came as
far as Cape Turnagain. The wind then began to blow strong at west, with
heavy squalls and rain, which split many of our sails, and blew us off
the coast for three days; in which time we parted company with the
Resolution, and never saw her afterwards.
On the 4th of November, we again got in shore, near Cape Palliser, and
were visited by a number of the natives in their canoes; bringing a
great quantity of cray-fish, which we bought of them for nails and
Otaheite cloth. The next day it blew hard from W.N.W., which again drove
us off the coast, and obliged us to bring-to for two days; during which
time it blew one continual gale of wind, with heavy falls of sleet. By
this time, our decks were very leaky; our beds and bedding wet; and
several of our people complaining of colds; so that we began to despair
of ever getting into Charlotte's Sound, or joining the Resolution.
On the 6th, being to the north of the cape, the wind at S.W., and
blowing strong, we bore away for some bay to complete our water and
wood, being in great want of both, having been at the allowance of one
quart of water for some days past; and even that pittance could not be
come at above six or seven days longer. We anchored in Tolaga Bay on the
9th, in latitude 38° 21' S., longitude 178° 31' east. It affords good
riding with the wind westerly, and regular soundings from eleven to five
fathoms, stiff muddy ground across the bay for about two miles. It is
open from N.N.E. to E.S.E. It is to be observed, easterly winds seldom
blow hard on this shore; but when they do, they throw in a great sea,
so that if it were not for a great undertow, together with a large river
that empties itself in the bottom of the bay, a ship would not be able
to ride here. Wood and water are easily to be had, except when it blows
hard easterly. The natives here are the same as those at Charlotte's
Sound, but more numerous, and seemed settled, having regular plantations
of sweet potatoes, and other roots, which are very good; and they have
plenty of cray and other fish, which we bought of them for nails, beads,
and other trifles, at an easy rate. In one of their canoes we observed
the head of a woman lying in state, adorned with feathers and other
ornaments. It had the appearance of being alive; but, on examination, we
found it dry, being preserved with every feature perfect, and kept as
the relic of some deceased relation.
Having got about ten tons of water, and some wood, we sailed for
Charlotte's Sound on the 12th. We were no sooner out than the wind began
to blow hard, dead on the shore, so that we could not clear the land on
either tack. This obliged us to bear away again for the bay, where we
anchored the next morning, and rode out a very heavy gale of wind at E.
by S., which threw in a very great sea. We now began to fear we should
never join the Resolution; having reason to believe she was in Charlotte
Sound, and by this time ready for sea. We soon found it was with great
difficulty we could get any water, owing to the swell setting in so
strong; at last, however, we were able to go on shore, and got both wood
and water.
Whilst we lay here we were employed about the rigging, which was much
damaged by the constant gales of wind we had met with since we made the
coast. We got the booms down on the decks, and having made the ship as
snug as possible, sailed again on the 16th. After this we met with
several gales of wind off the mouth of the Strait; and continued beating
backwards and forwards till the 30th, when we were so fortunate as to
get a favourable wind, which we took every advantage of, and at last got
safe into our desired port. We saw nothing of the Resolution, and began
to doubt her safety; but on going ashore, we discerned the place where
she had erected her tents; and, on an old stump of a tree in the garden,
observed these words cut out, "Look underneath." There we dug, and soon
found a bottle corked and waxed down, with a letter in it from Captain
Cook, signifying their arrival on the 3d instant, and departure on the
24th; and that they intended spending a few days in the entrance of the
Straits to look for us.
We immediately set about getting the ship ready for sea as fast as
possible; erected our tents; sent the cooper on shore to repair the
casks; and began to unstow the hold, to get at the bread that was in
butts; but on opening them found a great quantity of it entirely
spoiled, and most part so damaged, that we were obliged to fix our
copper oven on shore to bake it over again, which undoubtedly delayed us
a considerable time. Whilst we lay here, the inhabitants came on board
as before, supplying us with fish, and other things of their own
manufacture, which we bought of them for nails, &c. and appeared very
friendly, though twice in the middle of the night they came to the tent,
with an intention to steal; but were discovered before they could get
any thing into their possession.
On the 17th of December, having refitted the ship, completed our water
and wood, and got every thing ready for sea, we sent our large cutter,
with Mr Rowe, a midshipman, and the boat's crew, to gather wild greens
for the ship's company; with orders to return that evening, as I
intended to sail the next morning. But on the boat's not returning the
same evening, nor the next morning, being under great uneasiness about
her, I hoisted out the launch, and sent her with the second lieutenant,
Mr Burney, manned with the boat's crew and ten marines, in search of
her. My orders to Mr Burney were first, to look well into East Bay, and
then to proceed to Grass Cove, the place to which Mr Rowe had been sent;
and if he heard nothing of the boat there, to go farther up the sound,
and come back along the west shore. As Mr Rowe had left the ship an hour
before the time proposed, and in a great hurry, I was strongly persuaded
that his curiosity had carried him into East Bay, none in our ship
having ever been there; or else, that some accident had happened to the
boat, either by going adrift through the boat-keeper's negligence, or by
being stove among the rocks. This was almost every body's opinion; and
on this supposition, the carpenter's mate was sent in the launch, with
some sheets of tin. I had not the least suspicion that our people had
received any injury from the natives, our boats having frequently been
higher up, and worse provided. How much I was mistaken, too soon
appeared; for Mr Burney having returned about eleven o'clock the same
night, made his report of a horrible scene indeed, which cannot be
better described than in his own words, which now follow.
"On the 18th, we left the ship; and having a light breeze in our favour,
we soon got round Long Island, and within Long Point. I examined every
cove, on the larboard hand, as we went along, looking well all around
with a spy-glass, which I took for that purpose. At half past one, we
stopped at a beach on the left-hand side going up East Bay, to boil some
victuals, as we brought nothing but raw meat with us. Whilst we were
cooking, I saw an Indian on the opposite shore, running along a beach to
the head of the bay. Our meat being drest, we got into the boat and put
off; and, in a short time, arrived at the head of this reach, where we
saw an Indian settlement."
"As we drew near, some of the Indians came down on the rocks, and waved
for us to be gone, but seeing we disregarded them, they altered their
notes. Here we found six large canoes hauled up on the beach, most of
them double ones, and a great many people; though not so many as one
might expect from the number of houses and size of the canoes. Leaving
the boat's crew to guard the boat, I stepped ashore with the marines
(the corporal and five men), and searched a good many of their houses,
but found nothing to give me any suspicion. Three or four well-beaten
paths led farther into the woods, where were many more houses; but the
people continuing friendly, I thought it unnecessary to continue our
search. Coming down to the beach, one of the Indians had brought a
bundle of _Hepatoos_ (long spears), but seeing I looked very earnestly
at him, he put them on the ground, and walked about with seeming
unconcern. Some of the people appearing to be frightened, I gave a
looking-glass to one, and a large nail to another. From this place the
bay ran, as nearly as I could guess, N.N.W. a good mile, where it ended
in a long sandy beach. I looked all around with the glass, but saw no
boat, canoe, or sign of inhabitant. I therefore contented myself with
firing some guns, which I had done in every cove as I went along."
"I now kept close to the east shore, and came to another settlement,
where the Indians invited us ashore. I enquired of them about the boat,
but they pretended ignorance. They appeared very friendly here, and sold
us some fish. Within an hour after we left this place, in a small beach
adjoining to Grass Cove, we saw a very large double canoe just hauled
up, with two men and a dog. The men, on seeing us, left their canoe, and
ran up into the woods. This gave me reason to suspect I should here get
tidings of the cutter. We went ashore, and searched the canoe, where we
found one of the rullock-ports of the cutter, and some shoes, one of
which was known to belong to Mr Woodhouse, one of our midshipmen. One of
the people, at the same time, brought me a piece of meat, which he took
to be some of the salt meat belonging to the cutter's crew. On examining
this, and smelling to it, I found it was fresh. Mr Fannin (the master)
who was with me, supposed it was dog's flesh, and I was of the same
opinion; for I still doubted their being cannibals. But we were soon
convinced by most horrid and undeniable proof."
"A great many baskets (about twenty) lying on the beach, tied up, we cut
them open. Some were full of roasted flesh, and some of fern-root, which
serves them for bread. On, farther search, we found more shoes, and a
hand, which we immediately knew to have belonged to Thomas Hill, one of
our fore-castle men, it being marked T.H. with an Otaheite
tattow-instrument. I went with some of the people a little way up the
woods, but saw nothing else. Coming down again, there was a round spot
covered with fresh earth, about four feet diameter, where something had
been buried. Having no spade, we began to dig with a cutlass; and in the
mean time I launched the canoe with intent to destroy her; but seeing a
great smoke ascending over the nearest hill, I got all the people into
the boat, and made what haste I could to be with them before sun-set."
"On opening the next bay, which was Grass Cove, we saw four canoes, one
single and three double ones, and a great many people on the beach, who,
on our approach; retreated to a small hill, within a ship's length of
the water side, where they stood talking to us. A large fire was on the
top of the high land, beyond the woods, from whence, all the way down
the hill, the place was thronged like a fair. As we came in, I ordered a
musquetoon to be fired at one of the canoes, suspecting they might be
full of men lying down in the bottom; for they were all afloat, but
nobody was seen in them. The savages on the little hill still kept
hallooing, and making signs for us to land. However, as soon as we got
close in, we all fired. The first volley did not seem to affect them
much; but on the second, they began to scramble away as fast as they
could, some of them howling. We continued firing as long as we could see
the glimpse of any of them through the bushes. Amongst the Indians were
two very stout men, who never offered to move till they found themselves
forsaken by their companions; and then they marched away with great
composure and deliberation; their pride not suffering them to run. One
of them, however, got a fall, and either lay there, or crawled off on
all-fours. The other got clear, without any apparent hurt. I then landed
with the marines, and Mr Fannin staid to guard the boat."
"On the beach were two bundles of celery, which had been gathered for
loading the cutter. A broken oar was stuck upright in the ground, to
which the natives had tied their canoes; a proof that the attack had
been made here. I then searched all along at the back of the beach, to
see if the cutter was there. We found no boat, but instead of her, such
a shocking scene of carnage and barbarity as can never be mentioned or
thought of but with horror; for the heads, hearts, and lungs of several
of our people were seen lying on the beach, and, at a little distance,
the dogs gnawing their entrails."
"Whilst we remained almost stupified on the spot, Mr Fannin called to us
that he heard the savages gathering together in the woods; on which I
returned to the boat, and hauling along-side the canoes, we demolished
three of them. Whilst this was transacting, the fire on the top of the
hill disappeared; and we could hear the Indians in the woods at high
words; I suppose quarrelling whether or no they should attack us, and
try to save their canoes. It now grew dark; I therefore just stepped
out, and looked once more behind the beach to see if the cutter had been
hauled up in the bushes; but seeing nothing of her, returned, and put
off. Our whole force would have been barely sufficient to have gone up
the hill; and to have ventured with half (for half must have been left
to guard the boat) would have been fool-hardiness."
"As we opened the upper part of the sound, we saw a very large fire
about three or four miles higher up, which formed a complete oval,
reaching from the top of the hill down almost to the water-side, the
middle space being inclosed all round by the fire, like a hedge. I
consulted with Mr Fannin, and we were both of opinion that we could
expect to reap no other advantage than the poor satisfaction of killing
some more of the savages. At leaving Grass Cove, we had fired a general
volley towards where we heard the Indians talking; but, by going in and
out of the boat, the arms had got wet, and four pieces missed fire. What
was still worse, it began to rain; our ammunition was more than, half
expended, and we left six large canoes behind us in one place. With so
many disadvantages, I did not think it worth while to proceed, where
nothing could be hoped for but revenge."
"Coming between two round islands, situated to the southward of East
Bay, we imagined we heard somebody calling; we lay on our oars, and
listened, but heard no more of it; we hallooed several times, but to
little purpose; the poor souls were far enough out of hearing, and,
indeed, I think it some comfort to reflect, that in all probability
every man of them must have been killed on the spot."
Thus far Mr Burney's report; and to complete the account of this
tragical transaction, it may not be unnecessary to mention, that the
people in the cutter were Mr Rowe, Mr Woodhouse, Francis Murphy,
quarter-master; William Facey, Thomas Hill, Michael Bell, and Edward
Jones, fore-castle men; John Cavanaugh, and Thomas Milton, belonging to
the after-guard; and James Sevilley, the captain's man, being ten in
all. Most of these were of our very best seamen, the stoutest and most
healthy people in the ship. Mr Burney's party brought on board two
hands, one belonging to Mr Rowe, known by a hurt he had received on it;
the other to Thomas Hill, as before-mentioned; and the head of the
captain's servant. These, with more of the remains, were tied in a
hammock, and thrown over-board, with ballast and shot sufficient to sink
it. None of their arms nor cloaths were found, except part of a pair of
trowsers, a frock, and six shoes, no two of them being fellows.
I am not inclined to think this was any premeditated plan of these
savages; for, the morning Mr Rowe left the ship, he met two canoes,
which came down and staid all the fore-noon in Ship Cove. It might
probably happen from some quarrel which was decided on the spot, or the
fairness of the opportunity might tempt them, our people being so
incautious, and thinking themselves too secure. Another thing which
encouraged the New Zealanders, was, they were sensible that a gun was
not infallible, that they sometimes missed, and that, when discharged,
they must be loaded before they could be used again, which time they
knew how to take advantage of. After their success, I imagine there was
a general meeting on the east side of the sound. The Indians of Shag
Cove were there; this we knew by a cock which was in one of the canoes,
and by a long single canoe, which some of our people had seen four days
before in Shag Cove, where they had been with Mr Rowe in the cutter.
We were detained in the Sound by contrary winds four days after this
melancholy affair happened, during which time we saw none of the
inhabitants. What is very remarkable, I had been several times up in the
same cove with Captain Cook, and never saw the least sign of an
inhabitant, except some deserted towns, which appeared as if they had
not been occupied for several years; and yet, when Mr Burney entered the
cove, he was of opinion there could not be less than fifteen hundred or
two thousand people. I doubt not, had they been apprized of his coming,
they would have attacked him. From these considerations, I thought it
imprudent to send a boat up again; as we were convinced there was not
the least probability of any of our people being alive.
On the 23d, we weighed and made sail out of the Sound, and stood to the
eastward to get clear of the straits; which we accomplished the same
evening, but were baffled for two or three days with light winds, before
we could clear the coast. We then stood to the S.S.E. till we got into
the latitude of 56° south, without any thing remarkable happening,
having a great swell from the southward. At this time the wind began to
blow strong from the S.W., and the weather to be very cold; and as the
ship was low and deep laden, the sea made a continual breach over her,
which kept us always wet; and by her straining, very few of the people
were dry in bed or on deck, having no shelter to keep the sea from them.
The birds were the only companions we had in this vast ocean, except,
now and then, we saw a whale or porpoise; and sometimes a seal or two,
and a few penguins. In the latitude of 58° S., longitude 213°[16] east,
we fell in with some ice, and, every day, saw more or less, we then
standing to the east. We found a very strong current setting to the
eastward; for by the time we were abreast of Cape Horn, being in the
latitude of 61° S., the ship was a-head of our account eight degrees. We
were very little more than a month from Cape Palliser in New Zealand to
Cape Horn, which is an hundred and twenty-one degrees of longitude, and
had continual westerly winds from S.W. to N.W., with a great sea
following.
[Footnote 16: About 147 west longitude, as I reckon.]
On opening some casks of pease and flour, that had been stowed on the
coals, we found them very much damaged, and not eatable; so thought it
most prudent to make for the Cape of Good Hope, but first to stand into
the latitude and longitude of Cape Circumcision. After being to the
eastward of Cape Horn, we found the winds did not blow so strong from
the westward as usual, but came more from the north, which brought on
thick foggy weather; so that for several days together we could not be
able to get an observation, or see the least sign of the sun. This
weather lasted above a month, being then among a great many islands of
ice, which kept us constantly on the look-out, for fear of running foul
of them, and, being a single ship, made us more attentive. By this time
our people began to complain of colds and pains in their limbs, which
obliged me to haul to the northward to the latitude of 54° S.; but we
still continued to have the same sort of weather, though we had oftener
an opportunity of obtaining observations for the latitude.
After getting into the latitude above-mentioned, I steered to the east,
in order, if possible, to find the land laid down by Bouvet. As we
advanced to the east, the islands of ice became more numerous and
dangerous; they being much smaller than they used to be; and the nights
began to be dark.
On the 3d of March, being then in the latitude of 54° 4' S., longitude
13° E., which is the latitude of Bouvet's discovery, and half a degree
to the eastward of it, and not seeing the least sign of land, either now
or since we have been in this parallel, I gave over looking for it, and
hauled away to the northward. As our last track to the southward was
within a few degrees of Bouvet's discovery in the longitude assigned to
it, and about three or four degrees to the southward, should there be
any land thereabout, it must be a very inconsiderable island. But I
believe it was nothing but ice: As we, in our first setting out, thought
we had seen land several times, but it proved to be high islands of ice
at the back of the large fields; and as it was thick foggy weather when
Mr Bouvet fell in with it, he might very easily mistake them for land.
On the seventh, being in the latitude of 48° 30' S., longitude 14° 26'
E., saw two large islands of ice.
On the 17th, made the land of the Cape of Good Hope, and on the 19th
anchored in Table Bay, where we found Commodore Sir Edward Hughes, with
his majesty's ships Salisbury and Sea-horse. I saluted the commodore
with, thirteen guns; and, soon after, the garrison with the same number;
the former returned the salute, as usual, with two guns less, and the
latter with an equal number.
On the 24th, Sir Edward Hughes sailed with the Salisbury and Sea-horse,
for the East Indies; but I remained refitting the ship and refreshing
the people till the 16th of April, when I sailed for England, and on the
14th of July anchored at Spithead.
SECTION IX.
_Transactions at the Cape of Good Hope; with an Account of some
Discoveries made by the French; and the Arrival of the Ship at St
Helena._
I now resume my own Journal, which Captain Furneaux's interesting
narrative, in the preceding section, had obliged me to suspend.
The day after my arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, I went on shore, and
waited on the Governor, Baron Plettenberg, and other principal officers,
who received, and, treated us, with the greatest politeness,
contributing all in their power to make it agreeable. And, as there are
few people more obliging to strangers than the Dutch in general, at this
place, and refreshments of all kinds are no where to be got in such
abundance, we enjoyed some real repose, after the fatigues of a long
voyage.
The good treatment which strangers meet with at the Cape of Good Hope,
and the necessity of breathing a little fresh air, has introduced a
custom, not common any where else (at least I have no where seen it so
strictly observed), which is, for all the officers, who can be spared
out of the ship, to reside on shore. We followed this custom. Myself,
the two Mr Forsters, and Mr Sparrman, took up our abode with Mr Brandt,
a gentleman well known to the English, by his obliging readiness to
serve them. My first care, after my arrival, was to procure fresh-baked
bread, fresh meat, greens, and wine, for those who remained on board;
and being provided, every day during our stay, with these articles, they
were soon restored to their usual strength. We had only three men on
board whom it was thought necessary to send on shore for the recovery of
their health; and for these I procured quarters, at the rate of thirty
stivers, or half-a-crown, per day, for which they were provided with
victuals, drink, and lodging.
We now went to work to supply all our defects. For this purpose, by
permission, we erected a tent on shore, to which we sent our casks and
sails to be repaired. We also struck the yards and topmasts, in order to
overhaul the rigging, which we found in so bad a condition, that almost
every thing, except the standing rigging, was obliged to be replaced
with new, and that was purchased at a most exorbitant price. In the
article of naval stores, the Dutch here, as well as at Batavia, take a
shameful advantage of the distress of foreigners.
That our rigging, sails, &c. should be worn out, will not be wondered
at, when it is known, that during this circumnavigation of the globe,
that is, from our leaving this place to our return to it again, we had
sailed no less than twenty thousand leagues; an extent of voyage nearly
equal to three times the equatorial circumference of the earth, and
which, I apprehend, was never sailed by any ship in the same space of
time before. And yet, in all this great run, which had been made in all
latitudes between 9° and 71, we sprung neither low-masts, top-mast,
lower, nor top-sail yard, nor so much as broke a lower or top-mast
shroud; which, with the great care and abilities of my officers, must be
owing to the good properties of our ship.
One of the French ships which were at anchor in the bay, was the Ajax
Indiaman, bound to Pondicherry, commanded by Captain Crozet. He had been
second in command with Captain Marion, who sailed from this place with
two ships, in March 1772, as hath been already mentioned. Instead of
going from hence to America, as was said, he stood away for New Zealand;
where, in the Bay of Isles, he and some of his people were killed by the
inhabitants. Captain Crozet, who succeeded to the command, returned by
the way of the Phillipine Isles, with the two ships, to the island of
Mauritius. He seemed to be a man possessed of the true spirit of
discovery, and to have abilities. In a very obliging manner he
communicated to me a chart, wherein were delineated not only his own
discoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen, which I found laid down
in the very situation where we searched for it; so that I can by no
means conceive how both we and the Adventure missed it.
Besides this land, which Captain Crozet told us was a long but very
narrow island, extending east and west, Captain Marion, in about the
latitude of 48° south, and from 16° to 30° of longitude east of the Cape
of Good Hope, discovered six islands, which were high and barren. These,
together with some islands lying between the Line and the southern
tropic in the Pacific Ocean, were the principal discoveries made in this
voyage, the account of which, we were told, was ready for publication.
By Captain Crozet's chart it appeared, that a voyage had been made by
the French across the South Pacific Ocean in 1769, under the command of
one Captain Surville; who, on condition of his attempting discoveries,
had obtained leave to make a trading voyage to the coast of Peru. He
fitted out, and took in a cargo, in some part of the East Indies;
proceeded by way of the Phillipine Isles; passed near New Britain; and
discovered some land in the latitude of 10° S., longitude 158° east, to
which he gave his own name. From hence he steered to the south; passed,
but a few degrees, to the west of New Caledonia; fell in with New
Zealand at its northern extremity, and put into Doubtful Bay; where, it
seems, he was, when I passed it, on my former voyage in the Endeavour.
From New Zealand Captain Surville steered to the east, between the
latitude of 35° and 41° south, until he arrived on the coast of America;
where, in the port of Callao, in attempting to land, he was drowned.
These voyages of the French, though undertaken by private adventurers,
have contributed something towards exploring the Southern Ocean. That of
Captain Surville clears up a mistake which I was led into, in imagining
the shoals off the west end of New Caledonia, to extend to the west as
far as New Holland; it proves that there is an open sea in that space,
and that we saw the N.W. extremity of that country.
From the same gentleman, we learnt, that the ship which had been at
Otaheite before our first arrival there this voyage, was from New Spain;
and that, in her return, she had discovered some islands in the latitude
of 32° S., and under the meridian of 130° W. Some other islands, said to
be discovered by the Spaniards, appeared on this chart; but Captain
Crozet seemed to think they were inserted from no good authorities.
We were likewise informed of a later voyage undertaken by the French,
under the command of Captain Kerguelen, which had ended much to the
disgrace of that commander.
While we lay in Table Bay, several foreign ships put in and out, bound
to and from India, viz. English, French, Danes, Swedes, and three
Spanish frigates, two of them going to, and one coming from Manilla. It
is but very lately that the Spanish ships have touched here; and these
were the first that were allowed the same privileges as other European
friendly nations.
On examining our rudder, the pintles were found to be loose, and we were
obliged to unhang it, and take it on shore to repair. We were also
delayed for want of caulkers to caulk the ship, which was absolutely
necessary to be done before we put to sea. At length I obtained two
workmen from one of the Dutch ships; and the Dutton English East
Indiaman coming in from Bengal, Captain Rice obliged me with two more;
so that by the 26th of April this work was finished: And having got on
board all necessary stores, and a fresh supply of provisions and water,
we took leave of the governor and other principal officers, and the next
morning repaired on board. Soon after the wind coming fair, we weighed
and put to sea; as did also the Spanish frigate Juno, from Manilla, a
Danish Indiaman, and the Dutton.
As soon as we were under sail, we saluted the garrison with thirteen
guns; which compliment was immediately returned with the same number.
The Spanish frigate and Danish Indiaman both saluted us as we passed
them, and I returned each salute with an equal number of guns. When we
were clear of the bay the Danish ship steered for the East Indies, the
Spanish frigate for Europe, and we and the Dutton for St Helena.
Depending on the goodness of Mr Kendall's watch, I resolved to try to
make the island by a direct course. For the first six days, that is,
till we got into the latitude of 27° S., longitude 11° 1/2 W. of the
cape, the winds were southerly and S.E. After this we had variable light
airs for two days; they were succeeded by a wind at S.E. which continued
to the island, except a part of one day, when it was at N.E. In general
the wind blew faint all the passage, which made it longer than common.
At day-break in the morning of the 15th of May, we saw the island of St
Helena at the distance of fourteen leagues; and at midnight anchored in
the road before the town, on the N.W. side of the island. At sun-rise
the next morning, the castle, and also the Dutton, saluted us, each with
thirteen guns; on my landing, soon after, I was saluted by the castle
with the same number, and each of the salutes was returned by the ship.
Governor Skettowe and the principal gentlemen of the island, received
and treated me, during my stay, with the greatest politeness; by shewing
me every kind of civility in their power.
Whoever views St Helena in its present state, and can but conceive what
it must have been originally, will not hastily charge the inhabitants
with want of industry. Though, perhaps, they might apply it to more
advantage, were more land appropriated to planting of corn, vegetables,
roots, &c. instead of being laid out in pasture, which is the present
mode. But this is not likely to happen, so long as the greatest part of
it remains in the hands of the company and their servants. Without
industrious planters, this island can never flourish, and be in a
condition to supply the shipping with the necessary refreshments.
Within these three years a new church has been built; some other new
buildings were in hand; a commodious landing-place for boats has been
made; and several other improvements, which add both strength and beauty
to the place.
During our stay here, we finished some necessary repairs of the ship,
which we had not time to do at the Cape. We also filled all our empty
water-casks; and the crew were served with fresh beef, purchased at
five-pence per pound. Their beef is exceedingly good, and is the only
refreshment to be had worth mentioning.
By a series of observations made at the Cape town, and at James Fort in
St Helena, at the former by Messrs Mason and Dixon, and at the latter by
Mr Maskelyne, the astronomer royal, the difference of longitude between
these two places is 24° 12' 15", only two miles more than Mr Kendall's
watch made. The lunar observations made by Mr Wales, before we arrived
at the island, and after we left it, and reduced to it by the watch,
gave 5° 51' for the longitude of James Fort; which is only five miles
more west than it is placed by Mr Maskelyne. In like manner the
longitude of the Cape Town was found within 5' of the truth. I mention
this to shew how near the longitude of places may be found by the lunar
method, even at sea, with the assistance of a good watch.[17]
[Footnote 17: Mr G.F. has communicated several very interesting
particulars respecting St Helena, but it is not judged proper to insert
them in this place, as having no connection with the purposes of the
voyage. A similar remark is applicable to some of the subjects mentioned
in the following section. Another opportunity may, perhaps, present of
giving full information on these topics.--E.]
SECTION X.
_Passage from St Helena to the Western Islands, with a Description of
the Island of Ascension and Fernando Noronha._
On the 21st in the evening, I took leave of the governor, and repaired
on board. Upon my leaving the shore, I was saluted with thirteen guns;
and upon my getting under sail, with the Dutton in company, I was
saluted with thirteen more; both of which I returned.
After leaving St Helena, the Dutton was ordered to steer N.W. by W. or
N.W. by compass, in order to avoid falling in with Ascension; at which
island, it was said, an illicit trade was carried on between the
officers of the India Company's ships, and some vessels from North
America, who, of late years, had frequented the island on pretence of
fishing whales or catching turtle, when their real design was to wait
the coming of the India ships. In order to prevent their homeward-bound
ships from falling in with these smugglers, and to put a stop to this
illicit trade, the Dutton was ordered to steer the course
above-mentioned, till to the northward of Ascension. I kept company with
this ship till the 24th, when, after putting a packet on board her for
the Admiralty, we parted: She continuing her course to the N.W., and I
steering for Ascension.
In the morning of the 28th I made the island; and the same evening
anchored in Cross Bay on the N.W. side, in ten fathoms water, the bottom
a fine sand, and half a mile from the shore. The Cross Hill, so called
on account of a cross, or flag-staff erected upon it, bore by compass S.
38° E.; and the two extreme points of the bay extended from N.E. to S.W.
We remained here till the evening of the 31st, and notwithstanding we
had several parties out every night, we got but twenty-four turtle, it
being rather too late in the season; however, as they weighed between
four or five hundred pounds each, we thought ourselves not ill off. We
might have had a plentiful supply of fish in general, especially of that
sort called Old Wives, of which I have no where seen such abundance.
There were also cavalies, conger eels, and various other sorts; but the
catching of any of these was not attended to, the object being turtle.
There are abundance of goats, and aquatic birds, such as men-of-war and
tropic birds, boobies, &c.
The island of Ascension is about ten miles in length, in the direction
of N.W. and S.E., and about five or six in breadth. It shews a surface
composed of barren hills and vallies, on the most of which not a shrub
or plant is to be seen for several miles, and where we found nothing but
stones and sand, or rather flags and ashes; an indubitable sign that the
isle, at some remote time, has been destroyed by a volcano, which has
thrown up vast heaps of stones, and even hills. Between these heaps of
stones we found a smooth even surface, composed of ashes and sand, and
very good travelling upon it; but one may as easily walk over broken
glass bottles as over the stones. If the foot deceives you, you are sure
to be cut or lamed, which happened to some of our people. A high
mountain at the S.E. end of the isle seems to be left in its original
state, and to have escaped the general destruction. Its soil is a kind
of white marl, which yet retains its vegetative qualities, and produceth
a kind of purslain, spurge, and one or two grasses. On these the goats
subsist, and it is at this part of the isle where they are to be found,
as also land-crabs, which are said to be very good.
I was told, that about this part of the isle is some very good land on
which might be raised many necessary articles; and some have been at the
trouble of sowing turnips and other useful vegetables. I was also told
there is a fine spring in a valley which disjoins two hills on the top
of the mountain above-mentioned; besides great quantities of fresh water
in holes in the rocks, which the person who gave me this information,
believed was collected from rains. But these supplies of water can only
be of use to the traveller; or to those who may be so unfortunate as to
be shipwrecked on the island; which seems to have been the fate of some
not long ago, as appeared by the remains of a wreck we found on the N.E.
side. By what we could judge, she seemed to have been a vessel of about
one hundred and fifty tons burthen.
While we lay in the road, a sloop of about seventy tons burthen came to
an anchor by us. She belonged to New York, which place she left in
February, and having been to the coast of Guinea with a cargo of goods,
was come here to take in turtle to carry to Barbadoes. This was the
story which the master, whose name was Greves, was pleased to tell, and
which may, in part, be true. But I believe the chief view of his coming
here, was the expectation of meeting with some of the India ships. He
had been in the island near a week, and had got on board twenty turtle.
A sloop, belonging to Bermuda, had sailed but a few days before with one
hundred and five on board, which was as many as she could take in; but
having turned several more on the different sandy beaches, they had
ripped open their bellies, taken out the eggs, and left their carcasses
to putrify; an act as inhuman as injurious to those who came after them.
Part of the account I have given of the interior parts of this island I
received from Captain Greves, who seemed to be a sensible intelligent
man, and had been all over it. He sailed in the morning of the same day
we did.
Turtle, I am told, are to be found at this isle from January to June.
The method of catching them is to have people upon the several sandy
bays, to watch their coming on shore to lay their eggs, which is always
in the night, and then to turn them on their backs, till there be an
opportunity to take them off the next day. It was recommended to us to
send a good many men to each beach, where they were to lie quiet till
the turtle were ashore, and then rise and turn them at once. This method
may be the best when the turtle are numerous; but when there are but
few, three or four men are sufficient for the largest beach; and if they
keep patroling it, close to the wash of the surf, during the night, by
this method they will see all that come ashore, and cause less noise
than if there were more of them. It was by this method we caught the
most we got; and this is the method by which the Americans take them.
Nothing is more certain, than that all the turtle which are found about
this island, come here for the sole purpose of laying their eggs; for we
met with none but females; and of all those which we caught, not one had
any food worth mentioning in its stomach; a sure sign, in my opinion,
that they must have been a long time without any; and this may be the
reason why the flesh of them is not so good as some I have eat on the
coast of New South Wales, which were caught on the spot where they fed.
The watch made 8° 45' difference of longitude between St Helena and
Ascension; which, added to 5° 49' the longitude of James Fort in St
Helena, gives 14° 34' for the longitude of the Road of Ascension, or 14°
30' for the middle of the island, the latitude of which is 8° S. The
lunar observations made by Mr Wales, and reduced to the same point of
the island by the watch, gave 14° 28' 30" west longitude.
On the 31st of May, we left Ascension, and steered to the northward with
a fine gale at S.E. by E. I had a great desire to visit the island of St
Matthew, to settle its situation; but as I found the wind would not let
me fetch it, I steered for the island of Fernando de Noronha on the
coast of Brazil, in order to determine its longitude, as I could not
find this had yet been done. Perhaps I should have performed a more
acceptable service to navigation, if I had gone in search of the island
of St Paul, and those shoals which are said to lie near the equator, and
about the meridian of 20° W.; as neither their situation nor existence
are well known. The truth is, I was unwilling to prolong the passage in
searching for what I was not sure to find; nor was I willing to give up
every object, which might tend to the improvement of navigation or
geography, for the sake of getting home a week or a fortnight sooner. It
is but seldom that opportunities of this kind offer; and when they do,
they are too often neglected.
In our passage to Fernando de Noronha, we had steady fresh gales
between the S.E. and E.S.E., attended with fair and clear weather; and
as we had the advantage of the moon, a day or night did not pass without
making lunar observations for determining our longitude. In this run,
the variation of the compass gradually decreased from 11° W., which it
was at Ascension., to 1° W., which we found off Fernando de Noronha.
This was the mean result of two compasses, one of which gave 1° 37', and
the other 23' W.
On the 9th of June at noon we made the island of Fernando de Noronha,
bearing S.W. by W. 1/2 W., distant six or seven leagues, as we
afterwards found by the log. It appeared in detached and peaked hills,
the largest of which looked like a church tower or steeple. As we drew
near the S.E. part of the isle, we perceived several unconnected sunken
rocks lying near a league from the shore, on which the sea broke in a
great surf. After standing very near these rocks, we hoisted our
colours, and then bore up round the north end of the isle, or rather
round a group of little islets; for we could see that the land was
divided by narrow channels. There is a strong fort on the one next the
main island, where there are several others; all of which seemed to have
every advantage that nature can give them, and they are so disposed, as
wholly to command all the anchoring and landing-places about the island.
We continued to steer round the northern point, till the sandy beaches
(before which is the road for shipping) began to appear, and the forts
and the peaked hills were open to the westward of the said point. At
this time, on a gun being fired from one of the forts, the Portuguese
colours were displayed, and the example was followed by all the other
forts. As the purpose for which I made the island was now answered, I
had no intention to anchor; and therefore, after firing a gun to
leeward, we made sail and stood away to the northward with a fine fresh
gale at E.S.E. The peaked hill or church tower bore S., 27° W., distant
about four or five miles; and from this point of view it leans, or
overhangs, to the east. This hill is nearly in the middle of the island,
which no where exceeds two leagues in extent, and shews a hilly unequal
surface, mostly covered with wood and herbage.
Ulloa says, "This island hath two harbours capable of receiving ships of
the greatest burden; one is on the north side, and the other is on the
N.W. The former is, in every respect, the principal, both for shelter
and capacity, and the goodness of its bottom; but both are exposed to
the north and west, though these winds, particularly the north, are
periodical, and of no long continuance." He further says, "That you
anchor in the north harbour (which is no more than what I would call a
road) to thirteen fathoms water, one-third of a league from shore,
bottom of fine sand; the peaked hill above-mentioned bearing S.W. 2°
southerly."[18]
[Footnote 18: See Don Antonio d'Ulloa's Book, vol. ii. chap. 3. page 95
to 102, where there is a very particular account of this island.]
This road seems to be well sheltered from the south and east winds. One
of my seamen had been on board a Dutch India ship, who put in at this
isle in her way out in 1770. They were very sickly, and in want of
refreshments and water. The Portuguese supplied them with some buffaloes
and fowls; and they watered behind one of the beaches in a little pool,
which was hardly big enough to dip a bucket in. By reducing the observed
latitude at noon to the peaked hill, its latitude will be 3° 53' S.; and
its longitude, by the watch, carried on from St Helena, is 32° 34' W.;
and by observations of the sun and moon, made before and after we made
the Isle, and reduced to it by the watch, 32° 44' 30" W. This was the
mean result of my observations. The results of those made by Mr Wales,
which were more numerous, gave 32° 23'. The mean of the two will be
pretty near the watch, and probably nearest the truth. By knowing the
longitude of this isle, we are able to determine that of the adjacent
east coast of Brazil; which, according to the modern charts, lies about
sixty or seventy leagues more to the west. We might very safely have
trusted to these charts, especially the variation chart for 1744, and Mr
Dalrymple's of the southern Atlantic ocean.[19]
[Footnote 19: Ulloa says, that the chart places this island sixty
leagues from the coast of Brazil; and that the Portuguese pilots, who
often make the voyage, judge it to be eighty leagues; but, by taking the
mean between the two opinions, the distance may be fixed at seventy
leagues.]
On the 11th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we crossed the equator
in the longitude of 32° 14' W. We had fresh gales at E.S.E., blowing in
squalls, attended by showers of rain, that continued at certain
intervals, till noon the next day, after which we had twenty-four hours
fair weather.
At noon on the 13th, being in the latitude of 3° 49' N., longitude 31°
47' W., the wind became variable, between the N.E. and S.; and we had
light airs and squalls by turns, attended by hard showers of rain, and
for the most part dark gloomy weather, which continued till the evening
of the 15th, when, in the latitude of 5° 47' N., longitude 31° W., we
had three calm days, in which time we did not advance above ten or
twelve leagues to the north. We had fair weather and rain by turns; the
sky, for the most part, being obscured, and sometimes by heavy dense
clouds which broke in excessive hard showers.
At seven o'clock in the evening on the 18th, the calm was succeeded by a
breeze at east, which the next day increasing and veering to and fixing
at N.E., we stretched to N.W. with our tacks on board. We made no doubt
that we had now got the N.E. trade-wind, as it was attended with fair
weather, except now and then some light showers of rain; and as we
advanced to the north the wind increased, and blew a fresh top-gallant
gale.
On the 21st, I ordered the still to be fitted to the largest copper,
which held about sixty-four gallons. The fire was lighted at four
o'clock in the morning, and at six the still began to run. It was
continued till six o'clock in the evening; in which time we obtained
thirty-two gallons of fresh water, at the expence of one bushel and a
half of coals; which was about three-fourths of a bushel more than was
necessary to have boiled the ship's company's victuals only; but the
expence of fuel was no object with me. The victuals were dressed in the
small copper, the other being applied wholly to the still; and every
method was made use of to obtain from it the greatest quantity of fresh
water possible; as this was my sole motive for setting it to work. The
mercury in the thermometer at noon was eighty-four and a half, and
higher it is seldom found at sea. Had it been lower, more water, under
the same circumstances, would undoubtedly have been produced; for the
colder the air is, the cooler you can keep the still, which will
condense the steam the faster. Upon the whole, this is an useful
invention; but I would advise no man to trust wholly to it. For although
you may, provided you have plenty of fuel and good coppers, obtain as
much water as will support life, you cannot, with all your efforts,
obtain sufficient to support health, in hot climates especially, where
it is the most wanting: For I am well convinced, that nothing
contributes more to the health of seamen, than having plenty of water.
The wind now remained invariably fixed at N.E. and E.N.E., and blew
fresh with squalls, attended with showers of rain, and the sky for the
most part cloudy. On the 25th, in the latitude of 16° 12' N., longitude
37° 20' W., seeing a ship to windward steering down upon us, we
shortened sail in order to speak with her; but finding she was Dutch by
her colours, we made sail again and left her to pursue her course, which
we supposed was to some of the Dutch settlements in the West Indies. In
the latitude of 20° N., longitude 39° 45' W., the wind began to veer to
E. by N. and E.; but the weather remained the same; that is, we
continued to have it clear and cloudy by turns, with light squalls and
showers. Our track was between N.W. by N. and N.N.W., till noon on the
28th, after which our course made good was N. by W., being at this time
in the latitude of 21° 21' N., longitude 40° 6' W. Afterwards, the wind
began to blow a little more steady, and was attended with fair and clear
weather. At two o'clock in the morning of the 30th, being in the
latitude of 24° 20' N., longitude 40° 47' W., a ship, steering to the
westward, passed us within hail. We judged her to be English, as they
answered us in that language; but we could not understand what they
said, and they were presently out of sight.
In the latitude of 29° 30', longitude 41° 30', the wind slackened and
veered more to the S.E. We now began to see some of that sea-plant,
which is commonly called gulph-weed, from a supposition that it comes
from the Gulph of Florida. Indeed, for aught I know to the contrary, it
may be a fact; but it seems not necessary, as it is certainly a plant
which vegetates at sea. We continued to see it, but always in small
pieces, till we reached the latitude 36°, longitude 39° W., beyond which
situation no more appeared.
On the 5th of July, in the latitude of 22° 31' 30" N., longitude 40° 29'
W., the wind veered to the east, and blew very faint: The next day it
was calm; the two following days we had variable light airs and calms by
turns; and, at length, on the 9th, having fixed at S.S.W., it increased
to a fresh gale, with which we steered first N.E. and then E.N.E., with
a view of making some of the Azores, or Western Isles. On the 11th, in
the latitude of 36° 45' N., longitude 36° 45' W., we saw a sail which
was steering to the west; and the next day we saw three more.
SECTION XI.
_Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Fayal, a Description of the Place,
and the Return of the Resolution to England._
At five o'clock in the evening of the 13th, we made the island of Fayal,
one of the Azores, and soon after that of Pico, under which we spent the
night in making short boards. At day-break the next morning, we bore
away for the bay of Fayal, or De Horta, where at eight o'clock, we
anchored in twenty fathoms water, a clear sandy bottom, and something
more than half a mile from the shore. Here we moored N.E. and S.W.,
being directed so to do by the master of the port, who came on board
before we dropped anchor. When moored, the S.W. point of the bay bore S.
16° W., and the N.E. point N. 33° E.; the church at the N.E. end of the
town N. 38° W., the west point of St George's Island N. 42° E., distant
eight leagues; and the isle of Pico, extending from N. 74° E. to S. 46°
E., distant four or five miles.
We found in the bay the Pourvoyeur, a large French frigate, an American
sloop, and a brig belonging to the place. She had come last from the
river Amazon, where she took in a cargo of provision from the Cape Verd
Islands; but, not being able to find them, she steered for this place,
where she anchored about half an hour before us.
As my sole design in stopping here was to give Mr Wales an opportunity
to find the rate of the watch, the better to enable us to fix with some
degree of certainty the longitude of these islands, the moment we
anchored, I sent an officer to wait on the English consul, and to notify
our arrival to the governor, requesting his permission for Mr Wales to
make observations on shore, for the purpose above mentioned. Mr Dent,
who acted as consul in the absence of Mr Gathorne, not only procured
this permission, but accommodated Mr Wales with a convenient place in
his garden to set up his instruments; so that he was enabled to observe
equal altitudes the same day.
We were not more obliged to Mr Dent for the very friendly readiness he
shewed in procuring us this and every other thing we wanted, than for
the very liberal and hospitable entertainment we met with at his house,
which was open to accommodate us both night and day.
During our stay, the ship's company was served with fresh beef; and we
took on board about fifteen tons of water, which we brought off in the
country boats, at the rate of about three shillings per ton. Ships are
allowed to water with their own boats; but the many inconveniencies
attending it, more than overbalance the expence of hiring shore-boats,
which is the most general custom.
Fresh provisions for present use may be got, such as beef, vegetables,
and fruit; and hogs, sheep, and poultry for sea stock, all at a pretty
reasonable price; but I do not know that any sea-provisions are to be
had, except wine. The bullocks and hogs are very good, but the sheep are
small and wretchedly poor.
The principal produce of Fayal is wheat and Indian corn, with which they
supply Pico and some of the other isles. The chief town is called Villa
de Horta. It is situated in the bottom of the bay, close to the edge of
the sea, and is defended by two castles, one at each end of the town,
and a wall of stone-work, extending along the sea-shore from the one to
the other. But these works are suffered to go to decay, and serve more
for shew than strength. They heighten the prospect of the city, which
makes a fine appearance from the road; but, if we except the Jesuits'
college, the monasteries and churches, there is not another building
that has any thing to recommend it, either outside or in. There is not a
glass window in the place, except what are in the churches, and in a
country-house which lately belonged to the English consul; all the
others being latticed, which, to an Englishman, makes them look like
prisons.
This little city, like all others belonging to the Portuguese, is
crowded with religious buildings, there being no less than three
convents of men and two of women, and eight churches, including those
belonging to the convents, and the one in the Jesuits' college. This
college is a fine structure, and is situated on an elevation in the
pleasantest part of the city. Since the expulsion of that order, it has
been suffered to go to decay, and will probably, in a few years, be no
better than a heap of ruins.
Fayal, although the most noted for wines, does not raise sufficient for
its own consumption. This article is raised on Pico, where there is no
road for shipping; but being brought to De Horta, and from thence
shipped abroad, chiefly to America, it has acquired the name of Fayal
Wine.
The bay, or road of Fayal, is situated at the east end of the isle,
before the Villa de Horta, and facing the west end of Pico. It is two
miles broad, and three quarters of a mile deep, and hath a semi-circular
form. The depth of water is from twenty to ten and even six fathoms, a
sandy bottom, except near the shore, and particularly near the S.W.
head, off which the bottom is rocky, also without the line which joins
the two points of the bay, so that it is not safe to anchor far out. The
bearing before mentioned, taken when at anchor, will direct any one to
the best ground. It is by no means a bad road, but the winds most to be
apprehended, are those which blow from between the S.S.W. and S.E.; the
former is not so dangerous as the latter, because, with it, you can
always get to sea. Besides this road, there is a small cove round the
S.W. point, called Porto Pierre, in which, I am told, a ship or two may
lie in tolerable safety, and where they sometimes heave small vessels
down.
A Portuguese captain told me, that about half a league from the road in
the direction of S.E., in a line between it and the south side of Pico,
lies a sunken rock, over which is twenty-two feet water, and on which
the sea breaks in hard gales from the south. He also assured me, that of
all the shoals that are laid down in our charts and pilot-books about
these isles, not one has any existence but the one between the islands
of St Michael and St Mary, called Hormingan. This account may be
believed, without relying entirely upon it. He further informed me, that
it is forty-five leagues from Fayal to the island of Flores; and that
there runs a strong tide between Fayal and Pico, the flood setting to
the N.E. and the ebb to the S.W., but that, out at sea, the direction is
E. and W. Mr Wales having observed the times of high and low water by
the shore, concluded that it must be high water at the full and change,
about twelve o'clock, and the water riseth about four or five feet.
The distance between Fayal and Flores was confirmed by Mr Rebiers,
lieutenant of the French frigate, who told me, that after being by
estimation two leagues due south of Flores, they made forty-four leagues
on a S.E. by E. course by compass, to St Catherine's Point on Fayal.
I found the latitude of the ship at anchor 38° 31' 55" N.
in the bay
By a mean of seventeen sets of lunar 28 24 30 W.
observations, and reduced to the bay
by the watch, the longitude was made
By a mean of six sets after leaving it, 28 53 22
and reduced back by the watch
-----------------
Longitude by observation 28 38 56
-----------------
Ditto, by the watch 28 55 45
Error of the watch on our arrival at 16 26-1/2
Portsmouth
-----------------
True longitude by the watch 28 39 18-1/2
_________________
I found the variation of the compass, by several azimuths, taken by
different compasses on board the ship, to agree very well with the like
observations made by Mr Wales on shore; and yet the variation thus found
is greater by 5° than we found it to be at sea, for the azimuths taken
on board the evening before we came into the bay, gave no more than 16°
18' W. variation, and the evening after we came out 17° 33' W.
I shall now give some account of the variation, as observed in our run
from the island of Fernando De Noronha to Fayal. The least variation we
found was 37' W. which was the day after we left Fernando De Noronha,
and in the latitude of 33' S., longitude 32° 16' W. The next day, being
nearly in the same longitude, and in the latitude of 1° 25' N., it was
1° 23' W.; and we did not find it increase till we got into the latitude
of 5° N., longitude 31° W. After this our compasses gave different
variation, viz. from 3° 57' to 5° 11' W. till we arrived in the latitude
of 26° 44' N., longitude 41° W., when we found 6° W. It then increased
gradually, so that in the latitude of 35° N., longitude 40° W., it was
10° 24' W.; in the latitude of 38° 12' N., longitude 32° 1/2 W. it was
14° 47'; and in sight of Fayal 16° 18' W., as mentioned above.
Having left the bay, at four in the morning of the 19th, I steered for
the west end of St George's Island. As soon as we had passed it, I
steered E. 1/2 S. for the Island of Tercera; and after having run
thirteen leagues, we were not more than one league from the west end. I
now edged away for the north side, with a view of ranging the coast to
the eastern point, in order to ascertain the length of the island; but
the weather coming on very thick and hazy, and night approaching, I gave
up the design, and proceeded with all expedition for England.
On the 29th, we made the land near Plymouth. The next morning we
anchored at Spithead; and the same day I landed at Portsmouth, and set
out for London, in company with Messrs Wales, Forsters, and Hodges.
Having been absent from England three years and eighteen days, in which
time, and under all changes of climate, I lost but four men, and only
one of them by sickness, it may not be amiss, at the conclusion of this
journal, to enumerate the several causes to which, under the care of
Providence, I conceive this uncommon good state of health, experienced
by my people, was owing.
In the Introduction, mention has been made of the extraordinary
attention paid by the Admiralty in causing such articles to be put on
board, as either from experience or suggestion it was judged would tend
to preserve the health of the seamen. I shall not trespass upon the
reader's time in mentioning them all, but confine myself to such as were
found the most useful.
We were furnished with a quantity of malt, of which was made _Sweet
Wort_. To such of the men as shewed the least symptoms of the scurvy,
and also to such as were thought to be threatened with that disorder,
this was given, from, one to two or three pints a-day each man; or in
such proportion as the surgeon found necessary, which sometimes amounted
to three quarts. This is, without doubt, one of the best anti-scorbutic
sea-medicines yet discovered; and, if used in time, will, with proper
attention to other things, I am persuaded, prevent the scurvy from
making any great progress for a considerable while. But I am not
altogether of opinion that it will cure it at sea.
_Sour Krout_, of which we had a large quantity, is not only a wholesome
vegetable food, but, in my judgment, highly antiscorbutic; and it spoils
not by keeping. A pound of this was served to each man, when at sea,
twice-a-week, or oftener, as was thought necessary.
_Portable Broth_ was another great article, of which we had a large
supply. An ounce of this to each man, or such other proportion as
circumstances pointed out, was boiled in their pease, three days in the
week; and when we were in places where vegetables were to be got, it was
boiled with them, and wheat or oatmeal, every morning for breakfast; and
also with pease and vegetables for dinner. It enabled us to make several
nourishing and wholesome messes, and was the means of making the people
eat a greater quantity of vegetables than they would otherwise have
done.
_Rob of Lemon and Orange_ is an antiscorbutic we were not without. The
surgeon made use of it in many cases with great success.
Amongst the articles of victualling, we were supplied with _Sugar_ in
the room of _Oil_, and with _Wheat_ for a part of our _Oatmeal_; and
were certainly gainers by the exchange. Sugar, I apprehend, is a very
good antiscorbutic; whereas oil (such as the navy is usually supplied
with), I am of opinion, has the contrary effect.
But the introduction of the most salutary articles, either as provisions
or medicines, will generally prove unsuccessful, unless supported by
certain regulations. On this principle, many years experience, together
with some hints I had from Sir Hugh Palliser, Captains Campbell, Wallis,
and other intelligent officers, enabled me to lay a plan, whereby all
was to be governed.
The crew were at three watches, except upon some extraordinary
occasions. By this means they were not so much exposed to the weather as
if they had been at watch and watch; and had generally dry clothes to
shift themselves, when they happened to get wet. Care was also taken to
expose them as little to wet weather as possible.
Proper methods were used to keep their persons, hammocks, bedding,
cloaths, &c. constantly clean and dry. Equal care was taken to keep the
ship clean and dry betwixt decks. Once or twice a week she was aired
with fires; and when this could not be done, she was smoked with
gun-powder, mixed with vinegar or water. I had also, frequently, a fire
made in an iron pot, at the bottom of the well, which was of great use
in purifying the air in the lower parts of the ship. To this, and to
cleanliness, as well in the ship as amongst the people, too great
attention cannot be paid; the least neglect occasions a putrid and
disagreeable smell below, which nothing but fires will remove.
Proper attention was paid to the ship's coppers, so that they were kept
constantly clean.
The fat which boiled out of the salt beef and pork, I never suffered to
be given to the people; being of opinion that it promotes the scurvy.
I was careful to take in water wherever it was to be got, even though we
did not want it, because I look upon fresh water from the shore to be
more wholesome than that which has been kept some time on board a ship.
Of this essential article we were never at an allowance, but had always
plenty for every necessary purpose. Navigators in general cannot,
indeed, expect, nor would they wish to meet with such advantages in this
respect, as fell to my lot. The nature of our voyage carried us into
very high latitudes. But the hardships and dangers inseparable from that
situation, were in some degree compensated by the singular felicity we
enjoyed, of extracting inexhaustible supplies of fresh water from an
ocean strewed with ice.
We came to few places, where either the art of man, or the bounty of
nature, had not provided some sort of refreshment or other, either in
the animal or vegetable way. It was my first care to procure whatever of
any kind could be met with, by every means in my power; and to oblige
our people to make use thereof, both by my example and authority; but
the benefits arising from refreshments of any kind soon became so
obvious, that I had little occasion, to recommend the one, or to exert
the other.
It doth not become me to say how far the principal objects of our voyage
have been obtained. Though it hath not abounded with remarkable events,
nor been diversified by sudden transitions of fortune; though my
relation of it has been more employed in tracing our course by sea, than
in recording our operations on shore; this, perhaps, is a circumstance
from which the curious reader may infer, that the purposes for which we
were sent into the Southern Hemisphere, were diligently and effectually
pursued. Had we found out a continent there, we might have been better
enabled to gratify curiosity; but we hope our not having found it, after
all our persevering researches, will leave less room for future
speculation about unknown worlds remaining to be explored.
But, whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it is with
real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of attention
to my duty, that I can conclude this account with an observation, which
facts enable me to make; that our having discovered the possibility of
preserving health amongst a numerous ship's company, for such a length
of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such continued
hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable in the opinion
of every benevolent person, when the disputes about a Southern Continent
shall have ceased to engage the attention, and to divide the judgment of
philosophers.[20]
[Footnote 20: We cannot better express the importance of the
preservative measures adopted during this voyage, and therefore the
value of the voyage itself, than by quoting a passage from Sir John
Pringle's discourse on assigning to Captain Cook the Royal Society's
Copleyan medal, a distinguished honour conferred on him, though absent
on his last expedition, shortly after having been elected a member of
that illustrious body. "I would enquire of the most conversant in the
study of bills of mortality, whether, in the most healthful climate, and
in the best condition of life, they have ever found so small a number of
deaths, within the same space of time? How great and agreeable then must
our surprise be, after perusing the histories of long navigations in
former days, when so many perished by marine diseases, to find the air
of the sea acquitted of all malignity, and, in fine, that a voyage round
the world may be undertaken with less danger, perhaps, to health, than a
common tour in Europe!"--"If Rome," he says in conclusion, "decreed the
civic crown to him who saved the life of a single citizen, what wreaths
are due to that man, who, having himself saved many, perpetuates in your
Transactions, (alluding to Captain Cook's paper on the subject), the
means by which Britain may now, on the most distant voyages, preserve
numbers of her intrepid sons, her _mariners_; who, braving every danger,
have so liberally contributed to the fame, to the opulence, and to the
maritime empire, of their country?"--An acknowledgement so judicious
finds a response in every breast that knows how to estimate the value of
human life and happiness, and will not fail to secure to the name of
Cook, the grateful applause of every succeeding generation.--E.]
A
VOCABULARY
OF THE
LANGUAGE OF THE SOCIETY ISLES.
* * * * *
DIRECTIONS
_For the Pronunciation of the Vocabulary_.
As all nations who are acquainted with the method of communicating their
ideas by characters, (which represent the sound that conveys the idea,)
have some particular method of managing, or pronouncing, the sounds
represented by such characters, this forms a very essential article in
the constitution of the language of any particular nation, and must,
therefore, be understood before we can make any progress in learning, or
be able to converse in it. But as this is very complex and tedious to a
beginner, by reason of the great variety of powers the characters, or
letters, are endued with under different circumstances, it would seem
necessary, at least in languages which have never before appeared in
writing, to lessen the number of these varieties, by restraining the
different sounds, and always representing the same simple ones by the
same character; and this is no less necessary in the English than any
other language, as this variety of powers is very frequent, and without
being taken notice of in the following Vocabulary, might render it
entirely unintelligible. As the vowels are the regulations of all
sounds, it is these only that need be noticed, and the powers allotted
to each of these in the Vocabulary is subjoined.
_A_ in the English language is used to represent two different simple
sounds, as in the word Arabia, where the first and last have a different
power from the second. In the Vocabulary this letter must always have
the power, or be pronounced like the first and last in Arabia. The other
power, or sound, of the second _a_, is always represented in the
Vocabulary by _a_ and _i_, printed in Italics thus, _ai_.
_E_ has likewise two powers, or it is used to represent two simple
sounds, as in the words Eloquence, Bred, Led, &c. and it may be said to
have a third power, as in the words Then, When, &c. In the first case,
this letter is only used at the beginning of words, and wherever it is
met with in any other place in the words of the Vocabulary, it is used
as in the second case: But never as in the third example; for this
power, or sound, is every where expressed by the _a_ and _i_
before-mentioned, printed in Italics.
_I_ is used to express different simple sounds, as in the words
Indolence, Iron, and Imitation. In the Vocabulary it is never used as in
the first case, but in the middle of words; it is never used as in the
second example, for that sound is always represented by _y_, nor is it
used as in the last case, that sound being always represented by two
_e_'s, printed in Italics in this manner, _ee_.
_O_ never alters in the pronunciation, i.e. in this Vocabulary, of a
simple sound, but is often used in this manner, _oo_, and sounds as in
Good, Stood, &c.
_U_ alters, or is used to express different simple sounds, as in Unity,
or Umbrage. Here the letters _e_ and _u_, printed in Italics _eu_ are
used to express its power as in the first example, and it always retains
the second power, wherever it is met with.
_Y_ is used to express different sounds, as in My, By, &c. &c. and in
Daily, Fairly, &c. Wherever it is met with in the middle, or end, (i.e.
anywhere but at the beginning,) of a word, it is to be used as in the
first example; but is never to be found as in the second, for that
sound, or power, is always represented by the Italic letter _e_. It has
also a third power, as in the words Yes, Yell, &c., which is retained
every where in the Vocabulary, at least in the beginning of words, or
when it goes before another vowel, unless directed to be sounded
separately by a mark over it, as thus, ÿ a.
Unless in a few instances, these powers of the vowels are used
throughout the Vocabulary; but, to make the pronunciation still less
liable to change, or variation, a few marks are added to the words, as
follows:--
This mark ¨ as öa, means that these letters are to be expressed singly.
The letters in Italic, as _ee_, or _oo_, make but one simple sound.
When a particular stress is laid on any part of a word in the
pronunciation, an accent is placed over that letter where it begins, or
rather between that and the preceding one.
It often happens that a word is compounded as it were of two, or in some
cases the same word, or syllable, is repeated. In these circumstances, a
comma is placed under them at this division, where a rest, or small
space, of time is left before you proceed to pronounce the other part,
but it must not be imagined that this is a full stop.
_Examples in all these Cases._
Röa, Great, long, distant. E'r_ee_ma, Five. Ry'po_ee_a, Fog, _or
mist_. E'h_oo_ra, To invert, _or turn upside down_. Par_oo_, r_oo_,
A partition, _division, or screen_.
A
VOCABULARY, &c.
A.
To abide, _or remain_ Ete'_ei_.
An Abode, _or place of residence_, Noho`ra.
Above, _not below_, N_eea_, s. Tie'n_eea_.
An Abscess, Fe'fe.
Action, _opposed to rest_, Ta'er_ee_.
Adhesive, _of an adhesive or sticking
quality_ Oo'p_ee_re.
Adjoining, _or contiguous to_, E'p_ee_iho.
Admiration, _an interjection of_, A'w_ai_, s. A'w_ai_
to P_ee_r_ee_ai.
An adulterer, T_ee_ho t_ee_ho, s. Teeho
_or one that vexes a married woman_ ta-rar
To agitate, _or shake a thing,
as water, &c._ E_oo_a'w_ai_.
Aliment, _or food of any kind_, Mäa.
Alive, _that is not dead_, Waura.
All, _the whole, not a part_, A'ma_oo_.
Alone, _by one's self_, Ota'h_oi_.
Anger, _or to be angry_, Warrad_ee_,
s. R_ee_d_ee_.
To angle, _or fish_, E'h_oo_tee.
_The_ Ankle, Momoa.
_The inner_ Ankle, A't_oo_a,ewy.
Answer, _an answer to a question_, Oo'm_ai_a.
Approbation, _or consent_, Mad_oo_ho'why.
_Punctuated_ Arches _on the hips_, E'var're.
_The_ Arm, R_ee_ma.
_The_ Armpit, E'e.
_An_ arrow, E'_oo_me.
Arrow, _the body of an arrow or reed_, O'wha.
_The point of an_ Arrow, To'_ai_, s. O'möa.
Ashamed, _to be ashamed or confused_, Ama, s. He'ama.
Ashore, _or on shore_, Te Euta.
To ask _for a thing_, Ho'my, s. Ha'py my.
Asperity, _roughness_, Tarra, tarra.
An Assassin,_murderer, or rather
man-killer, soldier, Taata,Töa. or
warrior_,
An Assembly, _or meeting_, Ete_ou_'rooa. Atherina,
A'n_ai_h_eu_.
Avaricious, _parsimonious, ungenerous_, P_ee_'p_ee_re.
Averse, _unwillingness to do a thing_, Fata, h_oi_to' _hoi_to.
Authentic,_true_, Par_ou_, m_ou_.
Awake, _not asleep_, Arra arra, s. E'ra.
Awry,_or to one side; as a wry neck_, Na'na.
An Axe, _hatchet, or adze_, Töe.
Ay, _yes; an affirmation_, _Ai_.
B.
A Babe, _or child_, Mydidde.
A Batchelor, _or unmarried person_, E'ev_ee_ (taata.)
The_ Back, T_oo_a_.
To wipe the_ Backside, Fy'r_oo_,too'ty.
Bad, _it is not good_, 'Eè'no.
A Bag _of straw_, Ete'öe, s.Eäte.
Bait, _for fish_, Era'_eu_noo.
Baked _in the oven_, Et_oo_n_oo_.
Bald-headed, O_o_po'b_oo_ta.
Bamboo, E_e_n_ee'ou_.
A Bank, _or shoal_, E'paa.
Bare, _naked, applied to a person that
is undressed_, Ta'turra.
The Bark _of a tree_, Ho'hore.
Barren _land_, Fe'nooa Ma'_ou_re.
_A large round_ Basket _of twig_, He'na.
_A small_ Basket _of cocoa leaves_, V_ai_'hee.
_A long _Basket _of cocoa leaves_, Apo'_ai_ra.
A Basket _of plantain stock_, Papa' M_aiee_a.
_A fisher's_ Basket, Er're'vy.
_A round_ Basket _of cocoa leaves_, Mo'ene.
A Bastard, Fanna T_oo_'n_ee_a.
Bastinado, _to bastinade or flog a person_, Tapra'h_ai_.
To bathe, Ob'_oo_.
A Battle, _or fight_, E'motto.
A Battle-axe, O'morre.
To bawl, _or cry aloud_, T_ei_mo'toro.
A Bead, Pöe.
The Beard, _Oo_me _oo_me.
To beat _upon, or strike a thing_, T_oo_'py or T_oo_'ba_ee_.
To beat _a drum_, Er_oo_'k_oo_.
To beckon _a person with the hand_, Ta'rappe.
A Bed, _or bed-place_, E'ro_ee_, s. Möi'a.
To bedaub, _or bespatter_, Par'ry.
A Bee, E'räo.
A Beetle, P_ee_re'te_ee_.
Before, _not behind_, Te'möa.
A Beggar, _a person that is troublesome_, Tapa'r_oo_.
_continually asking for some-what_,
Behind, _not before_, Te'm_oo_r_ee_.
To belch, Er_oo_'y.
Below, _as below stairs_, Tei'dirro, s. T_ee_diraro.
Below, _underneath, far below_, O'raro.
To bend _any thing, as a stick_, &c. Fa'fe'fe.
Benevolence, _generosity_, Ho'röa,
e.g. _you are a generous man_, Taata ho roa öe.
Between, _in the middle, betwixit two_, Fero'p_oo_.
To bewail, _or lament by crying_, E'tat_ee_.
Bigness, _largeness, great_, Ara'hay.
A Bird, Manoo.
A Bitch, _Oo_re, e'_oo_ha.
To bite, _as a dog_, A ah_oo_.
Black, _colour_, Ere, ere.
Bladder, Töa meeme.
A_ Blasphemer, _a person who speaks_ T_oo_na, (t_aa_ta.)
_disrespectfully of their deities_,
Blind, Matta-po.
A Blister, _raised by a burn or
other means_, Mei'_ee_
Blood, Toto, s. Eh_ooei_.
To blow _the nose_, Fatte.
The blowing, _or breathing of a whale_, Ta'hora.
Blunt, _as a blunt tool of any sort_, Ma'n_ee_a.
_The carved_ Boards _of a Maray_, E'ra.
_A little_ Boat, _or canoe_, E'väa.
A Boil, Fe'fe.
Boldness, Eäw_ou_.
A Bone, E'ev_ee_.
A Bonetto, _a fish so called_, Peera'ra.
To bore _a hole_, Ehoo'_ee_, s. Eh_oo_'o.
A Bow, E'fanna.
A Bow-string, Aröa'h_oo_a.
To bow _with the head_, Etoo'o.
_A young_ Boy, My'didde.
Boy, _a familiar way of speaking_, He'aman_ee_.
The Brain _of any animal_, A b_oo_ba.
A Branch _of a tree or plant_, E'ama.
Bread-fruit, _or the fruit of the
bread-tree_, _Oo_r_oo_.
Bread-fruit, _a particular sort of it_, E'patëa.
_An insipid paste of_ Bread-fruit, Eh'öe.
_The gum of the _Bread-tree, Tappo'_oo_r_oo_.
_The leaf of the_ Bread-tree, E'da'_oo_r_oo_.
_The pith of the_ Bread-tree, Po'_oo_r_oo_.
To break _a thing_, O whatte, s. Owhan ne,
s. Fatte.
The Breast, O'ma
A Breast-plate _made of twigs, ornamented
with feathers, dog's hair, Ta_oo_me.
and pearl-shell_,
To breathe, Watte Weete wee
të,'aho.
Bring, _to ask one to bring a thing_, Ho'my.
Briskness, _being brisk or quick_, T_ee_ t_ee_re.
Broiled, _or roasted, as broiled meat_, _Oo_aw_ee_ra.
Broken, _or cut_, 'Mot_oo_.
The Brow, _or forehead_, E'ry.
A brown _colour_, Aur_au_ra.
Buds _of a tree or plant_, Te, arre ha_oo_.
A Bunch _of any fruit_, Eta.
To burn _a thing_, Döod_oo_e.
A Butterfly, Pepe.
C.
To call _a person at a distance_, T_oo_o t_oo_'o_oo_.
A Calm, Man_ee_no.
A Calm, _or rather to be so placed,
that the wind has no access to you_, E_ou_, shea.
_Sugar_ Cane, Tö, Etöo.
A Cap, _or covering for the head_ T_au_'matta.
To carry _any thing_, E'a'mo.
To carry _a person an the back_, Eva'ha.
Catch a _thing hastily with the hand_, Po'po_ee_, s. Peero.
as a fly, &c.
To catch _a ball_, Ama'wh_ee_a.
To catch _fish with a line_, E'h_oo_te.
A Caterpillar, E't_oo_a.
Celerity, _swiftness_, T_ee_'teere, s. E'tirre.
The Centre, _or middle of a thing_, Tera'p_oo_.
Chalk, Mamma'tëa.
A Chatterer, _or noisy impertinent Taata E'm_oo_,
fellow_, s. E'm_oo_.
Chearfulness, Wara.
The Cheek, Pappar_ee_a.
A Chest, 'P_ee_ha.
The Chest, _or body_, O'p_oo_.
To chew, _or eat_, E'y.
Chequered, _or painted in squares_, P_oo_re, p_oo_re.
A Chicken, Möa pee'ri_a_ia.
A Chief, _or principal person; one of Eäree.
the first rank among the people_,
_An inferior_ Chief, _or one who
is only in an independent state, T_oo'ou_
a gentleman_,
Child-bearing, Fanou, e'vaho.
Children's _language_, Father, O'pucen_oo_, _and_ Papa.
Mother, E'wh_ei_arre, & O'pa'tëa.
Brother, E'tama.
Sister, Te't_oo_a.
The Chin, _and lower jaw_, E'taa.
Choaked, _to be choaked as with Ep_oo_'n_ei_na,
victuals_, &c. s. Er_oo_'y.
To chuse, _or pick out_, Eh_ee_e,te,me,my ty.
Circumcision, _or rather an incision_ E_oo_re,te h_ai_.
_of the foreskin_,
_A sort of_ Clappers,_used at funerals_, Par'ha_oo_.
Clapping _the bend of the arm smartly E'too.
with the hand, so as to make a noise,
an Indian custom_,
The Claw _of a bird,_ A'_ee oo_.
Clay, _or clammy earth_, Ewh_ou_,arra.
Clean, _not nasty_, _Oo_'ma, s. Eoo'_ee_.
Clear, _pure; as clear water_, &c. Tëa'te.
_White clayey_ Cliffs, E'mammatëa.
Close, _shut_, Eva'h_ee_.
Cloth _of any kind, or rather the covering Ahoo.
or raiments made of it_,
_A piece of oblong_ Cloth, _slit in the
middle, through which the head is Teeboota.
put, and it then hangs down behind
and before_,
_Brown thin_ Cloth, _Oo_'erai.
_Dark-brown_ Cloth, Poo'h_ee_re.
_Nankeen-coloured_ Cloth, Ah_ee_re, s. _Oo_a.
_Gummed_ Cloth, Oo'_ai_r ara.
Heappa,heappa, s.
_Yellow_ Cloth, A'ade, p_oo ee ei_, s.
Oora poo'_ee ei_.
Cloth, _a piece of thin white cloth Par_oo_'y, by which name
wrapt round the waist, or thrown they also call a white
over the shoulders_, shirt.
A Cloth-beater, _or an oblong square To'aa.
piece of wood grooved, and used in
making cloth_,
The _Cloth-plant, _a sort of mulberry Ea_ou_te.
tree_,
A Cloud, E'äo, s. Ea_oo_.
A Cock, Möa, e'töa.
Cock, _the cock claps his wings_ Te Moa Pa_ee_, pa_ee_.
A Cock-roach, Potte potte.
A Cocoa-nut, A'r_ee_.
_The fibrous husk of a_ Cocoa-nut, P_oo_r_oo_'waha,
s. P_oo_r_oo_.
Cocoa-nut _oil_, E'rede,väe.
Cocoa leaves, E,ne'ha_oo_.
Coition, E'y.
_The sense of_ Cold, Ma'r_ee_de.
A Comb, Pa'horo, s. Pa'herre.
Company, _acquaintance, gossips_, Tee'ÿa.
Compliance _with a request, consent_, Mad_oo_,ho'why.
Computation, _or counting of numbers_, Ta't_ou_.
A Concubine, Wa'h_ei_ne Möebo,
s. Etoo'n_ee_a.
Confusedness, _without order_, E'vah_ee_a.
Consent, _or approbation_, Mad_oo_,ho'why.
Contempt, _a name of contempt given Wah_ei_ne,p_oo_'ha.
to a maid, or unmarried woman_,
Conversation, Para_ou_,maro, s.
Para'para_ou_.
_A sort of_ Convolvulus, _or bird-weed,
common in the islands_, Oh_oo_e.
Cook'd, _dress'd; not raw_, Ee'_oo_, s. E_ee_'wera.
To Cool _one with a fan_, Taha`r_ee_.
Cordage _of any kind_, Taura.
The Core _of an apple_, Böe.
A Cork, _or stopper of a bottle or gourd
shell_, Ora'h_oo_e.
A Corner, E'pecho.
Covering, _the covering of a fish's gills_, Pe_ee_'eya.
Covetousness, _or rather one not inclined
to give_, Pee,peere.
A Cough, Ma're.
To Court, _woo a woman_, Ta'raro.
Coyness _in a woman,_ No'nöa.
A Crab, Pappa.
Crab, _a large land-crab that climbs
the cocoa-nut trees for fruit_, E'_oo_wa.
A Crack, cleft, or fissure, Mot_oo_.
Crammed, _lumbered, crowded_, Ooa,p_ee_a'pe,s.Ehotto.
The Cramp, Emo't_oo_ t_oo_.
A Cray-fish, O'_oo_ra.
To Creep _on the hands and feet_, Ene'_ai_.
Crimson _colour_, _Oo_ra _oo_ra.
Cripple, _lame_, T_ei_'t_ei_.
Crooked, _not straight_, O_o_o'p_ee_o.
To crow _as a cock_, A'a _oo_a.
The Crown _of the head_, T_oo_'p_oo_e.
To cry, _or shed tears_, Ta_ee_.
_A brown_ Cuckoo, _with black bars and
a long tail, frequent in the isles_, Ara'were_wa_.
To cuff, _or slap the chops_, E'par_oo_.
Curlew, _a small curlew or whimbrel
found about the rivulets_, Torëa.
Cut, _or divided_, Mot_oo_.
_To_ cut _the hair with scissars_, O'tee.
D.
A Dance, H_ee_va.
Darkness, Poee'r_ee_,
s. Po_oo_'r_ee_
To Darn O'ono
A Daughter, Ma'h_ei_ne.
Day, _or day-light_, Mara'marama, s.
A'_ou_, s. A'a_ou_.
Day-break, Oota'tah_ei_ta.
Day, _to-day_, A_oo_'n_ai_.
Dead, Matte röa.
_A natural_ Death, Matte nöa.
Deafness, Ta'r_ee_a, t_oo_r_ee_.
Decrepid, Epoo't_oo_a.
Deep water, Mona'.
A Denial, _or refusal_, Eh_oo_'nöa.
To desire, _or wish for a thing_, E_ooee_.
A Devil, _or evil spirit_, E't_ee_.
Dew, Ahe'a_oo_.
A Diarrhoea, _or looseness_, Hawa, hawa.
To_ dip _meat in salt water instead of_ Eaw_ee_'wo
_salt, (an Indian custom_,)
Dirt, _or nastiness of any kind_, E'repo.
Disapprobation, Eh_oo_nöa.
A Disease, _where the head cannot be E'p_ee_.
held up, perhaps the palsy_,
To disengage, _untie or loosen_, Ea_oo_'w_ai_.
Dishonesty, E_ee_'a.
Displeased, _to be displeased, vexed, or Ta_ee_'va.
in the dumps_,
Dissatisfaction, _to grumble, or be Fa_oo_'oue.
dissatisfied_,
Distant, _far off_, Röa.
_To_ distort, _or writhe the limbs, body, Faee'ta.
lips, &c.
To distribute, _divide or share out_, At_oo_'ha.
A District, Matei na.
A Ditch, Eö'h_oo_.
To dive _under water_, Eho'p_oo_.
A Dog, _Oo_'r_ee_.
A Doll _made of cocoa-plants_, Ad_oo_'a.
A Dolphin, A'_ou_na.
Done, _have done; or that is enough_, A'teera.
_or there is no more_,
A Door, _Oo_'b_oo_ta.
Double, _or when two things are in_ Tau'r_oo_a.
_one, as a double canoe_,
Down, _or soft hair_, E'waou,
To draw _a bow_, Etëa.
To draw, _or drag a thing by force_, Era'ko.
Dread, _or fear_, Mattou.
Dress'd, _or cooked, not raw_, Ee'_oo_.
_A head_ Dress, _used at funerals_, Pa'ra_ee_.
To dress, _or put on the cloaths_, Eu, hau'ho_oo_ t'Ahoo.
To drink, A_ee_'n_oo_.
Drop, _a single drop of any liquid_, _Oo_,ata'hai.
To drop, _or leak_, Eto't_oo_r_oo_, s.
E't_oo_r_oo_.
Drops, _as drops of rain_, To'potta.
Drowned, Parre'mo.
A Drum, Pa'hoo.
Dry, _not wet_, _Oo_'maro.
A Duck, Mora.
A Dug, _teat, or nipple_, E_oo_.
Dumbness, E'faö.
E.
The Ear, Ta'r_ee_a.
_The inside of the_ Ear, Ta'toor_ee_.
An Ear-ring, Poe note tar_ee_a.
To eat, _or chew_, E'y, s. Mäa.
An Echinus, _or sea-egg_, Heawy.
Echo, T_oo_o.
An Egg _of a bird_, Ehooero te Man_oo_.
_A white_ Egg-bird, Pee'ry.
Eight, A'waroo.
The Elbow, T_oo_'r_ee_.
Empty, Oooata'aö,
s. Tata'_oo_a.
An Enemy, Taata'e.
Entire, _whole, not broke_, Eta, Eta.
Equal, _Oo_hy't_ei_.
Erect, _upright_, Et_oo_.
A Euphorbium _tree, with white flowers_, Te'too_ee_.
The Evening, Oooh_oi_'h_oi_.
Excrement, T_oo_'ty.
To expand, _or spread out cloth, &c._ Ho'hora.
The Eye, Matta.
The Eye-brow, _and eye-lid_, T_oo_a, matta.
F.
The Face, E'mot_ee_a.
_To hide or hold the_ Face _away, as_
when ashamed_, Far_ee_'w_ai_.
Facetious, _merry_, Faatta atta.
Fainting, _to faint_, Möe,mo'my.
To fall _down_, Topa.
False, _not true_, Ha'warre.
A Fan, _or to fan the face or cool it_, Taha'r_ee_.
To fart, _or a fart_, Eh_oo_.
Fat, _full of flesh, lusty_, P_ee_a.
The fat _of meat_, Ma_ee_.
A Father Med_oo_a tanne.
A _step-_father, Tanne, te höa.
Fatigued, _tired_, E'h_ei'eu_,s.Faea.
Fear, Mattou.
A Feather, _or quill_, H_oo_roo, _hoo_r_oo_,
man_oo_.
_Red_ Feathers, Ora, h_oo_r_oo_ te man_oo_.
Feebleness, _weakness_, Fara'ra, s. Tooro'r_ee_.
_The sense of_ Feeling, Fa'fa.
To feel, Tear'ro.
_A young clever dexterous_ Fellow, _or boy_, Te'my de pa'ar_ee_.
The Female _kind of any animal_, E'_oo_ha.
The Fern-tree, Ma'mo_oo_.
Fertile _land_, Fen_oo_a,maa.
Fetch, _go fetch it_, Atee.
Few _in number_, Eote.
To fight, E'neotto.
A Fillip, _with the fingers_, Epatta.
The Fin _of a fish_, Tirra.
To finish, _or make an end_, Eiote.
A Finger, E'r_ee_ma.
Fire, Ea'hai.
_A flying_ Fish, Mara'ra.
_A green flat_ Fish, E_eu_me.
_A yellow flat_ Fish, _Oo_'morehe.
_A flat green and red_ P_ai'ou_.
_The cuckold_ Fish, Etata.
A Fish, Eya.
Fishing _wall for hauling the seine at Epa.
the first point_,
A Fish _pot_, E'wha.
_A long_ Fishing _rod of Bamboo, used Ma'k_ee_ra.
to catch bonettoes_, &c.,
A Fissure, _or crack_, Motoo.
Fist, _to open the fist_, Ma'hora.
Fist, _striking with the fist in dancing_, A'moto.
_A fly_ Flapper, _or to flap flies_, Dah_ee_'ere e'r_eu_pa.
Flatness, _applied to a nose, or a vessel
broad and flat; also a spreading
flat topt tree_, Papa.
_A red_ Flesh _mark_, E_ee_'da.
To float _on the face of the water_, Pa'noo.
The Flower _of a plant_, P_oo_a.
_Open_ Flowers, T_ee_arre'_oo_ wa.
Flowers, _white odoriferous flowers,
used as ornaments in the ears_, T_ee_arre tarr_ee_a.
Flown, _it is flown or gone away_, Ma'h_ou_ta.
A Flute, W_ee_wo.
_A black_ Fly-catcher, _a bird so called_, O'mamäo.
A Fly, P_oo_re'h_oo_a.
To fly, _as a bird_, E'r_ai_re.
Fog, _or mist_, Ry'po_ee_a.
To fold _up a thing, as cloth_, &c. He'fet_oo_.
A Fool, _scoundrel, or other epithet of
contempt_, Ta'_ou_na.
The Foot, _or sole of the foot_, Tapooy.
The Forehead, E'ry.
Forgot, _or lost in memory_, _Oo_'aro.
Foul, _dirty, nasty_, Erepo.
A Fowl, Möa.
Four, E'ha.
The Frapping _of a flute_, Ahëa.
Freckles, Taina.
Fresh, _not salt_, Eanna,anna.
Friction, _rubbing_, E'_oo ee_.
Friend, _a method of addressing a
stranger_, Ehöa
_A particular_ Friend, _or the salutation E'apatte.
to him_,
To frisk, _to wanton, to play_, E'hanne.
From _there_, No,r_ei_ra,
s. No,r_ei_da.
From _without_, No,waho'_oo_.
From _before_, No,m_oo_a.
Fruit, 'Hoo'ero.
_Perfume_ Fruit _from Tethuroa_, a
_small island_, Hooero te manoo.
_A yellow_ Fruit, _like a large plumb
with a rough core_, A'v_ee_.
Full, _satisfied with eating_, Pÿa,s._Oo_'pÿa,
s.'Paÿa.
A Furunculus, _or a small hard boil_, Apoo.
G. A Garland _of flowers_, A'v_ou_t_oo_,
s. A'r_ou_too
Ef ha, apai.
Generosity, _benevolence_, Ho'röa.
A Gimblet, Eho'_oo_.
A Girdle, Ta't_oo_a.
A Girl, _or young woman_, Too'n_ee_a.
A Girthing _manufacture_, Tat_oo_'y.
To give _a thing_, Höa't_oo_.
_A looking_-Glass, H_ee_o'_ee_ota.
A Glutton, _or great eater_, Taata A'_ee_, s.
Era'pöa n_oo_e.
To go, _or move from where you stand_ Harre.
_to walk_
To go, _or leave a place_, Era'wa.
Go, _begone, make haste and do it_, Haro.
Go _and fetch it_, At_ee_.
Good, _it is good, it is very well_, My`ty, s.
Myty,tye,
s. Maytay.
Good-_natured_, Mama'h_ou_,
s. Ma'r_oo_.
A Grandfather, Too'b_oo_na.
A Great-grandfather, Tooboona tahe'too.
A Great great-grandfather, Ouroo.
A Grandson, Mo'b_oo_na.
To grasp _with the hand_, Hara'wa_ai_.
Grasping _the antagonist's thigh when Tomo.
dancing_,
Grass, _used on the floors of their Ano'noho.
houses,
To grate _cocoa-nut kernel_, E'annatehea'r_ee_.
Great, _large, big_, Ara'h_ai_.
Green _colour_, P_oo_re p_oore_.
To groan, Er_oo_,whe.
The groin, Ta'pa.
To grow _as a plant_, &c. We'r_oo_a.
To grunt, _or strain_, Etee,_too_whe.
_The blind_ Gut, Ora'b_oo_b_oo_.
The Guts _of any animal_, A'a_oo_.
H.
The Hair _of the head_, E'ror_oo_,
s. E'roh_oo_r_oo_.
_Grey_ Hair, Hinna'heina.
_Red_ Hair, _or a red-headed man_, E'h_oo_.
_Curled_ Hair, P_ee_p_ee_.
_Woolly frizzled_ Hair, Oë'töeto.
_To pull the_ Hair, E'w_ou_a.
Hair, _tied on the crown of the head_, E'p_oo_te.
Half _of any thing_, Fa'_ee_te.
A Hammer, Et_ee_'te.
Hammer _it out_, Atoo'bian_oo_.
The Hand, E'r_ee_ma.
_A deformed_ Hand, P_ee_le'_oi_.
_A motion with the_ Hand _in dancing_, O'ne o'ne.
A Harangue, _or speech_, Oraro.
A Harbour, _or anchoring-place_, T_oo_'t_ou_.
Hardness, E'ta,e'ta.
A Hatchet, _axe, or adze_, Töe.
He, Nana.
The Head, _Oo_'po.
_A shorn_ Head, E'v_ou_a.
The Head-ache, _in consequence of
drunkenness_, Eana`n_ee_a.
_The sense of_ Hearing, Faro.
The Heart _of an animal_, A'h_ou_too.
Heat, _warmth_, Mahanna,hanna.
Heavy, _not light_, T_ei_ma'ha.
_The sea_ Hedge-hog, Totera.
_A blue_ Heron, Otoo.
_A white_ Heron, Tra'pappa.
To hew _with an axe_, Teraee.
Hibiscus, _the smallest species of Hibiscus,
with rough seed cases, that adhere
to the clothes in walking_, P_ee_re,p_ee_re.
Hibiscus, _a species of Hibiscus with
large yellow flowers_, Po_oo_'r_ou_.
The Hiccup, Et_oo_'ee,
s. E_oo_'wha.
Hide, _to hide a thing_, E'h_oo_na.
High, _or steep_, Mato.
A Hill, _or mountain_, Ma_oo_,
s. Ma_oo_'a,
s. M_ou_a.
_One-tree_ Hill, _a hill so called in
Matavia Bay_, Tal'ha.
To hinder, _or prevent_, Tapëa.
The Hips, E'tohe.
Hips, _the black punctuated part of Tamo'r_ou_.
the hips_,
To hit _a mark_, Ele'ba_ou_,
s. Wa'p_oo_ta.
Hiss, _to hiss or hold out the finger at T_ee_'he.
one_,
Hoarseness, E'fäo.
A Hog, Böa.
To hold _fast_, Mou.
Hold _your tongue, be quiet or silent_, Ma'm_oo_,
A Hole, _as a gimblet hole in wood_,&c, E'r_oo_a, s. Poota.
To hollow, _or cry aloud to one_, T_oo_'o.
_To keep at_ Home, Ate'_ei_ te Efarre.
Honesty, Eea'_ou_re.
_A fish_ Hook, Ma't_au_.
_A fish_ Hook _of a particular sort_, W_ee_te,w_ee_te.
The Horizon, E'pa_ee_,
no t'Era_ee_.
Hot, _or sultry air, it is very hot_, Poh_ee_'a.
A House, E'farre, s. Ewharre.
A House _of office_, Eha'm_oo_te.
_A large_ House, Efarre'pota.
A House _on props_, A'whatta.
_An industrious_ Housewife, Ma'h_ei_ne Am_au_'hattoi
How _do you, or how is it with you, Tehanoöe.
Humorous, _droll, merry_, Fa,atta,'atta.
Hunger, Poro'r_ee_,
s. Po_ee_'a.
A Hut, _or house_, E'farre.
I
I,_ myself, first person singular_, W_ou_(1) M_ee_.(2)
_The lower_ Jaw, E'ta.
Idle, _or lazy_, T_ee_'py.
Jealousy _in a woman_, Ta'b_oo_ne, s.Fatee
no, s. H_oo_'hy.
Ignorance, _stupidity_, W_ee_a'ta.
Ill-natured, _cross_, _Oo_re, e'_ee_ore.
An Image _of a human figure_, E'tee.
Imps,_ the young imps,_ Tëo'he.
Immature, _unripe, as unripe fruit_, Poo.
Immediately, _instantly_, To'hyto.
Immense, _very large_, Röa.
Incest, _or incestuous_, Ta'wytte.
Indigent, _poor, necessitous_, T_ee_,t_ee_.
Indolence, _laziness_, T_ee_'py.
Industry, _opposed to idleness_, Ta_ee_'a.
Inhospitable, _ungenerous_, P_ee_'p_ee_re.
To inform, E'whäe.
_A sort of_ Ink, _used to punctuate_, E'rah_oo_.
An inquisitive _tattling woman_, Maheine Opotai_ee_hu.
To interrogate, _or ask questions_, Faeete.
To invert, _or turn upside down_, E'h_oo_ra, tela'why.
An Islet, Mo'too.
The Itch, _an itching of any sort_, Myro.
To jump, _or leap_, Mah_ou_ta, s. Araire.
K.
Keep _it to yourself_, V_ai_h_ee_'o.
The Kernel _of a cocoa-nut_, Emo't_ee_a.
To kick _with the foot_, Ta'h_ee_.
The Kidnies, F_oo_a'h_oo_a.
Killed, _dead_, Matte.
To kindle, _or light up_, Emäa.
A King, Eär_ee_,da'h_ai_.
A King-fisher, _the bird to called_, E'r_oo_ro.
To kiss, E'ho_ee_.
Kite, _a boy's play-kite_, O'omo.
The Knee, E't_oo_r_ee_.
To kneel, T_oo_'t_oo_r_ee_.
A Knot, Ta'pona.
_A double_ Knot, Va'hod_oo_.
_The female_ Knot _formed on the upper T_ee_bona.
part of the garment, and on one
side_,
To know, _or understand_, _Ee_te.
The Knuckle, _or joint of the fingers_, T_ee_,p_oo_.
L.
To labour, _or work_, Ehëa.
A Ladder, Era'a, s. E'ara.
A Lagoon, Ewha'_ou_na,
s.Eä'onna.
Lame, _cripple_, T_ei_'t_ei_.
A Lance, _or spear_, Täo.
Land _in general, a country_, Fe'n_oo_a,
s. Whe'n_oo_a.
Language, _speech, words_, Pa'ra_ou_.
Language, _used when dancing, Timoro'd_ee_,
te'Timoro'd_ee_.
Largeness, _when applied to a country, Ara'h_ai_.
country,_&c. N_oo_e.
To laugh, Atta.
Laziness, T_ee_'py.
Lean, _the lean of meat_, Aëo.
Lean,_slender, not fleshy_, T_oo_'h_ai_.
To leap, Ma'h_ou_ta,
s. A'rere.
Leave _it behind, let it remain_, 'V_ai_hëo.
To leave, E'wh_eeoo_.
The Leg, A'wy.
Legs, _my legs ache, or are tired_, A'h_oo_a.
A Liar, Taata,ha'warre.
To lie _down, or along, to rest one's
self_, Ete'raha,
s. Te'p_oo_.
To lift _a thing up_, Era'w_ai_.
_Day_ Light, Mara'marama.
Light, _or fire of the great people_ T_ou_t_oi_,papa.
Light, _or fire of the common people_, N_ee_ao,papa.
Light, _to light or kindle the fire_, A't_oo_n_oo_
t'E_ee_'wera.
Light, _not heavy_, Ma'ma.
Lightning, _Oo_'waira.
The Lips, _Oo_t_oo_.
Little, _small_, _Ee_te.
A Lizard, 'Möo.
Loathsome, _nauseous_, E,a'wawa.
_A sort of_ Lobster, _frequent in the isles_, T_ee_on_ai_.
To loll _about, or be lazy_, Tee'py.
To loll _out the tongue_, Ewha'tor_oo_ t'Arere.
To look _for a thing that is lost_, Tap_oo_n_ee_.
A Looking-glass, H_ee_o'_ee_'otta.
Loose, _not secure_, A_oo_'w_ee_wa.
A Looseness, _or purging_, Hawa,'hawa.
To love, Ehe'nar_oo_.
Lover, _courtier, wooer_, Eh_oo_'nöa.
A Louse, _Oo_'t_oo_.
Low, _not high, as low land_, &c. Hëa,hëa, s. Papoo.
E_ee_'öa.
The Lungs, T_ee_too,'arapoa.
Lusty, _fat, full of flesh_, Oo'p_ee_a.
M.
Maggots, E'h_oo_h_oo_.
A Maid, _or young woman _, T_oo_'n_ee_a.
To make _the bed_, Ho'hora, te Möe'ya.
The Male _of any animal, male kind_, E'öta.
A Man, Täata, s. Taane.
_An indisposed or insincere_ Man, Täata,ham'an_ee_no.
A Man-of-war _bird_, Otta'ha.
Many, _a great number_, Wo'rou,wo'rou,
s. man_oo_, man_oo_.
_A black_ Mark _on the skin_, E_ee_'r_ee_.
Married, _as a married man_, Fan_ou_'nou.
A Mat, E'vanne.
_A silky kind of_ Mat, Möe'a.
_A rough sort of_ Mat, _cut in the P_oo_'rou.
middle to admit the head_,
A Mast _of a ship or boat_, T_ee_ra.
Mature, _ripe; as ripe fruit_, Para, s. Pe.
Me, _I_, W_ou_, s. M_ee_.
A Measure, E'a.
To measure _a thing_, Fa'_ee_te.
To meet _one_, Ewharidde.
To melt, _or dissolve a thing, T_oo_'t_oo_e.
as grease &c._
The middle, _or midst of a thing_, Teropoo.
Midnight, O't_oo_ra,h_ei_'po.
To mince, _or cut small_, E'p_oo_ta.
Mine, _it is mine, or belongs to me_, No'_oo_.
To miss, _not to hit a thing_, _Oo_'happa.
Mist, _or fog_, Ry'po_ee_a.
To mix _things together_, A'p_oo_e,'p_oo_e.
To mock _or scoff at one_, Etoo'h_ee_.
Modesty, Mamma'ha_oo_.
Moist, _wet_, Wara'r_ee_.
A Mole _upon the skin_, At_oo_'nöa.
_A lunar_ Month, Mara'ma.
A Monument _to the dead_, Whatta'r_au_.
The Moon, Mara'ma.
The Morning, Oo'po_ee_'po_ee_.
To-morrow, Bo'bo, s. A,Bo'bo.
_The day after to_-morrow, A'bo'bo d_oo_ra.
_The second day after to_-morrow; Po_ee_,po_ee_,addoo.
A Moth, E,pepe.
A Mother, Ma'd_oo_a, wa'h_ei_ne.
A motherly, _or elderly woman_, Pa'tëa.
Motion, _opposed to rest_, O_o_a'ta.
A Mountain, _or hill, Ma_oo_a, s. Mo_u_a.
Mountains _of the highest order_, Mo_u_a tei'tei.
Mountains _of the second order_, Mo_u_a 'haha.
Mountains _of the third or lowest
order_, Pere'ra_ou_.
Mourning, '_Ee_va.
Mourning _leaves, viz. those of the Ta'pa_oo_.
cocoa-tree, used for that purpose_,
The Mouth, Eva'ha.
_To open the_ Mouth, Ha'mamma.
A Multitude, _or vast number_, Wo'r_ou_, wo'r_ou_.
Murdered, _killed_, Matte, s. matte röa.
A Murderer, Taata töa.
A Muscle-shell, No_u,ou_.
Music _of any kind_, H_ee_va.
A Musket, _pistol, or firearms P_oo_,p_oo_, s. Poo.
of any kind_,
Mute, _silent_, Fateb_oo_a.
To matter, or _stammer_, E'wha_ou_.
N.
The Nail _of the fingers_, Aee'_oo_.
A Nail _of iron_, _E_ure.
Naked, _i. e. with the clothes off, Ta'lurra.
undressed_,
The Name _of a thing_, E_ee'oo_.
Narrow, _strait, not wide_, P_ee_re,p_ee_re.
Nasty, _dirty, not clean_, E,repo.
A Native, Taata'toob_oo_.
The Neck, A'_ee_.
Needles, Narreeda.
_A fishing_ Net, _Oo_'p_ai_a.
New, _young, sound_, Ho_u_.
Nigh, Poto, s. Whatta'ta.
Night, P_o_, s. E'a_oo_.
To-Night, _or to-day at night_, A'_oo_ne te' Po.
_Black_ Night-_shade_, Oporo.
Nine, A'_ee_va.
The Nipple _of the breast_, E'_oo_.
A Nit, Eriha.
[1] Ay'ma, [2] Y_ai_ha,
No, _a negation_, [3]A'_ou_re, [4] A_ee_,
[5] Yeha_ee_a.
To nod, A't_ouou_.
Noisy, _chattering, impertinent_, Emoo.
Noon, Wawa'tea.
The Nostrils, Popo'hëo.
Numeration, _or counting of numbers_, Ta't_ou_.
_A cocoa_ Nut, Aree.
_A large compressed_ Nut,_that tastes E_ee_h_ee_.
like chesnuts when roasted_,
O.
Obesity, _corpulence_, Ou'p_ee_a.
The Ocean, Ty, s. Meede.
Odoriferous, _sweet-smelled_, No'nöa.
_Perfumed_ Oil _they put on the hair_, Mo'nöe.
An Ointment,_plaister, or any thing E'ra'pa_oo_.
that heals or relates to medicine_,
Old, Ora'wheva.
One, A'tahai.
Open, _clear, spacious_, Ea'tëa.
Open, _not shut_, Fe'r_ei_.
To open, Te'haddoo.
Opposite _to, or over against_, Wetoo'wh_ei_tte.
Order, _in good order, regular, without Wara'wara.
confusion_,
Ornament, _any ornament for the ear_, T_ooee_ ta'r_ee_a.
_Burial_ Ornaments, _viz. nine noits Ma'ray Wharre.
stuck in the ground_,
An Orphan, _Oo_'hoppe,
poo'_ai_a.
Out, _not in, not within_, T_ei_we'ho.
The Outside _of a thing_, _Oo_a'p_ee_.
An Oven _in the ground_, E_oo_'m_oo_.
Over, _besides, more than the quantity_, Te'harra.
To overcome, _or conquer_, E'ma'_oo_ma.
To overturn, _or overset_, Eha'pa_oo_.
An Owner E'whattoo.
_A large species of_ Oyster, I't_eë_a.
_The large rough_ Oyster, _or Spondylus_, Paho'öa.
P.
The Paddle _of a canoe, or to paddle_, E'höe.
To paddle _a canoe's head to the right_ What'tëa.
To paddle _a canoe's head to the left_, Wemma.
Pain, _or soreness,the sense of pain_, Ma'my.
A Pair, _or two of any thing together_, Ano'ho.
The Palate, E'ta'nea.
The Palm _of the hand_, Ap_oo_'r_ee_ma.
To Pant, _or breathe quickly_, Oo'pou'pou,tëa'ho.
Pap, _or child's food_, Mamma.
A Parent, Me'd_oo_a.
_A small blue_ Parroquet, E'v_ee_n_ee_.
_A green_ Parroquet, _with a E'a'a.
red forehead_,
The Part _below the tongue_, Eta'raro.
A Partition, _division, or screen_, Par_oo_'r_oo_.
A Pass, _or strait_, E,aree'ëa.
_A fermented_ Paste, _of bread,
fruit and others_, Ma'h_ee_.
A Path, _or road_, Eä'ra.
The Pavement _before a house or hut_, Pÿe,pye.
A Pearl, Pöe.
The Peduncle, _and stalk of a plant_, A'mäa, s. E'atta.
To peel _or take the skin off a
cocoa-nut_&c. A'tee, s. E'atee.
Peeled, _it is peeled_, Me'at_ee_.
A Peg _to hang a bag on_, 'Pe'a_oo_.
A Pepper-plant, _from the root of
which they prepare an inebriating
liquor_, Awa.
Perhaps, _it may be so_, E'pa'ha.
Persons _of distinction_, Patoo'nehe.
A Petticoat _of plantane leaves_, AArou'm_aiee_a.
Petty, _small, trifling, opposed to Nooe_, R_ee_.
_A_ Physician, _or person who
attends the sick_, Taata no E'rapa_oo_.
Pick, _to pick or choose_, Eh_ee_ te _mai_ my ty.
_A large wood_ Pigeon, Er_oope_.
_A large green and white_ Pigeon, O_o_'_oo_pa.
_A small black and white_ Pigeon,
_with purple wings_, _Oooo_wy'deroo.
A Pimple, H_oo_a'h_ou_a.
To Pinch _with, the fingers_, _Oo_ma.
A Plain, _or flat_, E'_pee_ho.
Plane, _smooth_, Pa'_ee_a.
A Plant _of any kind_, O'mo.
_A small_ Plant, E'rabo.
_The fruit of a_ Plantane-tree M_aiee_'a, s. Maya.
_Horse_ Plantanes, Fai'_ee_.
Pleased, _good humoured, not cross or Mar_oo_.
surly_,
Pluck _it up_, Ar_ee_te.
To pluck _hairs from the beard_, H_oo_h_oo_tee.
To plunge _a thing in the water_, E,_oo_'wh_ee_.
The Point _of any thing_, Oë,öe, or _Oi,oi_.
Poison, _bitter_, Awa,awa.
A Poll, _Oo_ra'h_oo_.
Poor, _indigent, not rich_, Tee'tee.
_A bottle-nosed_ Porpoise, E'_ou_a.
_Sweet_ Potatoes, Oo'marra.
To pour _out any liquid substance_, Ma'n_ee_.
Pregnant _with young_, Waha'p_oo_.
To press, _or squeeze the legs gently
with the hand, when tired or pained_, Roro'm_ee_.
Prick, _to prick up the ears_, Eoma te ta'r_ee_.
A Priest, Ta'h_ou_a.
Prone, _or face downwards_, T_ee_'opa.
_A sort of_ Pudding, _made of fruits,
oil_, &c. Po'po'_ee_.
Pumpkins, A'h_ooa_.
To puke, _or vomit_, E'awa, s. e'r_oo_'y.
Pure, _clear_, E'_oo'ee_.
A Purging, _or looseness_, Hawa,hawa.
To pursue, _and catch a person who Er_oo_,Er_oo_,
has done some mischief_, s. Eha'r_oe_.
To push _a thing with the hand_, T_oo_'ra_ee_.
Put _it up, or away_, Orno.
Q.
Quickness, _briskness_, E'tirre.
_To walk_ quickly, Harre'n_ei_na.
Quietness, _silence, a silent or seemingly
thoughtful person_, Falle'b_oo_a.
A Quiver _for holding arrows_, 'P_ee_ha.
R.
_A small black_ Rail, _with red eyes_, M_ai_'ho.
_A small black_ Rail, _spotted and
buured with white_, P_oo_a'n_ee_.
Rain, E'_oo_a.
A Rainbow, E'n_oo_a.
Raft, _a raft of bamboo_, M_ai_to'e.
Rank,_ strong, urinous_, Ewão wao.
A Rasp, _or file_, _Ooee_.
A Rat, 'Yore, s. Eyore.
Raw _meat, flesh that is not dressed E'otta.
cooked_,
Raw _fruit, as plantanes, &c. that are Paroure.
not baked_
To recline, _or lean upon a thing_, E'py.
Red _colour_, _Oo_ra,_oo_ra,
s. Matde.
To reef _a sail_, Epo'uie te rya.
A Refusal, Eh_oo_'nooa.
The Remainder _of any thing_, T,'Ewahei.
To rend, _burst, or split_, M_oo_'m_oo_m_oo_.
Rent, _cracked, or torn_, E'wha.
To reside, _live or dwell_, E'noho.
Respiration, _breathing_, T_oo_e,t_oo_e.
A Rib, Awäo.
Rich, _not poor, having plenty of Epo'too.
goods, &c._
A Ring, 'M_ai_no.
The Ringworm, _a disease so called_, E'n_oo_a.
Ripe, _as ripe fruit, &c_. Para, s. Pai, s. Ooo
p_ai_.
Rise, _to rise up_, A'too.
To rive, _or split_, Ewha_oo'_ wha_oo_.
A Road, _or path_, Eä'ra.
Roasted, _or broiled_, _Oo_a'w_ai_ra.
A Robber, _or thief_, E_ee_'a (taata.)
A Rock, Pa_oo_.
_A reef of_ Rocks, E'a_ou_.
Rolling, _the rolling of a ship_, T_oo_'r_oo_re.
A Root, Ap_oo_, s. Ea.
A Rope _of any kind_, Taura.
Rotten, _as rotten fruit, &c_. R_oo_pe.
Rough, _not smooth_, Ta'rra, tarra.
To row _with oars_, E'_oo_me, s, E'höe.
To rub _a thing, as in washing the hands Ho'ro_ee_.
and face_,
The Rudder _of a boat, or steering Höe,fa'herre.
paddle of a canoe_,
Running _backwards and forwards, Oo'atapone.
endeavouring to escape_,
S.
The Sail _of a ship or boat_, E_ee_'_ai_.
To sail, _or to be under sail_, E'whano.
Salt, _or salt water_, Ty'ty, s. Meede.
Sand, _dust_, E'one.
Saturn, Whati'hëa.
Saunders's _island_, Tab_oo_a, Manoo.
A Saw, E_ee'oo_.
A Scab, E'tona.
_A fish's_ Scale _or scales_, Pöa.
_A pair of_ Scissars, O't_oo_bo,
s. O'tob_oo_.
A Scoop, _to empty water from a canoe_, E'tata.
To scrape _a thing_, _Oo_'a_oo_.
To scratch _with the fingers_, Era'ra_oo_.
Scratched, _a scratched metal_, &c. Pah_oo_re'h_oo_re.
The Sea-cat, _a fish so called_, P_oo_he.
The Sea, Ta_ee_, s. M_ee_de.
A Sea-egg, He'awy.
A Seam _between two planks_, Fatoo'wh_ai_ra.
To search _for a thing that is lost_, Oö,s.Pae'm_ee_.
A Seat, Papa.
Secret, _a secret whispering, or slandering
another_, Ohe'm_oo_.
The Seed _of a plant,_ H_oo_a't_oo_t_oo_,
s. Ehooero
The sense _of seeing_, E'h_ee_'o.
To send, Eho'pöe.
A Sepulchre, _or burying-place_, Ma'ray.
A Servant, T_ow_t_ow_.
Seven, A'H_ee_t_oo_.
To sew, _or string_, E't_oo_e.
Seyne, _to haul a seyne_, Etoroo te p_ai_a.
Shady, Mar_oo_,maroo.
To shake, _or agitate a thing_, E_oo_a'wai.
A Shark, Mäo.
Sharp, _not blunt_, Oö'ëe.
To shave, _or take off the beard_, Eva'r_oo_,
s.Whanne, whanne.
_A small_ Shell, Ot'eo.
_A tyger_ Shell, Pore'h_oo_.
Shew _it me_, Enara.
A Ship, P_a_hee.
Shipwreck, Ara'wha.
_A white_ Shirt, Par_oo_'y.
To shiver _with cold_, A'tete.
_Mud_ Shoes, _or fishing shoes_, Tama.
The Shore, Euta.
Short, Po'potoo.
Shut, _not open_, Opa'n_ee_,
s. Poo'peepe.
Sickness, Matte my Mamy.
_The left_ Side, A'r_oo_de.
The Side, E'reea'wo.
_The right_ Side, Atou,a'taou.
Sighing, Fa'ëa.
Silence, Fatte'b_oo_a.
Similar, _or alike_, _Oo_whyä'da.
To sink, A'tomo.
A Sister, T_oo_'h_ei_ne.
To sit _down_, A'noho.
To sit _cross-legged_, T_ee_'py.
Six, A'Hon_oo_.
A Skate-fish, E'wha_ee_.
The Skin, _Ee_'ree.
The Sky, E'ra_ee_.
To sleep, Möe.
_The long_ Sleep, _or death_, Möe röa.
To sleep, _when sitting_, T_oo_'roore,möe.
A Sling, E'ma.
Slow, Marra,marröa,s.Fate.
Small, _little_, _Ee_te.
_The sense of_ smelling, Fata't_oo_,
s._Oo_too,too,too.
Smell _it_, H_oi_na.
To smell, Ahe'_oi_.
Smoke, E'_oo_ra.
Smooth, Pa'ya.
Smutting _the face with charcoal for
funeral ceremonies_, Bap'para.
_A sea_ Snake, _that has alternate
rings of a white and black colour_, P_oo_h_ee_'ar_oo_.
To snatch _a thing hastily_, E'h_ai_r_oo_.
Sneezing, Mach_ee_'_ai_.
Snipe, _a bird resembling a snipe, of
a black and brown colour_, T_ee_'t_ee_.
Snot 'H_oo_pe.
Soberness, _sobriety, sober, not given_ T_ei_r_ei_da.
_to drunkenness_,
To soften, Epar_oo_'par_oo_.
Softness, _that is, not hard_, Maroo.
The Sole _of the foot_, Tap_oo_'y.
A Son My'de.
A Son-in-law, H_oo_'nöa.
A Song, Heeva.
A Sore, _or ulcer_, O'pai.
Soreness, _or pain_, Ma'may.
Sound, _any sound that strikes the ear_, Pa'_ee_na.
A Span, Ewhäe ono.
To speak, Paraou.
Speak; _he speaks not from the heart, Neeate _oo_t_oo_ te parou
his words are only on his lips_, no nona.
A Spear, _or lance_, Täo.
To spill, Emare.
To spit, Too't_oo_a.
_To_ spread, _or to expand a thing, as_ Ho'hora.
_cloth, &c_.
To squeeze, _or press hard_, Ne,'ne_ee_.
To squeeze, _or press gently with the hand_, Roro'm_ee_.
Squint-eyed, Matta'areva.
_A fighting_ Stage _in a boat_, E't_oo_t_ee_.
To stamp _with the feet, to trample on Tata'hy.
a thing_,
Stand _up_, Atëarenona.
A Star, E'f_ai_too, s. Hwettoo.
A Star-fish, Eve'r_ee_.
To startle, _as when one dreams_ Wa'hee, te'dirre.
Stay, _or wait a little_, A'r_ee_a, s. Ar_ee_'ana.
To steal, 'Woreedo.
Steep, _as steep rocks, or cliffs_, Mato.
_A walking_ Stick, 'Tame.
Stinking, _ill-smelled, as stinking water,&c_. Na'm_oo_a,
s. N_ee_'n_ee_o.
Stink, _to stink or smell ill_, F_ou_, f_ou_.
To stink, _as excrement_, P_ee_ro,p_ee_ro.
The Stomach, 'Para_ee_'a.
A Stone, Owhay.
_A polished_ Stone, used to beat victuals P_ai_'noo.
into a paste_,
Stones, _upright stones which stand on
the paved area before huts_, T_oo_'t_oo_re.
_A small_ Stool, _to lay the head
on when asleep_, Papa, s. Papa, r_oo_ä.
Stool, _to go to stool_, T_ee_t_ee_'o.
To stop, A'too.
The Stopper _of a quiver_, Ponau.
A Storm _of wind, rain, thunder_, &c. Tarooa.
Strait, _narrow, not wide_, P_ee_re,peere.
Striking, _hollow striking in dancing_, Ap_ee_.
The String _of a quiver_, E'aha.
Strong, _as a strong man_, _O'o_mara.
Struck, A'b_oo_l_a_.
Stupidity, _ignorance_, W_ee_a'l_a_.
To suck _as a child_, Ote,ote.
Sugar _cane_, E'To, s. Töo.
Suicide, Euha'a_ou_.
Sultry, _or hot air_, Poh_ee_a.
The Sun, Mahanna, s. Era.
_The meridian_ Sun, T_ei_'n_ee_a te Mahanna.
Supine, _lying_, Fateeraha.
Surf _of the sea_, Horo'w_ai_.
_An interjection of_ Surprise,
_or admiration_, Allaheuee'_ai_.
To surround, A'b_oo_ne.
To swallow, Horo'm_ee_.
The Sweat _of the body, or to sweat_ E'h_ou_, s. Eh_ou_ h_ou_.
A sweet _taste_, Mona.
Swell _of the sea_, E'r_oo_.
T.
A Tail, Ero.
A Tail _of a bird_, E'hoppe.
To take _a friend by the hand_, Etoo'ya_oo_.
To take _off, or unloose_, Eve'vette.
To take _care of the victuals_, Ewhaapoo te maa.
To talk, _or converse_, Paraou.
_The sense of_ tasting, Tama'ta.
A Tetotum, _or whirligig_, E'piröa.
To tear _a thing_, Ha'hy, s. Whatte.
A Teat, _or dug_, E'_oo_.
The Teeth, E'n_ee_h_ee_o.
Ten A'h_oo_r_oo_.
To tend, _or feed hogs_, Ew_h_a_ee_ te Böa.
Tenants, Af_eu_'h_au_.
_A black_ Tern, _with a whitish head_, O_ee_'o.
There, Te'raee.
They, _them, or theirs_, To'ta_oo_a.
Thickness, _applied to solid bodies_, Meoo'meoo.
Thick, _as thick cloth_, &c. T_oo_e'too'e.
Thick, _muddy_, Ewore'r_oo_,s.Eworepe.
Thine, _it is yours, or belongs to you_, No öe.
Thirst, W'ah_ee_'y.
Thoughts, Para_ou_, no te o'p_oo_.
_An appearance of_ thoughtfulness, Fate'b_oo_a.
Three, Tor_oo_.
The Throat, Ara'poa.
To throw, _or heave a thing_, Taora.
To throw _a thing away_, Harre'wai.
To throw _a ball_, Ama'h_oo_a.
To throw _a lance_, Evara'towha.
Throw, _shall I throw it_, Taure'a'a.
Throwing _in dancing_, Hoe'aire.
The Thumb, E'r_ee_ma,erahai.
Thunder, Pa't_ee_re.
Tickle, _to tickle a person_, My'n_ee_na.
A Tide, _or current_, A'ow.
To tie _a knot_, Ty.
Time, _a space of time, from 6 to 10
at night_, O't_oo_e, teepo.
Time, _a little time, a small space_, Popo'_eu_n_oo_.
Time, _a long time, a great while_, Ta'moo.
A Title _belonging to a woman of rank_, E'tapay'r_oo_.
A Toe _of the foot_, Man_ee_o.
A Tomb, T_oo_,pap'pou.
The Tongue, E'rero.
A Tortoise, E'hon_oo_.
Touching, Fa'fa.
Tough, _as tough meat_, &c. Ah_oo_'_ou_e.
A Town, E'farre p_oo_to p_oo_t_oo_.
To trample _with the foot_, Tata'he, s. Ta'ta'hy.
A Tree, E'räo.
A Tree, _from which they make clubs, Töa (Eräo.)
spears_, &c.
To tremble, _or shudder with cold_, _Oo_a'titte, s. Eta.
Trembling, _shaking_, A_ou_'dou.
To trip _one up in wrestling_, Me'häe.
A Tropic-bird, Man_oo_'roa.
Truth, Eva_ee_'röa,s.Para_ou_,mou.
To tumble, P_ou_ta'heite.
A Turban, E'täe.
To turn, _or turned_, _Oo_'ahöe.
To turn, _as in walking backwards and
forwards_, H_oo_d_ee_p_ee_pe.
Twins, _twin children_, Ma'hëa.
To twist _a rope_, Taw_ee_'r_ee_.
Two, E'Rooä.
U.
An Ulcer, _or sore_, O'p_ai_.
Under, _below, low down_, Oraro.
Under _sail_, P_ou_'pou_ee_.
To understand, Ee'te.
To undress, _or take off the clothes_, Ta'turra.
An unmarried _person_, Ar_ee_'_oi_.
Unripe, _as unripe fruit_,&c. P_oo_.
V.
_Luminous_ Vapour, Epao.
Vassal, _or subject_, Manna'h_ou_na.
Vast, Ara,hai,s.Mai,ara'hai.
The Veins _that run under the skin_, E'w_ou_a.
Venus, T_ou_'r_oo_a.
Vessel, _any hollow vessel, as cups of
nuts_,&c. _Ai_'boo.
Vessel, _a hollow vessel in which they
prepare an inebriating liquor_, _Oo_'mutte.
To vomit, Er_oo_'y.
W.
Wad, _tow, fibres like hemp_, Ta'm_ou_.
Wait, _stay a little_, Areeana.
Wake, _awake_, Arra arra, s. Era.
To walk out, Avou'_oi_a.
To walk _backwards and forwards_, H_oo_a p_ee_pe.
A Warrior, _soldier, or rather a man-killer_, Taatatöa.
Warmth, _heat_, Mahanna,hanna.
A Wart, Toria.
To wash, _as to wash cloth in water_, Mare.
To watch, Eteäe.
Water, A'vy.
Water-cresses, Pa'töa.
We, _both of us_, Ta_oo_a, s. Ar_oo_'r_oo_a.
A wedge, Era'h_ei_.
To weep, _or cry_, Hanö a,a,ta_ee_.
Well _recovered, or well escaped_, Woura, s. woo,ara.
Well, _it is well, charming, fine_, P_oo_ro'too.
What, _whats that_, E'hara, E'ha'rya,s.
Ye'ha_ee_a, expressed
inquisitively.
What _do you call that, what is the
name of it_, Owy te a_ee_'_oa_.
When, _at what time_, W'hëëa.
Where _is it_, Te'hëa.
Whet, _to whet or sharp a thing_, Evo_ee_.
To whistle, Ma'p_oo_.
Whistling, _a method of whistling to
call the people to meals_, Ep_ou_,maa.
To whisper _secretly, as in backbiting_, &c. Ohe'm_oo_.
Who _is that, what is he called_, Owy,tanna, s.
Owy,nana.
Whole, _the whole not a part of a thing_, E'ta,e'tea, s. A'ma_oo_.
Wide, _not strait or narrow_, Whatta,whatta.
A Widow, Wa't_oo_neea.
Wife, _my wife_, Ma'h_ei_ne.
The Wind, Mattay.
_The south-east_ Wind, Mattaee.
A Window, Ma'laee ou'panee.
The Wing _of a bird_, Ere'_ou_.
To wink, E'am_ou_,am_oo_.
To wipe _a thing clean_, Ho'ro_ee_.
Wish, _a wish to one who sneezes_, Eva'r_ou_a t Eät_oo_a.
Within _side_, T_ee_'ro to.
A Woman, Wa'h_ei_ne.
_A married_ Woman, Wa'h_ei_ne mou.
Woman, _she is a married woman, she
has got another husband_, Terra,tanne.
Won't _I won't do it_, 'A_eeoo_, expressed
angrily.
Wood _of any kind_, E'raö.
A Wound, Oo't_ee_.
A Wrestler, M_ou_na.
Wrinkled _in the face_, M_ee_o, m_ee_o.
The Wrist, Mo'möa.
A Wry-neck, Na'na.
Y.
To yawn, Ha'mamma.
Yellow _colour_, He'appa.
Yes, Ay, s. _ai_.
Yesterday, Ninna'hay.
Yesternight, Ere'po.
York _island_, Ei'mëo.
Yon Oë.
young,_as a young animal of any kind_, P_ee_'n_ai_a.
[21] A Table exhibiting at one View, Specimens of different
languages spoken in the South-Sea, from Easter Island,
Westward to New Caledonia, as observed in the Voyage.
English. Otaheite. Easter Island.
The Marquesas Isles. The Island of Amsterdam. New Zealand.
Malicolo. Tanna. New Caledonia
A Bird, 'Man_oo_,[22] 'Man_oo_,
'Manu_oo_,
Man_oo_, Manee, s. Man_eek_.
A Bow E'fanna,
'Fanna,
Nabrr_oo_s, Na'fanga.
Bread-fruit _Oo_r_oo_,
Mai_ee_,
Ba'rabe, Tag'_oo_r_oo_.
A canoe E'väa 'Wagga,
Ev'äa, Ta'wagga,
Wang.
Cloth Ah_oo_, 'Ah_oo_,
'Ah_oo_, s. A'hoo_ee_a, Babba'langa,Kak'ah_oo_,
Ta'nar_ee_, Hamban.
A Cocoa-nut 'Ar_ee_,
'Eeoo,
Nar_oo_, Nab_oo_'y, 'N_eeoo_.
To drink Ayn_oo_' A_ee_n_oo_,
'A_ee_n_oo_,
No'a_ee_, N_ooee_, 'Oo_d_oo_, s. _Oo_nd_oo_.
The Eye Matta, Matta,
'Matta, s. Matta_ee_a, 'Matta, 'Matta,
M_ai_tang, Nan_ee_'maiuk, T_ee_'vein.
The Ear Ta'r_ee_a, Ta'r_ee_an,
B_oo_'_ee_na, Ta'r_ee_ka,
Talingan, F_ee_n_ee_'enguk, Gain'_ee_ng.
Fish 'Eya, _Ee_ka,
'_Ee_ka, '_Ee_ka,
'Nam_oo_.
A Fowl, Möa, Möa,
Möa,
Moe'r_oo_.
The Hand, E'r_ee_ma, 'R_ee_ma,
E_oo_'my, E'r_ee_ma, 'R_ee_nga,
Badon'h_ee_n.
The Head, _Oo_'po, Aö'po,
Tak'_oo_po,
Ba's_ai_ne, N_oo_gwa'n_aium, Gar'moing.
A Hog, 'Böa,
'B_oo_a, B_oo_'acka,
'Brr_oo_as, 'B_oo_ga, s. 'B_oo_gas.
I,myself, W_ou_, s. _ou_,
'W_ou_, _Ou_.
To laugh, 'Atta,
Katta,
'Häarish, Ap, s.Gye'ap.
A Man, 'Täata, Papa?
T_ee_to,
Ba'rang, Nar_oo_'mäan.
The Navel, 'P_ee_to,
P_ee_to, s. P_ee_to'ai, P_ee_to,
Nomprtong, Nap_ee_ rainguk, Whanb_oo_ _ee_n.
No, (1)'Ayma,(2)Y_ai_ha,(3)A'_ou_re,'_Ei_sa,
'_Ee_sha, Ka'_ou_re,
Ta'ep, E'sa, '_Ee_va, _Ee_ba.
Plantains, 'M_ai_ya, (1)Maya, (2)F_oo_tse,
M_ai_e_ea_, 'F_oo_dje,
Nabrruts.
Puncturation, Ta't_ou_,
E'pat_oo_, Ta't_ou_, Moko,
'Gan, s. Gan,galang.
Rain, E'_oo_a, '_Oo_a,
Na'mawar, _Oo_e.
Sugar cane, E'To, To,
Na'r_oo_k.
The Teeth, E'n_ee_h_ee_o, 'N_ee_ho,
E'n_ee_ho, 'N_ee_fo, N_ee_ho,
R_ee_'bohn, 'Warrewuk, s. 'R_ai_buk, Penna'w_ei_n.
Water, A'vay, E'vy,
Er'g_ou_r, _Oo_e.
To Whistle, 'Map_oo_,
F_ee_o,f_ee_o,
Papang, Awe'bern, 'Wy_oo_.
A Woman, Wa'h_ei_ne,
Ve'h_ee_ne,
Ra'bin, N_ai_'bräan, Tama.
Yams, E'_oo_he, _Oo_he,
_Oo_fe,
Nan-'ram, _Oo_fe, _Oo_be.
Yes, _Ai_,
'_Ee_o,
_Ai_, '_Ee_o, 'Elo, s. _Ee_o,
s. öe.
You, Oë,
Oë.
One, A'Tahay, Katta'ha_ee_,
Atta'ha_ee_, Ta'ha_ee_,
Ts_ee_'ka_ee_, R_ee_d_ee_, Wag_ee'ai_ng.
Two, E'R_oo_a, 'Rooa,
A'ooa, E'ooa,
E'ry, 'Karoo, 'Waroo.
Three, 'Ter_oo_, 'Tor_oo_,
A'tor_oo_, 'Tor_oo_,
E'r_ei_, 'Kahar, Wat_ee_ en.
Four, A'Haa, 'Häa, s. Fäa,
A'faa, A'fäa,
E'bats, 'K_ai_phar, Wam'ba_ee_k.
Five, E'R_ee_ma, 'R_ee_ma,
A'_ee_ma, 'N_ee_ma,
E'r_ee_m, 'Kr_ee_rum, Wannim.
Six, A'ono, 'Hon_oo_,
A'ono,
Ts_oo_'ka_ee_, Ma'r_ee_d_ee_, Wannim-g_ee_ek.
Seven, A'H_ei_too, 'H_ee_d_oo_,
A'wh_ee_t_oo_,
G_oo_y, Ma'kar_oo_, Wannim'n_oo_.
Eight, A'war_oo_, 'Var_oo_,
A'wa_oo_,
H_oo_rey, Ma'kahar, Wannim'g_ai_n.
Nine, A'_ee_va, H_ee_va,
A'_ee_va,
G_oo_dbats, Ma'k_ai_phar, Wannim'ba_ee_k.
Ten, A'h_oo_r_oo_, Atta'h_oo_r_oo_,
s. Anna'h_oo_r_oo_,
Wannah_oo_, s. Wanna'h_oo_e,
Senearr, Ma'kr_ee_rum, Wann_oo_'n_ai_uk.
[Footnote 21: It may be easily perceived, that notwithstanding some
words are entirely different, the first five Indian languages are
radically the same; though the distance from Easter Island to New
Zealand is upwards of fifteen hundred leagues. The principal difference
consists in the mode of pronunciation, which in Easter Island,
Amsterdam, and New Zealand, is more harsh, or guttural, than at the
Marquesas Isles, or Otaheite. The other three differ totally, not only
from the preceding, but from each other; which is more extraordinary
than the agreement of the others, as from Malicolo to Tanna you never
lose sight of land; nor is New Caledonia at a great distance from the
last place. In the language of Malicolo a great number of harsh labial
sounds prevail, very difficult to be represented in writing. At Tanna
the pronunciation is likewise harsh, but rather guttural, and the
inhabitants of New Caledonia have many nasal sounds, or snivel much in
speaking. It may however be observed, that in the three last languages,
some words are found which seem to have a distant resemblance to those
that go before; as Brr'_oo_as, in Malicolo, and 'B_oo_ga, or 'Boogas, in
Tanna, both signifying a hog, which at Otaheite and the Marquesas, is
expressed by the word 'Böa, and at Amsterdam B_oo_'acka. Yet, whether
these may not have been accidentally introduced, is hard to determine;
because they frequently use two words to express the same thing; as for
instance, in New Caledonia, they call a star both P_ee_j_oo_ and
Fya't_oo_; the first seems most consonant to the general composition of
their language, whereas the second differs very little from
E'f_ai_t_oo_, or Whet_oo_, the name of a star at Otaheite. When they
mention puncturation, it is commonly called a Gan, or Gan,galan; but
sometimes they say Tata'tou, which is almost the same as Ta't_ou_, used
to express the same thing at Otaheite and Amsterdam.]
[Footnote 22: The letters in Italic, as _oo, ee_, &c. are to be sounded
as one. Those with this ¨, as öe, &c. are separately. The accent at the
beginning of a word, signifies the chief stress in pronunciation is to
be laid there; if over it at any other part, the stress is laid on that
part immediately following. A comma in the middle of a word, either
signifies, that it is compounded of two, or, that the same syllables
repeated, make the word; in both which cases, a small stop, or pause,
must be made in pronouncing it.]
PART III. BOOK III.
A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN, UNDERTAKEN BY THE COMMAND OF HIS MAJESTY,
FOR MAKING DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTHERN HEMISPHERE; TO DETERMINE THE
POSITION AND EXTENT OF THE WEST SIDE OF NORTH AMERICA, ITS DISTANCE FROM
ASIA, AND THE PRACTICABILITY OF A NORTHERN PASSAGE TO EUROPE. PERFORMED
UNDER THE DIRECTION OF CAPTAINS COOK, CLERKE, AND GORE, IN HIS MAJESTY'S
SHIPS THE RESOLUTION AND DISCOVERY, IN THE YEARS 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779,
& 1780.[23]
INTRODUCTION.
The spirit of discovery, which had long animated the European nations,
having, after its arduous and successful exertions, during the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries, gradually subsided, and for a considerable time
lain dormant, began to revive in Great Britain in the late reign;[24]
and recovered all its former activity, under the cherishing influence,
and munificent encouragement, of his present majesty.
[Footnote 23: The account of this voyage was originally published in
three volumes the first and second of which were written by Captain Cook
himself, and the third by Captain King, one of his officers. The work,
however, as the reader will soon find, is materially enriched by the
communications of Mr Anderson, surgeon of the Resolution. The valuable
introduction, and the notes interspersed throughout the volumes
contributed by Cook, were the production of Dr Douglas, Bishop of
Salisbury, who, at the request of Lord Sandwich, undertook also the
office of editor. Of the amount of his services in this character, we
have his own statement, towards the end of the introduction. From this,
it appears, that Cook, when he set out, knew he was expected to relate,
as well as to execute, the operations committed to him; and that his
journal, in consequence, was faithfully adhered to. This seems to imply
the non-interference of the editor, at least in any important sense. The
same thing may be inferred from what he says respecting Mr Anderson's
journal. And as to the third volume, we are expressly told, that it was
completely prepared for the press by Captain King himself. There is
surely, then, very little foundation for an assertion made in the memoir
of Captain Cook, inserted in the new edition of the General Biographical
Dictionary, vol. 10. viz. that Dr Douglas "has levelled down the more
striking peculiarities of the different writers, into some appearance of
equality." Certainly, we are bound either to refuse such an insinuation,
or to charge falsehood on Dr Douglas, who expressly states, that all he
has to answer for, are the notes in Captain Cook's two volumes and the
introduction. But the alternative will give no trouble to any reader
acquainted with the worthy character of the bishop, or who can
comprehend, how very readily a probable conjecture may became the basis
of an erroneous opinion.
It is necessary to apprise the reader, that the letter D is placed at
such of Dr Douglas's notes as it is thought advisable to retain in this
work, and that for the rest marked E., the editor, as formerly, is
responsible.--E.]
[Footnote 24: Two voyages for discovering a north-west passage, through
Hudson's Bay, were then performed; one under the command of Captain
Middleton, in his majesty's ships the Furnace, and the Discovery pink,
in 1741 and 1743. The other under the direction of Captains Smith and
Moore, in the ships Dobbs and California, fitted out by subscription, in
1746 and 1747.--D.]
Soon after his accession to the throne, having happily closed the
destructive operations of war, he turned his thoughts to enterprises
more humane, but not less brilliant, adapted to the season of returning
peace. While every liberal art, and useful study, flourished under his
patronage at home, his superintending care was extended to such branches
of knowledge, as required distant examination and enquiry; and his
ships, after bringing back victory and conquest from every quarter of
the known world, were now employed in opening friendly communications
with its hitherto unexplored recesses.
In the prosecution of an object so worthy of the monarch of a great
commercial people, one voyage followed another in close succession; and,
we may add, in regular gradation. What Byron had begun, Wallis and
Carteret soon improved. Their success gave birth to a far more extensive
plan of discovery, carried into execution in two subsequent voyages,
conducted by Cook. And that nothing might be left unattempted, though
much had been already done, the same commander, whose professional skill
could only be equalled by the persevering diligence with which he had
exerted it, in the course of his former researches, was called upon,
once more, to resume, or rather to complete, the survey of the globe.
Accordingly, another voyage was undertaken, in 1776; which, though last
in the order of time, was far from being the least considerable, with
respect to the extent and importance of its objects; yet, still, far
less fortunate than any of the former, as those objects were not
accomplished, but at the expence of the valuable life of its conductor.
When plans, calculated to be of general utility, are carried into
execution with partial views, and upon interested motives, it is natural
to attempt to confine, within some narrow circle, the advantages which
might have been derived to the world at large, by an unreserved
disclosure of all that had been effected. And, upon this principle, it
has too frequently been considered as sound policy, perhaps, in this
country, as well as amongst some of our neighbours, to affect to draw a
veil of secrecy over the result of enterprises to discover and explore
unknown quarters of the globe. It is to the honour of the present reign,
that more liberal views have been now adopted. Our late voyages, from
the very extensive objects proposed by them, could not but convey useful
information to every European nation; and, indeed, to every nation,
however remote, which cultivates commerce, and is acquainted with
navigation: And that information has most laudably been afforded. The
same enlarged and benevolent spirit, which ordered these several
expeditions to be undertaken, has also taken care that the result of
their various discoveries should be authentically recorded. And the
transactions of these voyages round the world, having, in due time, been
communicated, under the authority of his majesty's naval minister; those
of the present, which, besides revisiting many of the former discoveries
in the southern, carried its operations into untrodden paths in the
northern hemisphere, are, under the same sanction, now submitted to the
public in these volumes.
One great plan of nautical investigation having been pursued throughout,
it is obvious, that the several voyages have a close connection, and
that an exact recollection of what had been aimed at, and effected, in
those that preceded, will throw considerable light on our period. With a
view, therefore, to assist the reader in forming a just estimate of the
additional information conveyed by this publication, it may not be
improper to lay before him a short, though comprehensive, abstract of
the principal objects that had been previously accomplished, arranged in
such a manner, as may serve to unite into one point of view, the various
articles which lie scattered through the voluminous journals already in
the hands of the public; those compiled by Dr Hawkesworth; and that
which was written by Captain Cook himself. By thus shewing what had been
formerly done, how much still remained for subsequent examination will
be more apparent; and it will be better understood on what grounds,
though the ships of his majesty had already circumnavigated the world
five different times, in the course of about ten years, another voyage
should still be thought expedient.
There will be a farther use in giving such an abstract a place in this
introduction. The plan of discovery, carried on in so many successive
expeditions, being now, we may take upon us to say, in a great measure
completed, by summing up the final result, we shall be better able to do
justice to the benevolent purposes it was designed to answer; and a
solid foundation will be laid, on which we may build a satisfactory
answer to a question, sometimes asked by peevish refinement, and
ignorant malevolence, What beneficial consequences, if any, have
followed, or are likely to follow, to the discoverers, or to the
discovered, to the common interests of humanity, or to the increase of
useful knowledge, from all our boasted attempts to explore the distant
recesses of the globe?
The general object of the several voyages round the world, undertaken by
the command of his majesty, prior to that related in this work, was to
search for unknown tracts of land that might exist within the bosom of
the immense expanse of ocean that occupies the whole southern
hemisphere.
Within that space, so few researches had been made, before our time, and
those few researches had been made so imperfectly, that the result of
them, as communicated to the world in any narration, had rather served
to create uncertainty, than to convey information; to deceive the
credulous, rather than to satisfy the judicious enquirer; by blending
the true geography of above half the superficies of the earth with an
endless variety of plausible conjectures, suggested by ingenious
speculation; of idle tales, handed down by obscure tradition; or of bold
fictions, invented by deliberate falsehood.
It would have been very unfortunate, indeed, if five different
circumnavigations of the globe, some of them, at least, if not all, in
tracks little known, and less frequented, had produced no discoveries,
to reward the difficulties and perils unavoidably encountered. But the
following review will furnish the most satisfactory proofs, that his
majesty's instructions have been executed with ability; and that the
repeated visits of his ships to the southern hemisphere, have very
considerably added to our stock of geographical knowledge.
1. The south Atlantic ocean was the first scene of our operations.
Falkland's Islands had been hitherto barely known to exist; but their
true position and extent, and every circumstance which could render
their existence of any consequence, remained absolutely undecided, till
Byron visited them in 1764. And Captain Macbride, who followed him
thither two years after, having circumnavigated their coasts, and taken
a complete survey, a chart of Falkland's Islands has been constructed,
with so much accuracy, that the coasts of Great Britain itself, are not
more authentically laid down upon our maps.
How little was really known of the islands in the south Atlantic, even
so late as the time of Lord Anson, we have the most remarkable proofs,
in the history of his voyage. Unavoidably led into mistake, by the
imperfect materials then in the possession of the world, he had
considered Pepys's Island, and Falkland Isles, as distinct places;
distant from each other about five degrees of latitude. Byron's
researches have rectified this capital error; and it is now decided,
beyond all contradiction, that, as Captain Cook says, "Future navigators
will mispend their time, if they look for Pepys's Island in latitude
47°; it being now certain, that Pepys's Island is no other than these
islands of Falkland."
Besides the determination of this considerable point, other lands,
situated in the South Atlantic, have been brought forward into view. If
the isle of Georgia had been formerly seen by La Roche in 1675, and by
Mr Guyot, in the ship Lion, in 1756, which seems to be probable, Captain
Cook, in 1775, has made us fully acquainted with its extent and true
position; and, in the same year, he added to the map of the world
Sandwich Land, hitherto not known to exist, and the most southern
discovery that has been ever accomplished.
II. Though the Strait of Magalhaens had been formerly visited, and
sailed through by ships of different nations, before our time, a careful
examination of its bays, and harbours, and head-lands; of the numerous
islands it contains, and of the coasts, on both sides, that inclose it;
and an exact account of the tides, and currents, and soundings,
throughout its whole extent, was a task, which, if Sir John Narborough,
and others, had not totally omitted, they cannot be said to have
recorded so fully, as to preclude the utility of future investigation.
This task has been ably and effectually performed by Byron, Wallis, and
Carteret; whose transactions in this strait, and the chart of it,
founded on their observations and discoveries, are a most valuable
accession to geography.
III. If the correct information, thus obtained, about every part of this
celebrated strait, should deter future adventurers from involving
themselves in the difficulties and embarrassments of a labyrinth, now
known to be so intricate, and the unavoidable source of danger and
delay, we have the satisfaction to have discovered, that a safer and
more expeditious entrance into the Pacific Ocean, may be reasonably
depended upon. The passage round Cape Horn has been repeatedly tried,
both from the east and from the west, and stript of its terrors. We
shall, for the future, be less discouraged by the labours and distresses
experienced by the squadrons of Lord Anson and Pizarro, when we
recollect that they were obliged to attempt the navigation of those seas
at an unfavourable season of the year; and that there was nothing very
formidable met with there when they were traversed by Captain Cook.
To this distinguished navigator was reserved the honour of being the
first, who, from a series of the most satisfactory observations,
beginning at the west entrance of the Strait of Magalhaens, and carried
on with unwearied diligence, round Tierra del Fuego, through the Strait
of Le Maire, has constructed a chart of the southern extremity of
America, from which it will appear, how much former navigators must have
been at a loss to guide themselves; and what advantages will be now
enjoyed by those who shall hereafter sail round Cape Horn.
IV. As the voyages of discovery, undertaken by his majesty's command,
have facilitated the access of ships into the Pacific Ocean, they have
also greatly enlarged our knowledge of its contents.
Though the immense expanse usually distinguished by this appellation,
had been navigated by Europeans for near two centuries and a half, by
far the greater part of it, particularly to the south of the equator,
had remained, during all this time, unexplored.
The great aim of Magalhaens, and of the Spaniards in general, its first
navigators, being merely to arrive, by this passage, at the Moluccas,
and the other Asiatic spice islands, every intermediate part of the
ocean that did not lie contiguous to their western track, which was on
the north side of the equator, of course escaped due examination. And if
Mendana and Quiros, and some nameless conductors of voyages before them,
by deviating from this track, and steering westward from Callao, within
the southern tropic, were so fortunate as to meet with various islands
there, and so sanguine as to consider those islands as marks of the
existence of a neighbouring southern continent, in the exploring of
which they flattered themselves they should rival the fame of De Gama
and Columbus, these feeble efforts never led to any effectual disclosure
of the supposed hidden mine of a New World. On the contrary, their
voyages being conducted without a judicious plan, and their discoveries
being left imperfect without immediate settlement, or subsequent
examination, and scarcely recorded in any well-authenticated or accurate
narrations, had been almost forgot; or were so obscurely remembered, as
only to serve the purpose of producing perplexing debates about their
situation and extent, if not to suggest doubts about their very
existence.
It seems, indeed, to have become a very early object of policy in the
Spanish councils, to discontinue and to discourage any farther
researches in that quarter. Already masters of a larger empire on the
continent of America than they could conveniently govern, and of richer
mines of the precious metals on that continent than they could convert
into use, neither avarice nor ambition furnished reasons for aiming at a
fresh accession of dominions. And thus, though settled all along the
shores of this ocean, in a situation so commodious for prosecuting
discoveries throughout its wide extent, the Spaniards remained satisfied
with a coasting intercourse between their own ports; never stretching
across the vast gulph that separates that part of America from Asia, but
in an unvarying line of navigation, perhaps in a single annual ship,
between Acapulco and Manilla.
The tracks of other European navigators of the South Pacific Ocean,
were, in a great measure, regulated by those of the Spaniards, and
consequently limited within the same narrow bounds. With the exception,
perhaps, of two instances only, those of Le Maire and Roggewein, no
ships of another nation had entered this sea, through the Strait of
Magalhaens, or found Cape Horn, but for the purposes of trade with the
Spaniards, or of hostility against them, purposes which could not be
answered, without precluding any probable chance of adding much to our
stock of discovery. For it was obviously incumbent on all such
adventurers, to confine their cruises within a moderate distance of the
Spanish settlements, in the vicinity of which alone they could hope to
exercise their commerce, or to execute their predatory and military
operations. Accordingly, soon after emerging from the strait, or
completing the circuit of Tierra del Fuego, they began to hold a
northerly course, to the uninhabited island of Juan Fernandez, their
usual spot of rendezvous and refreshment. And after ranging along the
continent of America, from Chili to California, they either reversed
their course back to the Atlantic, or, if they ventured to extend their
voyage by stretching over to Asia, they never thought of trying
experiments in the unfrequented and unexplored parts of the ocean, but
chose the beaten path (if the expression may be used,) within the limits
of which it was likely that they might meet with a Philippine galleon,
to make their voyage profitable to themselves; but could have little
prospect, if they had been desirous, of making it useful to the public,
by gaining any accession of new land to the map of the world.
By the natural operation of these causes, it could not but happen, that
little progress should be made toward obtaining a full and accurate
knowledge of the South Pacific Ocean. Something, however, had been
attempted by the industrious, and once enterprising, Dutch, to whom we
are indebted for three voyages, undertaken for the purposes of
discovery; and whose researches, in the southern latitudes of this
ocean, are much better ascertained than are those of the earlier Spanish
navigators above mentioned.
Le Maire and Schouten, in 1616, and Roggewein, in 1722, wisely judging
that nothing new could be gained by adhering to the usual passage on the
north side of the Line, traversed this ocean from Cape Horn to the East
Indies, crossing the south tropic, a space which had been so seldom, and
so ineffectually, visited; though popular belief, fortified by
philosophical speculation, expected there to reap the richest harvest of
discovery.
Tasman, in 1642, in his extensive circuit from Batavia, through the
South Indian Ocean, entered the South Pacific, at its greatest distance
from the American side, where it never had been examined before. And his
range, continued from a high southern latitude, northward to New Guinea,
and the islands to the east of it near the equator, produced
intermediate discoveries, that have rendered his voyage memorable in the
annals of navigation.
But still, upon the whole, what was effected in these three expeditions,
served only to shew how large a field was reserved for future and more
persevering examination. Their results had, indeed, enabled geographers
to diversify the vacant uniformity of former charts of this ocean by the
insertion of some new islands. But the number, and the extent of these
insertions, were so inconsiderable, that they may be said to appear
Rari, nantes in gurgite vasto.
And, if the discoveries were few, those few were made very imperfectly.
Some coasts were approached, but not landed upon; and passed without
waiting to examine their extent and connection with those that might
exist at no great distance. If others were landed upon, the visits were,
in general, so transient, that it was scarcely possible to build upon a
foundation so weakly laid, any information that could even gratify idle
curiosity, much less satisfy philosophical enquiry, or contribute
greatly to the safety, or to the success, of future navigation.
Let us, however, do justice to these beginnings of discovery. To the
Dutch, we must, at least, ascribe the merit of being our harbingers,
though we afterward went beyond them in the road they had first ventured
to tread. And with what success his majesty's ships have, in their
repeated voyages, penetrated into the obscurest recesses of the South
Pacific Ocean, will appear from the following enumeration of their
various and very extensive operations, which have drawn up the veil
that had hitherto been thrown over the geography of so great a
proportion of the globe.
1. The several lands, of which any account had been given, as seen by
any of the preceding navigators, Spanish or Dutch, have been carefully
looked for, and most of them (at least such of them as seemed of any
consequence) found out and visited; and not visited in a cursory manner,
but every means used to correct former mistakes, and to supply former
deficiencies, by making accurate enquiries ashore, and taking skilful
surveys of their coasts, by sailing round them, who has not heard, or
read, of the boasted _Tierra Australia del Espiritu Santo_ of Quiros?
But its bold pretensions to be a part of a southern continent, could not
stand Captain Cook's examination, who sailed round it, and assigned it
its true position and moderate bounds, in the Archipelago of the New
Hebrides.[25]
[Footnote 25: Bougainville, in 1768, did no more than discover that the
land here was not connected, but composed of islands. Captain Cook, in
1774, explored the whole group.--D.]
2. Besides perfecting many of the discoveries of their predecessors, our
late navigators have enriched geographical knowledge with a long
catalogue of their own. The Pacific Ocean, within the south tropic,
repeatedly traversed, in every direction, was found to swarm with a
seemingly endless profusion of habitable spots of land. Islands
scattered through the amazing space of near fourscore degrees of
longitude, separated at various distances, or grouped in numerous
clusters, have, at their approach, as it were, started into existence;
and such ample accounts have been brought home concerning them and their
inhabitants, as may serve every useful purpose of enquiry; and, to use
Captain Cook's words, who bore so considerable a share in those
discoveries, _have left little more to be done in that part_.
3. Byron, Wallis, and Carteret had each of them contributed toward
increasing our knowledge of the islands that exist in the Pacific Ocean,
within the limits of the southern tropic; but how far that ocean reached
to the west, what lands bounded it on that side, and the connection of
those lands with the discoveries of former navigators, was still the
reproach of geographers, and remained absolutely unknown, till Captain
Cook, during his first voyage in 1770, brought back the most
satisfactory decision of this important question. With a wonderful
perseverance, and consummate skill, amidst an uncommon combination of
perplexities and dangers, he traced this coast near two thousand miles,
from the 38° of south latitude, cross the tropic, to its northern
extremity, within 10° 1/2 of the equinoctial, where it was found to join
the lands already explored by the Dutch, in several voyages from their
Asiatic settlements, and to which they have given the name of New
Holland. Those discoveries made in the last century, before Tasman's
voyage, had traced the north and the west coasts of this land; and
Captain Cook, by his extensive operations on its east side, left little
to be done toward completing the full circuit of it. Between Cape Hicks,
in latitude 38°, where his examination of this coast began, and that
part of Van Diemen's Land, from whence Tasman took his departure, was
not above fifty-five leagues. It was highly probable, therefore, that
they were connected; though Captain Cook cautiously says, that _he could
not determine whether_ his New South Wales, that is, the east coast of
New Holland, _joins to Van Diemen's Land, or no_. But what was thus left
undetermined by the operations of his first voyage, was, in the course
of his second, soon cleared up; Captain Furneaux, in the Adventure,
during his separation from the Resolution (a fortunate separation as it
thus turned out) in 1773, having explored Van Diemen's Land, from its
southern point, along the east coast, far beyond Tasman's station, and
on to the latitude 38°, where Captain Cook's examination of it in 1770
had commenced.
It is no longer, therefore, a doubt, that we have now a full knowledge
of the whole circumference of this vast body of land, this fifth part of
the world (if I may so speak), which our late voyages have discovered to
be of so amazing a magnitude, that, to use Captain Cook's words, _it is
of a larger extent than any other country in the known world, that does
not bear the name of a continent.[26]
[Footnote 26: What the learned editor asserts here, as to the full
knowledge acquired by the voyages to which he alludes, must be
restricted, as Captain Flinders very properly remarks, to the general
extent of the vast region explored. It will not apply to the particular
formation of its coasts, for this plain reason, that the chart
accompanying the work, of which he was writing the introduction,
represents much of the south coast as totally unknown. It is necessary
to mention also, that what he says immediately before, in allusion to
the discoveries made by Captain Furaeaux, must submit to correction.
That officer committed some errors, owing, it would appear, to the
imperfection of preceding accounts; and he left undetermined the
interesting question as to the existence of a connection betwixt Van
Diemen's Land and New South Wales. The opinion which he gave as to this
point, on very insufficient _data_ certainly, viz. that there is "no
strait between them, but a very deep bay," has been most satisfactorily
disproved, by the discovery of the extensive passage which bears the
name of Flinders's friend, Mr Bass, the enterprising gentleman that
accomplished it.--E.]
4. Tasman having entered the Pacific Ocean, after leaving Van Diemen's
Land, had fallen in with a coast to which he gave the name of New
Zealand. The extent of this coast, and its position in any direction but
a part of its west side, which he sailed along in his course northward,
being left absolutely unknown, it had been a favourite opinion amongst
geographers, since his time, that New Zealand was a part of a southern
continent, running north and south, from the 33° to the 64° of south
latitude, and its northern, coast stretching cross the South Pacific to
an immense distance, where its eastern boundary had been seen by Juan
Fernandez, half a century before. Captain Cook's voyage in the Endeavour
has totally destroyed this supposition. Though Tasman must still have
the credit of having first seen New Zealand, to Captain Cook solely
belongs that of having really explored it. He spent near six months upon
its coasts in 1769 and 1770, circumnavigated it completely, and
ascertained its extent and division into two islands. Repeated visits
since that have perfected this important discovery, which, though now
known to be no part of a southern continent, will probably, in all
future charts of the world, be distinguished as the largest islands that
exist in that part of the southern hemisphere.
5. Whether New Holland did or did not join to New Guinea, was a question
involved in much doubt and uncertainty, before Captain Cook's sailing
between them, through Endeavour Strait, decided it. We will not hesitate
to call this an important acquisition to geography. For though the great
sagacity and extensive reading of Mr Dalrymple had discovered some
traces of such a passage having been found before, yet these traces were
so obscure, and so little known in the present age, that they had not
generally regulated the construction of our charts; the President de
Brosses, who wrote in 1756, and was well versed in geographical
researches, had not been able to satisfy himself about them; and Mons.
de Bougainville, in 1768, who had ventured to fall in with the south
coast of New Guinea, near ninety leagues to the westward of its
south-east point, chose rather to work those ninety leagues directly to
windward, at a time when his people were in such distress for provisions
as to eat the seal-skins from off the yards and rigging, than to run
the risk of finding a passage, of the existence of which he entertained
the strongest doubts, by persevering in his westerly course. Captain
Cook, therefore, in this part of his voyage (though he modestly
disclaims all merit), has established, beyond future controversy, a fact
of essential service to navigation, by opening, if not a new, at least
an unfrequented and forgotten communication between the South Pacific
and Indian Oceans.[27]
[Footnote 27: We are indebted to Mr Dalrymple for the recovery of an
interesting document respecting a passage betwixt New Holland and New
Guinea, discovered by Torres, a Spanish navigator, in 1606. It was found
among the archives of Manilla, when that city was taken by the British,
in 1762, being a copy of a letter which Torres addressed to the king of
Spain, giving an account of his discoveries. The Spaniards, as usual,
had kept the matter a profound secret, so that the existence of the
strait was generally unknown, till the labours of Captain Cook, in 1770,
entitled him to the merit here assigned. Captain Flinders, it must be
remembered, is of opinion, that some suspicion of such a strait was
entertained in 1644, when Tasman sailed on his second voyage, but that
the Dutch, who were then engaged in making discoveries in these regions,
were ignorant of its having been passed. Several navigators have sailed
through Torres's Strait, as it has been justly enough named, since the
time of Cook, and have improved our acquaintance with its geography. Of
these may be mentioned Lieutenant (afterwards Rear-Admiral) Bligh, in
1789; Captain (afterwards Admiral) Edwards, in 1791; Bligh, a second
time, accompanied by Lieutenant Portlock, in 1792; Messrs Bampton and
Alt, in 1793; and Captain Flinders, in 1802-3. The labours of the
last-mentioned gentleman in this quarter surpass, in utility and
interest, those of his predecessors, and, if he had accomplished nothing
else, would entitle his name to be ranked amongst the benefactors of
geography. What mind is so insensible as not to regret, that after years
of hardship and captivity, the very day which presented the public with
the memorial of his services and sufferings, deprived him of the
possibility of reaping their reward?--E.]
6. One more discovery, for which we are indebted to Captain Carteret, as
similar in some degree to that last mentioned, may properly succeed it,
in this enumeration. Dampier, in sailing round what was supposed to be
part of the coast of New Guinea, discovered it to belong to a separate
island, to which he gave the name of New Britain. But that the land
which he named New Britain should be subdivided again into two separate
large islands, with many smaller intervening, is a point of geographical
information, which, if ever traced by any of the earliest navigators of
the South Pacific, had not been handed down to the present age: And its
having been ascertained by Captain Carteret, deserves to be mentioned as
a discovery, in the strictest sense of the word; a discovery of the
utmost importance to navigation. St George's Channel, through which his
ship found a way, between New Britain and New Ireland, from the Pacific
into the Indian Ocean, to use the Captain's own words, "is a much better
and shorter passage, whether from the eastward or westward, than round
all the islands and lands to the northward."[28]
[Footnote 28: The position of the Solomon Islands, Mendana's celebrated
discovery, will no longer remain a matter in debate amongst geographers,
Mr Dalrymple having, on the most satisfactory evidence, proved, that
they are the cluster of islands which comprises what has since been
called New Britain, New Ireland, &c. The great light thrown on that
cluster by Captain Carteret's discovery, is a strong confirmation of
this.--See Mr Dalrymple's Collection of Voyages, vol. i. p. 162-3.--D.]
V. The voyages of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, were principally confined
to a favourite object of discovery in the South Atlantic; and though
accessions to geography were procured by them in the South Pacific, they
could do but little toward giving the world a complete view of the
contents of that immense expanse of ocean, through which they only held
a direct track, on their way homeward by the East Indies. Cook, indeed,
who was appointed to the conduct of the succeeding voyage, had a more
accurate examination of the South Pacific entrusted to him. But as the
improvement of astronomy went hand in hand, in his instructions, with
that of geography, the Captain's solicitude to arrive at Otaheite time
enough to observe the _transit_ of Venus, put it out of his power to
deviate from his direct track, in search of unknown lands that might lie
to the south-east of that island. By this unavoidable attention to his
duty, a very considerable part of the South Pacific, and that part where
the richest mine of discovery was supposed to exist, remained unvisited
and unexplored, during that voyage in the Endeavour. To remedy this, and
to clear up a point, which, though many of the learned were confident
of, upon principles of speculative reasoning, and many of the unlearned
admitted, upon what they thought to be credible testimony, was still
held to be very problematical; if not absolutely groundless, by others
who were less sanguine or more incredulous; his majesty, always ready to
forward every enquiry that can add to the stock of interesting knowledge
in every branch, ordered another expedition to be undertaken. The signal
services performed by Captain Cook, during his first voyage, of which we
have given the outlines, marked him as the fittest person to finish an
examination which he had already so skilfully executed in part.
Accordingly, he was sent out in 1772, with two ships, the Resolution and
Adventure, upon the most enlarged plan of discovery known in the annals
of navigation. For he was instructed not only to circumnavigate the
globe, but to circumnavigate it in high southern latitudes, making such
traverses, from time to time, into every corner of the Pacific Ocean not
before examined, as might finally and effectually resolve the
much-agitated question about the existence of a southern continent, in
any part of the southern hemisphere accessible by navigation.
The ample accessions to geography, by the discovery of many islands
within the tropic in the Pacific Ocean, in the course of this voyage,
which was carried on with singular perseverance, between three and four
years, have been already stated to the reader. But the general search
now made, throughout the whole southern hemisphere, as being the
principal object in view, hath been reserved for this separate article.
Here, indeed, we are not to take notice of lands that have been
discovered, but of seas sailed through, where lands had been supposed to
exist. In tracing the route of the Resolution and Adventure, throughout
the South Atlantic, the South Indian, and the South Pacific Oceans that
environ the globe, and combining it with the route of the Endeavour, we
receive what may be called ocular demonstration, that Captain Cook, in
his persevering researches, sailed over many an extensive continent,
which, though supposed to have been seen by former navigators, at the
approach of his ships, sunk into the bosom of the ocean, and, "like the
baseless fabric of a vision, left not a rack behind."[29] It has been
urged, that the existence of a southern continent is necessary to
preserve an _equilibrium_ between the two hemispheres. But however
plausible this theory may seem at first sight, experience has abundantly
detected its fallacy. In consequence of Captain Cook's voyage, now under
consideration, we have a thorough knowledge of the state of the southern
hemisphere, and can pronounce with certainty, that the _equilibrium_ of
the globe is effectually preserved, though the proportion of sea
actually sailed through, leaves no sufficient space for the
corresponding mass of land; which, on speculative arguments, had been
maintained to be necessary.[30]
[Footnote 29: A very long note in the original is occupied by Mr Wales's
reply to the observations of Monsieur le Monier, in the memoirs of the
French Academy of Sciences for 1776, respecting what Captain Cook
alleged in the account of his second voyage, of the non-existence of
Cape Circumcision, said to have been discovered by Bouvet in 1738. As
the subject, though exceedingly well treated by Mr Wales, is in itself
of scarce any importance, and has long lost interest among scientific
enquirers, who rest perfectly content with Captain Cook's examination,
there appeared no inducement whatever to retain the note. The reader, it
is confidently presumed, will be satisfied with what was said of it in
the account of the former voyage.--E.]
[Footnote 30: The judgment of the ingenious author of _Recherches sur
Américains_, on this question, seems to be very deserving of a place
here: "Qu'on calcule, comme on voudra, on sera toujours contraint
d'avouer, qu'il y a une plus grande portion de continent située dans la
latitude septentrionale, que dans la latitude australe.
"C'est fort mal à-propos, qu'on a soutenu que cette répartition inégale
ne sauroit exister, sous prétexte que le globe perdroit son équilibre,
faute d'un contrepoids suffisant au pole méridionale. Il est vrai qu'un
pied cube d'eau salée ne pese pas autant qu'un pied cube de terre; mais
on auroit dû réfléchir, qu'il peut y avoir sous l'ocean des lits & des
couches de matières, dont la pésanteur spécifique varie à l'infini, &
que le peu de profondeur d'une mer, versée sur une grande surface,
contrebalance les endroits où il y a moins de mer, mais où elle est plus
profonde."--_Recherches Philosophiques_, tom. ii, p. 375.--D.
We offered some observations on this topic in the preceding volume, and
need scarcely resume it, as it cannot be imagined that any of our
readers still entertain the belief of the necessity for such an
equilibrium. The object in again alluding to it, is to call attention to
some observations of another kind, which Mr Jones has hazarded in one of
his Physiological Disquisitions. According to him, no such thing as a
southern counterpoise ought to have been expected, for it seems to be
the constitution of our globe, that land and water are contrasted to
each other on its opposite sides. "If," says he, "you bring the meridian
of the Cape of Good Hope under the brazen circle, or universal meridian
of a terrestrial globe, observing that this meridian passes through the
heart of the continents of Europe and Africa, you will find that the
opposite part of the meridian passes through the middle of the great,
south sea. When the middle of the northern continent of America, about
the meridian of Mexico, is examined in the same way, the opposite part
passes very exactly through the middle of the Indian ocean. The southern
continent of America is opposed by that eastern sea which contains the
East India islands. The southern continent of New Holland is opposite to
the Atlantic ocean. This alternation, if I may so call it, between the
land and sea, is too regular to have been casual; and if the face of the
earth was so laid out by design, it was for some good reason. But what
that reason may be, it will be difficult to shew. Perhaps this
disposition may be of service to keep up a proper balance; or, it may
assist toward the diurnal rotation of the earth, the free motions of the
tides, &c.; or the water on one side may give a freer passage to the
rays of the sun, and being convex and transparent, may concentrate, or
at least condense, the solar rays internally, for some benefit to the
land that lies on the other side."--This sort of reasoning, from our
ignorance, is no doubt liable to objection, and Mr Jones had good sense
and candour enough to admit, that the questions were too abstruse for
him to determine. The proper part, indeed, for man to act; is to
investigate what Nature has done, not to dogmatize as to the reasons for
her conduct--to ascertain facts, not to substitute conjectures in place
of them. But it is allowable for us, when we have done our best in
collecting and examining phenomena, to arrange them together according
to any plausible theory which our judgments can suggest. Still, however,
we ought to remember, that the most obviously imperative dictates of our
reasoning faculties are only inferences from present appearances, and
determine nothing as to the necessity of existing things.--E.]
If former navigators have added more land to the known globe than
Captain Cook, to him, at least, was reserved the honour of being
foremost in disclosing to us the extent of sea that covers its surface.
His own summary view of the transactions of this voyage, will be a
proper conclusion to these remarks: "I had now made the circuit of the
southern ocean in a high latitude, and traversed it in such a manner as
to leave not the least room for there being a continent, unless near the
Pole, and out of the reach of navigation. By twice visiting the Tropical
Sea, I had not only settled the situation of some old discoveries, but
made there many new ones, and left, I conceive, very little to be done,
even in that part. Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of the
voyage has, in every respect, been fully answered; the southern
hemisphere sufficiently explored; and a final end put to the searching
after a southern continent, which has, at times, engrossed the attention
of some of the maritime powers for near two centuries past, and been a
favourite theory amongst the geographers of all ages."[31]
[Footnote 31: Cook's second Voyage.]
Thus far, therefore, the voyages to disclose new tracks of navigation,
and to reform old defects in geography, appear to have been prosecuted
with a satisfactory share of success. A perusal of the foregoing summary
of what had been done, will enable every one to judge what was still
wanting to complete the great plan of discovery. The southern hemisphere
had, indeed, been repeatedly visited, and its utmost accessible
extremities been surveyed. But much uncertainty, and, of course, great
variety of opinion, subsisted, as to the navigable extremities of our
own hemisphere; particularly as to the existence, or, at least, as to
the practicability of a northern passage between the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans, either by sailing eastward, round Asia, or westward,
round North America.
It was obvious, that if such a passage could be effected, voyages to
Japan and China, and, indeed, to the East Indies in general, would be
much shortened; and consequently become more profitable, than by making
the tedious circuit of the Cape of Good Hope. Accordingly, it became a
favourite object of the English to effectuate this, above two centuries
ago; and (to say nothing of Cabot's original attempt, in 1497, which
ended in the discovery of Newfoundland and the Labradore coast) from
Frobisher's first voyage to find a western passage, in 1576, to those of
James and of Fox, in 1631, repeated trials had been made by our
enterprising adventurers. But though farther knowledge of the northern
extent of America was obtained in the course of these voyages, by the
discovery of Hudson's and Baffin's Bays, the wished-for passage, on that
side, into the Pacific Ocean, was still unattained. Our countrymen, and
the Dutch, were equally unsuccessful, in various attempts, to find this
passage in an eastern direction. Wood's failure, in 1676, seems to have
closed the long list of unfortunate northern expeditions in that
century; and the discovery, if not absolutely despaired of, by having
been so often missed, ceased, for many years, to be sought for.
Mr Dobbs, a warm advocate for the probability of a north-west passage
through Hudson's Bay, in our own time, once more recalled the attention
of this country to that undertaking; and, by his active zeal, and
persevering solicitation, renewed the spirit of discovery. But it was
renewed in vain. For Captain Middleton, sent out by government in 1741,
and Captains Smith and Moore, by a private society, in 1746, though
encouraged by an act of parliament passed in the preceding year, that
annexed a reward of twenty thousand pounds to the discovery of a
passage, returned from Hudson's Bay with reports of their proceedings,
that left the accomplishment of this favourite object at as great a
distance as ever.
When researches of this kind, no longer left to the solicitation of an
individual, or to the subscriptions of private adventurers, became
cherished by the royal attention, in the present reign, and warmly
promoted by the minister at the head of the naval department, it was
impossible, while so much was done toward exploring the remotest corners
of the southern hemisphere, that the northern passage should not be
attempted. Accordingly, while Captain Cook was prosecuting his voyage
toward the South Pole in 1773, Lord Mulgrave sailed with two ships, _to
determine how far navigation was practicable toward the North Pole_. And
though his lordship met with the same insuperable bar to his progress
which former navigators had experienced, the hopes of opening a
communication between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans by a northerly
course, were not abandoned; and a voyage for that purpose was ordered to
be undertaken.[32]
[Footnote 32: Dr Douglas refers to the introduction to Lord Mulgrave's
Journal for a history of former attempts to sail toward the North Pole;
and to Barrington's Miscellanies for several instances of ships reaching
very high north latitudes.--E.]
The operations proposed to be pursued were so new, so extensive, and so
various, that the skill and experience of Captain Cook, it was thought,
would be requisite to conduct them. Without being liable to any charge
of want of zeal for the public service, he might have passed the rest of
his days in the command to which he had been appointed in Greenwich
Hospital, there to enjoy the fame he had dearly earned in two
circumnavigations of the world. But he cheerfully relinquished this
honourable station at home; and, happy that the Earl of Sandwich had not
cast his eye upon any other commander, engaged in the conduct of the
expedition, the history of which is now given, an expedition that would
expose him to the toils and perils of a third circumnavigation, by a
track hitherto unattempted.[33] Every former navigator round the globe
had made his passage home to Europe by the Cape of Good Hope; the
arduous task was now assigned to Captain Cook of attempting it, by
reaching the high northern latitudes between Asia and America. So that
the usual plan of discovery was reversed; and, instead of a passage from
the Atlantic to the Pacific, one from the latter into the former was to
be tried. For it was wisely foreseen, that whatever openings or inlets
there might be on the east side of America, which lie in a direction
that could give any hopes of a passage, the ultimate success of it would
still depend upon there being an open sea between the west side of that
continent and the extremities of Asia. Captain Cook, therefore, was
ordered to proceed into the Pacific Ocean, through the chain of his new
islands in the southern tropic; and, having crossed the equator into its
northern parts, then to hold such a course as might probably fix many
interesting points in geography, and produce intermediate discoveries,
in his progress northward to the principal scene of his operations.
[Footnote 33: It is due to history, and to the character of Cook, to
mention a circumstance respecting his appointment to this expedition,
which strikingly proves the high opinion entertained of his abilities
for it, and, at the same time, his zeal for the promotion of useful
discoveries, and the prosperity of his country. This is done from the
information of Lord Sandwich, as communicated in the memoir of Cook
inserted in the Biog. Brit. When the enterprise was determined on, it
became of extreme consequence to select a proper person to undertake the
execution of it. Captain Cook most naturally obtained this respect; and
at once, without the possibility of rivalship, would have been appointed
to the command, did not a conviction and feeling of sympathy for his
former sufferings and important services, restrain his warmest friends
from the slightest expression of what they unanimously desired.
Concealing, therefore, their opinion, and avoiding every thing of the
nature of solicitation, they, nevertheless, thought it advisable to
consult his well-informed judgment relative to the nature of the
undertaking, and the person most likely to perform it. For this purpose,
Captain Cook, Sir Hugh Palliser, and Mr Stephens, were invited to dine
with Lord Sandwich, when the whole affair was discussed. The
representation of its magnitude, and beneficial consequences, roused the
enthusiasm of the navigator; and starting up, he declared that he
himself would undertake its accomplishment. This magnanimous resolution
was joyfully received, and could not fail to produce the most sanguine
hopes of at least an honourable, if not a successful, issue. His
appointment was immediately made out; and it was agreed, that on
returning to England, he should have his situation at Greenwich
restored.--E.]
But the plan of the voyage, and the various objects it embraced, will
best appear from the instructions under which Captain Cook sailed; and
the insertion of them here, will convey such authentic information as
may enable the reader to judge with precision how far they have been
carried into execution.
* * * * *
By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral of
Great Britain and Ireland, &c.
_Secret Instructions for Captain James Cook, Commander of his Majesty's
Sloop the Resolution_.
Whereas the Earl of Sandwich has signified to us his majesty's pleasure,
that an attempt should be made to find out a northern passage by sea
from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and whereas we have, in
pursuance thereof, caused his majesty's sloops Resolution and Discovery
to be fitted, in all respects, proper to proceed upon a voyage for the
purpose above-mentioned, and, from the experience we have had of your
abilities and good conduct in your late voyages, have thought fit to
entrust you with the conduct of the present intended voyage, and with
that view appointed you to command the first-mentioned sloop, and
directed Captain Clerke, who commands the other, to follow your orders
for his further proceedings. You are hereby required and directed to
proceed with the said two sloops directly to the Cape of Good Hope,
unless you shall judge it necessary to stop at Madeira, the Cape de Verd
or Canary Islands, to take in wine for the use of their companies; in
which case you are at liberty to do so, taking care to remain there no
longer than may be necessary for that purpose.
On your arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, you are to refresh the sloops'
companies, and to cause the sloops to be supplied with as much
provisions and water as they can conveniently stow.
You are, if possible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end of
October, or the beginning of November next, and proceed to the
southward, in search of some islands said to have been lately seen by
the French, in the latitude 48° 0' S., and about the meridian of
Mauritius. In case you find those islands, you are to examine them
thoroughly for a good harbour; and, upon discovering one, make the
necessary observations to facilitate the finding it again, as a good
port, in that situation, may hereafter prove very useful, although it
should afford little or nothing more than shelter, wood, and water. You
are not, however, to spend too much time in looking out for those
islands, or in the examination of them, if found, but proceed to
Otaheite, or the Society Isles, (touching at New Zealand in your way
thither, if you should judge it necessary and convenient,) and taking
care to arrive there time enough to admit of your giving the sloops'
companies the refreshment they may stand in need of, before you
prosecute the farther object of these instructions.
Upon your arrival at Otaheite, or the Society Isles, you are to land
Omiah at such of them as he may choose, and to leave him there.
You are to distribute among the chiefs of those islands such part of the
presents with which you have been supplied, as you shall judge proper,
reserving the remainder to distribute among the natives of the countries
you may discover in the northern hemisphere. And having refreshed the
people belonging to the sloops under your command, and taken on board
such wood and water as they may respectively stand in need of, you are
to leave those islands in the beginning of February, or sooner if you
shall judge it necessary, and then proceed in as direct a course as you
can to the coast of New Albion, endeavouring to fall in with it in the
latitude of 45° 0' N.; and taking care, in your way thither, not to lose
any time in search of new lands, or to stop at any you may fall in with,
unless you find it necessary to recruit your wood and water.
You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch upon
any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America,
unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident; in which case you
are to stay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and to
be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the
inhabitants or subjects of his catholic majesty. And if, in your farther
progress to the northward, as hereafter directed, you find any subjects
of any European prince or state upon any part of the coast you may think
proper to visit, you are not to disturb them, or give them any just
cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and
friendship.
Upon your arrival on the coast of New Albion, you are to put into the
first convenient port to recruit your wood and water, and procure
refreshments, and then to proceed northward along the coast as far as
the latitude of 65°, or farther, if you are not obstructed by lands or
ice, taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or
upon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitude
of 65°, where we could wish you to arrive in the month of June next.
When you get that length, you are carefully to search for, and to
explore, such rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a considerable
extent, and pointing towards Hudson's or Baffin's Bays; and if, from
your own observations, or from any information you may receive from the
natives, (who, there is reason to believe, are the same race of people,
and speak the same language, of which you are furnished with a
vocabulary, as the Esquimaux,) there shall appear to be a certainty, or
even a probability, of a water passage into the afore-mentioned bays, or
either of them, you are, in such case, to use your utmost endeavours to
pass through with one or both of the sloops, unless you shall be of
opinion that the passage may be effected with more certainty, or with
greater probability, by smaller vessels; in which case you are to set up
the frames of one or both the small vessels with which you are
provided, and, when they are put together, and are properly fitted,
stored, and victualled, you are to dispatch one or both of them, under
the care of proper officers, with a sufficient number of petty officers,
men, and boats, in order to attempt the said passage, with such
instructions for their rejoining you, if they should fail, or for their
farther proceedings, if they should succeed in the attempt, as you shall
judge most proper. But, nevertheless, if you shall find it more eligible
to pursue any other measures than those above pointed out, in order to
make a discovery of the beforementioned passage, (if any such there be,)
you are at liberty, and we leave it to your discretion, to pursue such
measures accordingly.
In case you shall be satisfied that there is no passage through to the
above-mentioned bays, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, you
are, at the proper season of the year, to repair to the port of St Peter
and St Paul in Kamtschatka, or wherever else you shall judge more
proper, in order to refresh your people and pass the winter; and, in the
spring of the ensuing year 1778 to proceed from thence to the northward,
as far as, in your prudence, you may think proper, in further search of
a N.E. or N.W. passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic Ocean,
or the North Sea; and if, from your own observation, or any information
you may receive, there shall appear to be a probability of such a
passage, you are to proceed as above directed: and having discovered
such passage, or failed in the attempt, make the best of your way back
to England, by such route as you may think best for the improvement of
geography and navigation, repairing to Spithead with both sloops, where
they are to remain till further order.
At whatever places you may touch in the course of your voyage, where
accurate observations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not already
been made, you are, as far as your time will allow, very carefully to
observe the true situation of such places, both in latitude and
longitude; the variation of the needle; bearings of head-lands; height,
direction, and course of the tides and currents; depths and soundings of
the sea; shoals, rocks, &c.; and also to survey, make charts, and take
views of such bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast, and to
make such notations thereon as may be useful either to navigation or
commerce. You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil, and
the produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it;
the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and in
what plenty; and, in case there are any peculiar to such places, to
describe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them, as
you can; and, if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, or
any extraneous fossils, you are to bring home specimens of each, as also
of the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, and grains, peculiar
to those places, as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them to
our secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made of
them. Yon are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and
number of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any; and to
endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship with them,
making them presents of such trinkets as you may have on board, and they
may like best, inviting them to traffic, and shewing them every kind of
civility and regard; but taking care, nevertheless, not to suffer
yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always on your guard against
any accidents.
You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession, in
the name of the King of Great Britain, of convenient situations in such
countries as you may discover, that have not already been discovered or
visited by any other European power, and to distribute among the
inhabitants such things as will remain as traces and testimonies of your
having been there; but if you find the countries so discovered are
uninhabited, you are to take possession of them for his majesty, by
setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers and
possessors.
But forasmuch as, in undertakings of this nature, several emergencies
may arise not to be foreseen, and therefore not particularly to be
provided for by instructions before-hand, you are, in all such cases, to
proceed as you shall judge most advantageous to the service on which you
are employed.
You are, by all opportunities, to send to our secretary, for our
information, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the surveys and
drawings you shall have made; and upon your arrival in England, you are
immediately to repair to this office, in order to lay before us a full
account of your proceedings in the whole course of your voyage, taking
care, before you leave the sloop, to demand from the officers and petty
officers the log-books and journals they may have kept, and to seal
them up for inspection; and enjoining them, and the whole crew, not to
divulge where they have been, until they shall have permission so to do:
And you are to direct Captain Clerke to do the same, with respect to the
officers, petty officers, and crew of the Discovery.
If any accident should happen to the Resolution in the course of the
voyage, so as to disable her from proceeding any farther, you are, in
such case, to remove yourself and her crew into the Discovery, and to
prosecute your voyage in her; her commander being hereby strictly
required to receive you on board, and to obey your orders, the same, in
every respect, as when you were actually on board the Resolution. And,
in case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these
instructions into execution, you are to be careful to leave them with
the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in
the best manner he can.
Given under our hands the 6th day of July, 1776,
SANDWICH,
C. SPENCER,
H. PALLISER.
By command of their lordships,
PH. STEPHENS.
* * * * *
Besides ordering Captain Cook to sail on this important voyage,
government, in earnest about the object of it, adopted a measure, which,
while it could not but have a powerful operation on the crews of the
Resolution and Discovery, by adding the motives of interest to the
obligations of duty, at the same time encouraged all his majesty's
subjects to engage in attempts toward the proposed discovery. By the act
of parliament, passed in 1745,[34] a reward of twenty thousand pounds
had been held out. But it had been held out only to the ships belonging
to any of his majesty's subjects, exclusive of his majesty's own ships.
The act had a still more capital defect. It held out this reward only to
such ships as should discover a passage through Hudson's Bay; and, as we
shall soon take occasion to explain, it was, by this time, pretty
certain that no such passage existed within those limits. Effectual care
was taken to remedy both these defects by passing a new law; which,
after reciting the provisions of the former, proceeds as follows:--"And
whereas many advantages, both to commerce and science, may be also
expected from the discovery of any northern passage for vessels by sea,
between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, be it enacted, That if any ship
belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, or to his majesty, shall
find out, and sail through, any passage by sea between the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans, in any direction, or parallel of the northern
hemisphere, to the northward of the 52° of northern latitude, the owners
of such ships, if belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, or the
commander, officers, and seamen of such ship belonging to his majesty,
shall receive, as a reward for such discovery, the sum of twenty
thousand pounds.
[Footnote 34: See the Statutes at Large, 18 George II. chap. 17.]
"And whereas ships employed, both in the Spitzbergen Seas, and in
Davis's Straits, have frequent opportunities of approaching the North
Pole, though they have not time, during the course of one summer, to
penetrate into the Pacific Ocean; and whereas such approaches may
greatly tend to the discovery of a communication between the Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans, as well as be attended with many advantages to
commerce and science, &c. be it enacted, That if any ship shall approach
to within 1° of the North Pole, the owner, &c. or commander, &c. so
approaching, shall receive, as a reward for such first approach, the sum
of five thousand pounds."[35]
[Footnote 35: See the Statutes at Large, 1776, 16 George III. chap. 6.]
That nothing might be omitted that could facilitate the success of
Captain Cook's expedition, some time before he sailed, in the beginning
of the summer of 1776, Lieutenant Pickersgill, appointed commander of
his majesty's armed brig the Lion, was ordered "to proceed to Davis's
Straits, for the protection of the British whale fishers;" and that
first object being secured, "he was then required and directed to
proceed up Baffin's Bay, and explore the coasts thereof, as far as in
his judgment the same could be done without apparent risk, taking care
to leave the above-mentioned bay so timely as to secure his return to
England in the fall of the year;" and it was farther enjoined to him,
"to make nautical remarks of every kind, and to employ Mr Lane (master
of the vessel under his command) in surveying, making charts, and taking
views of the several bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast
which he might visit, and in making such notations thereon as might be
useful to geography and navigation."[36]
[Footnote 36: From his MS. Instructions, dated May 14, 1776.]
Pickersgill, we see, was not to attempt the discovery of the passage. He
was directed to explore the coasts of Baffin's Bay, only to enable him
to bring back, the same year, some information, which might be an useful
direction toward planning an intended voyage into that bay the ensuing
summer, to try for the discovery of a passage on that side, with a view
to co-operate with Captain Cook; who, it was supposed, (from the tenor
of his instructions,) would be trying for this passage, about the same
time, from the opposite side of America.
Pickersgill, obeying his instructions, at least in this instance, did
return that year, but there were sufficient reasons for not sending him
out again, and the command of the next expedition into Baffin's Bay was
conferred on Lieutenant Young; whose instructions, having an immediate
connection with our voyage, are here inserted.
* * * * *
_Extract of Instructions to Lieutenant Young, commanding the Lion Armed
Vessel, dated 13th March, 1777_.
Resolution.} Whereas, in pursuance of the king's pleasure,
Discovery } signified to us by the Earl of Sandwich, his
majesty's sloops named in the margin have been sent out under the
command of Captain Cook, in order, during this and the ensuing year, to
attempt a discovery of a northern passage, by sea, from the Pacific to
the Atlantic ocean; and, for that purpose, to run up as high as the
latitude of 65° N., where it is hoped he will be able to arrive in the
month of June next; and there, and as much further to the northward as
in his prudence he shall think proper, very carefully to search for and
explore such rivers, or inlets, as may appear to be of a considerable
extent, and pointing to Hudson's or Baffin's Bays, or the north sea;
and, upon finding any passage through, sufficient for the purposes of
navigation, to attempt such passage with one or both of the sloops; or,
if they are judged to be too large, with smaller vessels, the frames of
which have been sent out with him for that purpose: And whereas, in
pursuance of his majesty's further pleasure, signified as aforesaid, the
armed vessel under your command hath been fitted in order to proceed to
Baffin's Bay, with a view to explore the western parts thereof, and to
endeavour to find a passage on that side, from the Atlantic to the
Pacific ocean, and we have thought fit to intrust you with the conduct
of that voyage; you are therefore hereby required and directed to put to
sea in the said armed vessel, without a moment's loss of time, and make
the best of your way into Baffin's Bay, and to use your best endeavours
to explore the western shores thereof, as far as in your judgment the
same can be done, without apparent risk, and to examine such
considerable rivers or inlets as you may discover; and in case you find
any, through which there may be a probability of passing into the
Pacific ocean, you are to attempt such passage; and if you succeed in
the attempt, and shall be able to repass it again, so as to return to
England this year, you are to make the best of your way to Spithead, or
the Nore, and remain there until you receive further order; sending us
an account of your arrival and proceedings. But if you shall succeed in
the attempt, and shall find the season too far advanced for you to
return the same way, you are then to look out for the most convenient
place to winter in, and to endeavour to return by the said passage as
early in the next year as the season will admit, and then to make the
best of your way to England, as above directed.
In case, however, you should not find, or should be satisfied there is
not any probability of finding any such passage, or, finding it, you
should not be able to get through in the vessel you command, you are
then to return to England, as before-mentioned, unless you shall find
any branch of the sea leading to the westward which you shall judge
likely to afford a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans, and which you shall not be able to explore in the course of this
year, it being, in that case, left to your discretion to stay the winter
in the most commodious situation you can find, in order to pursue the
discovery next year, if you shall find it advisable so to do; and,
having discovered such passage, or not succeeded in the attempt, you are
to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.
* * * * *
It was natural to hope, that something would have been done in one or
other, or in both these voyages of the Lion, that might have opened our
views with regard to the practicability of a passage from this side of
America. But, unfortunately, the execution did not answer the
expectations conceived. Pickersgill, who had acquired professional
experience when acting under Captain Cook, justly merited the censure he
received, for improper behaviour when intrusted with command in Davis's
Strait; and the talents of Young, as it afterward appeared, were more
adapted to contribute to the glory of a victory, as commander of a line
of battle-ship, than to add to geographical discoveries, by encountering
mountains of ice, and exploring unknown coasts.[37]
[Footnote 37: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii. p, 1057,
we have the track of Pickersgill's voyage, which, probably, may be of
use to our Greenland ships, as it contains many observations for fixing
the longitude and latitude of the coasts in Davis's Strait. But it
appears that he never entered Baffin's Bay, the highest northern
latitude to which he advanced being 68° 14'. As to Young's proceedings,
having failed absolutely in making any discovery, it is of less
consequence, that no communication of his journal could be
procured.--D.]
Both Pickersgill and Young having been ordered to proceed into Baffin's
Bay; and Captain Cook being directed not to begin his search till he
should arrive in the latitude of 65°, it may not be improper to say
something here of the reasons which weighed with those who planned the
voyages, and framed the instructions, to carry their views so far
northward, as the proper situation, where the passage, if it existed at
all, was likely to be attempted with success. It may be asked, why was
Hudson's Bay neglected on our side of America; and why was not Captain
Cook ordered to begin his search on its opposite side, in much lower
latitudes? particularly, why not explore the strait leading into the
western sea of John de Fuca, between the latitudes of 47° and 48°; the
Archipelago of St Lazarus of Admiral de Fonte, between 50° and 55°; and
the rivers and lakes through which he found a passage north-eastward,
till he met with a ship from Boston?
As to the pretended discoveries of de Fuca, the Greek pilot, or of de
Fonte, the Spanish admiral, though they have sometimes found their way
into fictitious maps, or have been warmly contended for by the espousers
of fanciful systems, to have directed Captain Cook to spend any time in
tracing them, would have been as wise a measure as if he had been
directed to trace the situation of Lilliput or Brobdignag. The latter
are, indeed, confessedly, mere objects of imagination; and the former,
destitute of any sufficient external evidence, bear so many striking
marks of internal absurdity, as warrant our pronouncing them to be the
fabric of imposture. Captain Cook's instructions were founded on an
accurate knowledge of what had been already done, and of what still
remained to do; and this knowledge pointed out the inutility of
beginning his search for a passage till his arrival in the latitude of
65°. Of this every fair and capable enquirer will be abundantly
convinced, by an attention to the following particulars:
Middleton, who commanded the expedition in 1741 and 1742, into Hudson's
Bay, had proceeded farther north than any of his predecessors in that
navigation. But though, from his former acquaintance with that bay, to
which he had frequently sailed in the service of the company, he had
entertained hopes of finding out a passage through it into the Pacific
Ocean, the observations which he was now enabled to make, induced him to
change his opinion; and, on his return to England, he made an
unfavourable report. Mr Dobbs, the patron of the enterprise, did not
acquiesce in this; and, fortified in his original idea of the
practicability of the passage, by the testimony of some of Middleton's
officers, he appealed to the public, accusing him of having
misrepresented facts, and of having, from interested motives, in concert
with the Hudson's Bay Company, decided against the practicability of the
passage, though the discoveries of his own voyage had put it within his
reach.
He had, between the latitude of 65° and 66°, found a very considerable
inlet running westward, into which he entered with his ships; and,
"after repeated trials of the tides, and endeavours to discover the
nature and course of the opening, for three weeks successively, he found
the flood constantly to come from the eastward, and that it was a large
river he had got into," to which he gave the name of Wager River."[38]
[Footnote 38: See the Abstract of his Journal, published by Mr Dobbs.]
The accuracy, or rather the fidelity, of this report, was denied by Mr
Dobbs, who contended that this opening _is a strait, and not a
fresh-water river_; and that Middleton, if he had examined it properly,
would have found a passage through it to the western American Ocean. The
failure of this voyage, therefore, only served to furnish our zealous
advocate for the discovery, with new arguments for attempting it once
more; and he had the good fortune, after getting the reward of twenty
thousand pounds established by act of parliament, to prevail upon a
society of gentlemen and merchants to fit out the Dobbs and California;
which ships, it was hoped, would be able to find their way into the
Pacific Ocean, by the very opening which Middleton's Voyage had pointed
out, and which he was believed to have misrepresented.
This renovation of hope only produced fresh disappointment For it is
well known, that the voyage of the Dobbs and California, instead of
confuting, strongly confirmed all that Middleton had asserted. The
supposed strait was found to be nothing more than a fresh-water river,
and its utmost western navigable boundaries were now ascertained, by
accurate examination. But though Wager's Strait had thus disappointed
our hopes, as had also done Rankin's Inlet, which was now found to be a
close bay; and though other arguments, founded on the supposed course of
the tides in Hudson's Bay, appeared to be groundless, such is our
attachment to an opinion once adopted, that, even after the unsuccessful
issue of the voyage of the Dobbs and California, a passage through some
other place in that bay was, by many, considered as attainable; and,
particularly, Chesterfield's (formerly: called Bowden's) Inlet, lying
between latitude 65° and 64°, succeeded Wager's Strait, in the sanguine
expectations of those who remained unconvinced by former
disappointments. Mr Ellis, who was on board the Dobbs, and who wrote the
history of the voyage, holds up this, as one of the places where the
passage may be sought for, upon very rational grounds, and with very
good effects.[39] He also mentions Repulse Bay, nearly in latitude 67°;
but as to this he speaks less confidently; only saying, that by an
attempt there, we might probably approach nearer to the discovery.[40]
He had good reason for thus guarding his expression; for the committee,
who directed this voyage, admitting the impracticability of effecting a
passage at Repulse Bay, had refused allowing the ships to go into it,
being satisfied as to that place.[41]
[Footnote 39: Ellis's Voyage, p. 328.]
[Footnote 40: Ibid, p. 330.]
[Footnote 41: Account of the voyage, by the clerk of the California,
vol. ii. p. 273. Mr Dobbs himself says, "That he thought the passage
would be impracticable, or, at least, very difficult, in case there was
one farther north than 67°."--_Account of Hudson's Bay_, p. 99.--D.]
Setting Repulse Bay, therefore, aside, within which we have no reason
for believing that any inlet exists, there did not remain any part of
Hudson's Bay to be searched, but Chesterfield's Inlet, and a small tract
of coast between the latitude 62°, and what is called the South Point of
Main, which had been left unexplored by the Dobbs and California.
But this last gleam of hope has now disappeared. The aversion of the
Hudson's Bay Company to contribute any thing to the discovery of a
north-west passage had been loudly reported by Mr Dobbs; and the public
seemed to believe that the charge was well founded. But still, in
justice to them, it must be allowed, that in 1720, they had sent Messrs
Knight and Barlow, in a sloop on this very discovery; but these
unfortunate people were never more heard of. Mr Scroggs, who sailed in
search of them, in 1722, only brought back proofs of their shipwreck,
but no fresh intelligence about a passage, which he was also to look
for. They also sent a sloop, and a shallop, to try for this discovery,
in 1787; but to no purpose. If obstructions were thrown in the way of
Captain Middleton, and of the commanders of the Dobbs and California,
the governor and committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, since that time,
we must acknowledge, have made amends for the narrow prejudices, of
their predecessors; and we have it in our power to appeal to facts,
which abundantly testify, that every thing has been done by them, that
could be required by the public, toward perfecting the search for a
north-west passage.
In the year 1761, Captain Christopher sailed from Fort Churchill, in the
sloop Churchill; and his voyage was not quite fruitless; for he sailed
up Chesterfield's Inlet, through which a passage had, by Mr Ellis's
account of it, been so generally expected. But when the water turned
brackish, which marked that he was not in a strait, but in a river, he
returned.
To leave no room for a variety of opinion, however, he was ordered to
repeat the voyage the ensuing summer, in the same sloop, and Mr Norton,
in a cutter, was appointed to attend him. By the favour of the governor
and committee of the company, the journals of Captain Christopher, and
of Mr Norton, and Captain Christopher's chart of the inlet, have been
readily communicated. From these authentic documents, it appears that
the search and examination of Chesterfield's Inlet was now completed. It
was found to end in a fresh-water lake, at the distance of about one
hundred and seventy miles from the sea. This lake was found also to be
about twenty-one leagues long, and from five to ten broad, and to be
completely closed up on every side, except to the west, where there was
a little rivulet; to survey the state of which, Mr Norton and the crew
of the cutter having landed, and marched up the country, saw that it
soon terminated in three falls, one above another, and not water for a
small boat over them; and ridges, mostly dry from side to side, for
five, or six miles higher.
Thus ends Chesterfield's Inlet, and all Mr Ellis's expectations of a
passage through it to the western ocean. The other parts of the coast,
from latitude 62°, to the South Point of Main, within which limits hopes
were also entertained of finding a passage, have, of late years, been
thoroughly explored. It is here that Pistol Bay is situated; which the
author who has writ last in this country, on the probability of a
north-west passage,[42] speaks of as the only remaining part of Hudson's
Bay where this western communication may exist. But this has been also
examined; and, on the authority of Captain Christopher, we can assure
the reader, that there is no inlet of any consequence in all that part
of the coast. Nay, he has, in an open boat, sailed round the bottom of
what is called Pistol Bay, and, in stead of a passage to a western sea,
found it does not run above three or four miles inland.
[Footnote 42: Printed for Jeffreys, in 1768. His words are, "There
remains then to be searched for the discovery of a passage, the opening
called Pistol Bay, in Hudson's Bay," p. 122--D]
Besides these voyages by sea, which satisfy us that we must not look for
a passage to the south of 67° of latitude, we are indebted to the
Hudson's Bay Company for a journey by land, which has thrown much
additional light on this matter, by affording what may be called
demonstration, how much farther north, at least in some part of their
voyage, ships must hold their course, before they can pass from one side
of America to the other. The northern Indians, who come down to the
company's forts for trade, had brought to the knowledge of our people,
the existence of a river, which, from copper abounding near it, had got
the name of the Copper-mine River. We read much about this river in Mr
Dobbs's publications, and he considers the Indian accounts of it as
favourable to his system. The company being desirous of examining the
matter with precision, instructed their governor of Prince of Wales's
Fort, to send a proper person to travel by land, under the escort of
some trusty northern Indians, with orders to proceed to this famous
river, to take an accurate survey of its course, and to trace it to the
sea, into which it empties itself. Mr Hearne, a young gentleman in their
service, who, having been an officer in the navy, was well qualified to
make observations for fixing the longitude and latitude, and make
drawings of the country he should pass through, and of the river which
he was to examine, was appointed for this service.
Accordingly, he set out from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill River,
in latitude 58° 50', on the 7th of December, 1770; and the whole of his
proceedings, from time to time, are faithfully preserved in his journal.
The publication of this is an acceptable present to the world, as it
draws a plain artless picture of the savage modes of life, the scanty
means of subsistence, and indeed of the singular wretchedness, in every
respect, of the various tribes, who, without fixed habitations, pass
their miserable lives, roving throughout the dreary deserts, and over
the frozen lakes of the immense tract of continent through which Mr
Hearne passed, and which he may be said to have added to the geography
of the globe. His general course was to the northwest. In the month of
June 1771, being then at a place called _Conge catha wha Chaga_, he had,
to use his own words, two good observations, both by meridian and double
altitudes, the mean of which determines this place to be in latitude 66°
46' N., and, by account, in longitude 24° 2' W. of Churchill River. On
the 13th of July (having left _Conge catha wha Chaga_ on the 3d, and
travelling still to the west of north) he reached the Copper-mine River;
and was not a little surprised to find it differ so much from the
descriptions given of it by the natives at the fort; for, instead of
being likely to be navigable for a ship, it is, at this part, scarcely
navigable for an Indian canoe; three falls being in sight, at one view,
and being choaked up with shoals and stony ridges.
Here Mr Hearne began his survey of the river. This he continued till he
arrived at its mouth, near which his northern Indians massacred
twenty-one Esquimaux, whom they surprised in their tents. We shall give
Mr Hearne's account of his arrival at the sea, in his own words: "After
the Indians had plundered the tents of the Esquimaux of all the copper,
&c. they were then again ready to assist me in making an end to the
survey; the sea then in sight from the N.W. by W. to the N.E., distant
about eight miles. It was then about five in the morning of the 17th,
when I again proceeded to survey the river to the mouth, still found, in
every respect, no ways likely, or a possibility of being made navigable,
being full of shoals and falls; and, at the entrance, the river emptying
itself over a dry flat of the shore. For the tide was then out, and
seemed, by the edges of the ice, to flow about twelve or fourteen feet,
which will only reach a little within the river's mouth. That being the
case, the water in the river had not the least brackish taste. But I am
sure of its being the sea, or some part thereof, by the quantity of
whale-bone and seal-skins the Esquimaux had at their tents; as also the
number of seals which I saw upon the ice. The sea, at the river's mouth,
was full of islands and shoals, as far as I could see, by the assistance
of a pocket-telescope; and the ice was not yet broken up, only thawed
away about three quarters of a mile from the snore, and a little way
round the islands and shoals.
"By the time I had completed this survey, it was about one in the
morning of the 18th; but in these high latitudes, and this time of the
year, the sun is always a good height above the horizon. It then came on
a thick drizzling rain, with a thick fog; and, as finding the river and
sea, in every respect, not likely to be of any utility, I did not think
it worth while to wait for fair weather, to determine the latitude
exactly by an observation. But, by the extraordinary care I took in
observing the courses and distances, walked from _Conge catha wha
Chaga_, where I had two good observations, the latitude may be depended
on, within twenty miles at farthest."
From the map which Mr Hearne constructed of the country through which he
passed, in this singular journey, it appears that the mouth of the
Copper-mine River lies in the latitude 72°, and above 25° west longitude
from the fort, from whence he took his departure.[43]
[Footnote 43: Mr Hearne's journey, back from the Copper-mine River, to
Fort Prince of Wales, lasted till June 30, 1772. From his first setting
out till his return, he had employed near a year and seven months. The
unparalleled hardships he suffered, and the essential service he
performed, met with a suitable reward from his masters, and he was made
governor of Fort Prince of Wales, where he was taken prisoner by the
French in 1782; but soon afterwards returned to his station."--D.
This opportunity is taken to mention, that Mr Arrowsmith lays down
Copper-mine River in longitude 113°, and not in 120°, according to Mr
Hearne. In the opinion of Mr H. this river flows into an inland sea. Be
this as it may, the result of his discoveries is unfavourable to the
supposition of there being a north-west passage, Mr Hearne's journal was
not published till 1795, considerably after the date of Dr Douglas's
writing. Some alterations have consequently been made on the text and
notes of that gentleman.--E.]
The consequences resulting from this extensive discovery, are obvious.
We now see that the continent of North America stretches from Hudson's
Bay so far to the north-west, that Mr Hearne had travelled near thirteen
hundred miles before he arrived at the sea. His most western distance
from the coast of Hudson's Bay was near six hundred miles; and that his
Indian guides were well apprised of a vast tract of continent stretching
farther on in that direction, is certain from many circumstances
mentioned in his journal.
What is now mentioned with regard to the discoveries made by the
Hudson's Bay Company, was well known to the noble lord who presided at
the Board of Admiralty when this voyage was undertaken; and the intimate
connection of those discoveries with the plan of the voyage, of course,
regulated the instructions given to Captain Cook.
And now, may we not take it upon us to appeal to every candid and
capable enquirer, whether that part of the instructions which directed
the captain not to lose time, in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any
other account, till he got into the latitude of 65°, was not framed
judiciously; as there were such indubitable proofs that no passage
existed so far to the south as any part of Hudson's Bay, and that, if a
passage could be effected at all, part of it, at least, must be
traversed by the ships as far to the northward as the latitude 72°,
where Mr Hearne arrived at the sea?
We may add, as a farther consideration in support of this article of the
instructions, that Beering's Asiatic discoveries, in 1728, having traced
that continent to the latitude of 67°, Captain Cook's approach toward
that latitude was to be wished for, that he might be enabled to bring
back more authentic information than the world had hitherto obtained,
about the relative situation and vicinity of the two continents, which
was absolutely necessary to be known, before the practicability of
sailing between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, in any northern
direction, could be ascertained.
After all, that search, in a lower latitude, which they who give credit
(if any such there now be) to the pretended discoveries of De Fonte,
affect to wish had been recommended to Captain Cook, has (if that will
cure them of their credulity) been satisfactorily made. The Spaniards,
roused from their lethargy by our voyages, and having caught a spark of
enterprise from our repeated visits to the Pacific Ocean, have followed
us more than once into the line of our discoveries within the southern
tropic; and have also fitted out expeditions to explore the American
continent to the north of California. It is to be lamented, that there
should be any reasons why the transactions of those Spanish voyages have
not been fully disclosed, with the same liberal spirit of information
which other nations have adopted. But, fortunately, this excessive
caution of the court of Spain has been defeated, at least in one
instance, by the publication of an authentic journal of their voyage of
discovery upon the coast of America, in 1775, for which the world is
indebted to the honourable Mr Daines Barrington. This publication, which
conveys some information of real consequence to geography, and has
therefore been referred to more than once in the following work, is
particularly valuable in this respect, that some parts of the coast
which Captain Cook, in his progress northward, was prevented, by
unfavourable winds, from approaching, were seen and examined by the
Spanish ships who preceded him; and the perusal of the following extract
from their journal may be recommended to those (if any such there be)
who would represent it as an imperfection in Captain Cook's voyage, that
he had not an opportunity of examining the coast of America, in the
latitude assigned to the discoveries of Admiral Fonte. "We now attempted
to find out the straits of Admiral Fonte, though, as yet, we had not
discovered the Archipelago of St Lazarus, through which he is said to
have sailed. With this intent, we searched every bay and recess of the
coast, and sailed round every headland, lying-to in the night, that we
might not lose sight of this entrance. After these pains taken, and
being favoured by a north-west wind, it may be pronounced that no such
straits are to be found."[44]
[Footnote 44: Journal of a voyage in 1775 by Don Francisco Antonio
Maurelle, in Mr Barrington's Miscellanies, p. 508.--D.]
In this journal, the Spaniards boast of "having reached so high a
latitude as 58°, beyond what any other navigators had been able to
effect in those seas."[45] Without diminishing the merit of their
performance, we may be permitted to say, that it will appear very
inconsiderable indeed, in comparison of what Captain Cook effected, in
the voyage of which an account is given in these volumes. Besides
exploring, the land in the South Indian Ocean, of which Kerguelen, in
two voyages, had been able to obtain but a very imperfect knowledge;
adding also many considerable accessions to the geography of the
Friendly Islands; and discovering the noble group, now called Sandwich
Islands, in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean, of which not the
faintest trace can be met with in the account of any former voyage;
besides these preliminary discoveries, the reader of the following work
will find, that in one summer, our English navigator discovered a much
larger proportion of the north-west coast of America than the Spaniards,
though settled in the neighbourhood, had, in all their attempts, for
above two hundred years, been able to do; that he has put it beyond all
doubt that Beering and Tscherikoff had really discovered the continent
of America in 1741, and has also established the prolongation of that
continent westward opposite Kamschatka, which speculative writers,
wedded to favourite systems, had affected so much to disbelieve, and
which, though admitted by Muller, had, since he wrote, been considered
as disproved, by later Russian discoveries;[46] that, besides
ascertaining the true position of the western coasts of America, with
some inconsiderable interruptions, from latitude 44° up to beyond the
latitude 70°, he has also ascertained the position of the northeastern
extremity of Asia, by confirming Beering's discoveries in 1728, and
adding extensive accessions of his own; that he has given us more
authentic information concerning the islands lying between the two
continents, than the Kamtschatka traders, ever since Beering first
taught them to venture on this sea, had been able to procure; that, by
fixing the relative situation of Asia and America, and discovering the
narrow bounds of the strait that divides them, he has thrown a blaze of
light upon this important part of the geography of the globe, and
solved the puzzling problem about the peopling of America, by tribes
destitute of the necessary means to attempt long navigations; and,
lastly, that, though the principal object of the voyage failed, the
world will be greatly benefited even by the failure, as it has brought
us to the knowledge of the existence of the impediments which future
navigators may expect to meet with, in attempting to go to the East
Indies through Beering's strait.[47]
[Footnote 45: _Ibid_. p. 507. We learn from Maurelle's Journal, that
another voyage had been some time before performed upon the coast of
America; but the utmost northern progress of it was to latitude
55°.--D.]
[Footnote 46: See Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 26, 27, &c. The
fictions of speculative geographers in the southern hemisphere, have
been continents; in the northern hemisphere, they have been seas. It may
be observed, therefore, that if Captain Cook in his first voyages
annihilated imaginary southern lands, he has made amends for the havock,
in his third voyage, by annihilating imaginary northern seas, and
filling up the vast space which had been allotted to them, with the
solid contents of his new discoveries of American land farther west and
north than had hitherto been traced.--D.]
[Footnote 47: The Russians seem to owe much to England, in matters
respecting their own possessions. It is singular enough that one of our
countrymen, Dr Campbell, (see his edition of Harris's voyages, vol. ii.
p. 1021) has preserved many valuable particulars of Beering's first
voyage, of which Muller himself, the historian of their earlier
discoveries, makes no mention; that it should be another of our
countrymen, Mr Coxe, who first published a satisfactory account of their
later discoveries; and that the King of Great Britain's ships should
traverse the globe in 1778, to confirm to the Russian empire the
possession of near thirty degrees, or above six hundred miles, of
continent, which Mr Engel, in his zeal for the practicability of a
north-east passage, would prune away from the length of Asia to the
eastward. See his _Alanoires Geographiques_, &c. Lausanne 1765; which,
however, contains much real information, and many parts of which are
confirmed by Captain Cook's American discoveries.--D.
It shews some inconsistency in Captain Krusenstern, that whilst he
speaks of the too successful policy of the commercial nations of Europe
to lull Russia into a state of slumber as to her interests, he should
give us to understand, that the same effect which Captain Cook's third
voyage produced on the speculative and enterprising spirit of English
merchants, had been occasioned among his countrymen forty years sooner,
by the discovery of the Aleutic islands and the north-west coast of
America. But, in fact, it is the highest censure he could possibly have
passed on his own government, to admit, that it had been subjected to
such stupifying treatment. This it certainly could not have been,
without the previous existence of such a lethargy as materially
depreciates the virtue of any opiate employed. There is no room,
however, for the allegation made; and the full amount of her slumber is
justly imputable to the gross darkness which so long enveloped the
horizon of Russia. Whose business was it to rouse her? What nation could
be supposed to possess so much of the spirit of knight-errantry, as to
be induced to instruct her savages as to the advantages of cultivating
commerce, without a cautious regard to its own particular interests in
the first place? But the bold, though somewhat impolitic seaman, has
perhaps stumbled on the real cause of the slow progress which she has
hitherto made in the course which his sanguine imagination has pointed
out for her. Speaking of her inexhaustible springs and incentives to
commerce, he nevertheless admits, that there are obstacles which render
it difficult for her to become a trading nation. But these obstacles, he
says, do not warrant a doubt of the possibility of removing them. "Let
the monarch only express his pleasure with regard to them, and _the most
difficult are already overcome!_" The true prosperity of Russia, it is
indubitably certain, will be infinitely more advanced by fostering her
infant commerce, than by any augmentation of territories which the
policy or arms of her sovereign can accomplish. But he will always
require much self-denial to avoid intermeddling with the concerns of
other nations, and to restrict his labours to the improvement of his own
real interests.--E.]
The extended review we have taken of the preceding voyages, and the
general outline we have sketched out, of the transactions of the last,
which are recorded at full length in these volumes, will not, it is
hoped, be considered as a prolix or unnecessary detail. It will serve to
give a just notion of the whole plan of discovery executed by his
majesty's commands. And it appearing that much was aimed at, and much
accomplished, in the unknown parts of the globe, in both hemispheres,
there needs no other consideration, to give full satisfaction to those
who possess an enlarged way of thinking, that a variety of useful
purposes must have been effected by these researches. But there are
others, no doubt, who, too diffident of their own abilities, or too
indolent to exert them, would wish to have their reflections assisted,
by pointing out what those useful purposes are. For the service of such,
the following enumeration of particulars is entered upon. And if there
should be any, who affect to undervalue the plan or the execution of our
voyages, what shall now be offered, if it do not convince them, may, at
least, check the influence of their unfavourable decision.
1. It may be fairly considered, as one great advantage accruing to the
world from our late surveys of the globe, that they have confuted
fanciful theories, too likely to give birth to impracticable
undertakings.
After Captain Cook's persevering and fruitless traverses through every
corner of the southern hemisphere, who, for the future, will pay any
attention to the ingenious reveries of Campbell, de Brosses, and de
Buffon? or hope to establish an intercourse with such a continent as
Manpertuis's fruitful imagination had pictured? A continent equal, at
least, in extent, to all the civilized countries in the known northern
hemisphere, where new men, new animals, new productions of every kind,
might be brought forward to our view, and discoveries be made, which
would open inexhaustible treasures of commerce?[48] We can now boldly
take it upon us to discourage all expeditions, formed on such reasonings
of speculative philosophers, into a quarter of the globe, where our
persevering English navigator, instead of this promised fairy land,
found nothing but barren rocks, scarcely affording shelter to penguins
and seals; and dreary seas, and mountains of ice, occupying the immense
space allotted to imaginary paradises, and the only treasures there to
be discovered, to reward the toil, and to compensate the dangers, of the
unavailing search.
[Footnote 48: See Maupertuis's Letter to the King of Prussia. The author
of the Preliminary Discourse to Bougainville's _Voyage aux Isles
Malouines_, computes that the southern continent (for the existence of
which, he owns, we must depend more on the conjectures of philosophers,
than on the testimony of voyagers) contains eight or ten millions of
square leagues.--D.]
Or, if we carry our reflections into the northern hemisphere, could Mr
Dobbs have made a single convert, much less could he have been the
successful solicitor of two different expeditions, and have met with
encouragement from the legislature, with regard to his favourite passage
through Hudson's Bay, if Captain Christopher had previously explored its
coasts, and if Mr Hearne had walked over the immense continent behind
it? Whether, after Captain Cook's and Captain Clerke's discoveries on
the west side of America, and their report of the state of Beering's
Strait, there can be sufficient encouragement to make future attempts to
penetrate into the Pacific Ocean in any northern direction, is a
question, for the decision of which the public will be indebted to this
work.
2. But our voyages will benefit the world, not only by discouraging
future unprofitable searches, but also by lessening the dangers and
distresses formerly experienced in those seas, which are within the line
of commerce and navigation, now actually subsisting. In how many
instances have the mistakes of former navigators, in fixing the true
situations of important places, been rectified? What accession to the
variation chart? How many nautical observations have been collected, and
are now ready to be consulted, in directing a ship's course, along rocky
shores, through narrow straits, amidst perplexing currents, and
dangerous shoals? But, above all, what numbers of new bays, and
harbours, and anchoring-places, are now, for the first time, brought
forward, where ships may be sheltered, and their crews find tolerable
refreshments? To enumerate all these, would be to transcribe great part
of the journals of our several commanders, whose labours will endear
them to every navigator whom trade or war may carry into their tracks.
Every nation that sends a ship to sea will partake of the benefit; but
Great Britain herself, whose commerce is boundless, must take the lead
in reaping the full advantage of her own discoveries.
In consequence of all these various improvements, lessening the
apprehensions of engaging in long voyages, may we not reasonably indulge
the pleasing hope, that fresh branches of commerce may, even in our own
time, be attempted, and successfully carried on? Our hardy adventurers
in the whale-fishery have already found their way, within these few
years, into the South Atlantic; and who knows what fresh sources of
commerce may still be opened, if the prospect of gain can be added, to
keep alive the spirit of enterprise? If the situation of Great Britain
be too remote, other trading nations will assuredly avail themselves of
our discoveries. We may soon expect to hear that the Russians, now
instructed by us where to find the American continent, have extended
their voyages from the Fox Islands to Cook's River, and Prince William's
Sound. And if Spain itself should not be tempted to trade from its most
northern Mexican ports, by the fresh mine of wealth discovered in the
furs of King George's Sound, which they may transport in their Manilla
ships, as a favourite commodity for the Chinese market, that market may
probably be supplied by a direct trade to America, from Canton itself,
with those valuable articles which the inhabitants of China have
hitherto received, only by the tedious and expensive circuit of
Kamtschatka and Kiachta.[49]
[Footnote 49: It is not unlikely that Captain Krusenstern was indebted
to the hint now given, for his proposal to establish a direct commercial
intercourse with China. The reader who desires information respecting
the nature of the fur trade carried on betwixt the north-west coast of
America, the neighbouring islands, and China, may consult his
introduction. The affairs of Spain, it may be remarked, long precluded
the requisite attention to her commercial interests, and do not now
promise a speedy recovery under her apparently infatuated government. To
Nootka or King George's Sound, mentioned in the text, that power
abandoned all right and pretensions, in favour of Great Britain, in
1790, after an altercation, which at one time bid fair to involve the
two kingdoms in war. It was during this dispute, and in view of its
hostile termination, that Mr Pitt gave his sanction to a scheme for
revolutionizing the Spanish colonies, an event which, if not now
encouraged by any direct assistance, bears too complacent an aspect on
our commercial interests not to be regarded with a large portion of good
wishes. It is impossible, indeed, excluding altogether every idea of
personal advantage, not to hope highly, at least, of any efforts which
may be made to wrest the souls and bodies of millions from the clutch of
ignorance and tyranny. The fate of these colonists is by no means the
most unimportant spectacle which the passing drama of the world exhibits
to the eye of an enlightened and humane politician.--E.]
These, and many other commercial improvements, may reasonably be
expected to result from the British discoveries, even in our own times.
But if we look forward to future ages, and to future changes in the
history of commerce, by recollecting its various past revolutions and
migrations, we may be allowed to please ourselves with the idea of its
finding its way, at last, throughout the extent of the regions with
which our voyages have opened an intercourse; and there will be abundant
reason to subscribe to Captain Cook's observation with regard to New
Zealand, which may be applied to other tracts of land explored by him,
that, "although they be far remote from the present trading world, we
can, by no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveries
made by the present.[50] In this point of view, surely, the utility of
the late voyages must stand confessed; and we may be permitted to say,
that the history of their operations has the justest pretensions to be
called [Greek: chtaema is au], as it will convey to latest posterity a
treasure of interesting information.
[Footnote 50: Cook's second voyage.]
3. Admitting, however, that we may have expressed too sanguine
expectations of commercial advantages, either within our own reach, or
gradually to be unfolded at some future period, as the result of our
voyages of discovery, we may still be allowed, to consider them as a
laudable effort to add to the stock of human knowledge, with regard to
an object which cannot but deserve the attention of enlightened man. To
exert our faculties in devising ingenious modes of satisfying ourselves
about the magnitude and distance of the sun; to extend our acquaintance
with the system, to which that luminary is the common centre, by tracing
the revolutions of a new planet, or the appearance of a new comet; to
carry our bold researches through all the immensity of space, where
world beyond world rises to the view of the astonished observer; these
are employments which none but those incapable of pursuing them can
depreciate, and which every one capable of pursuing them must delight
in, as a dignified exercise of the powers of the human mind. But while
we direct our studies to distant worlds, which, after all our exertions,
we must content ourselves with having barely discovered to exist, it
would be a strange neglect, indeed, and would argue a most culpable want
of rational curiosity, if we did not use our best endeavours to arrive
at a full acquaintance with the contents of our own planet; of that
little spot in the immense universe, on which we have been placed, and
the utmost limits of which, at least its habitable parts, we possess the
means of ascertaining, and describing, by actual examination.
So naturally doth this reflection present itself, that to know something
of the terraqueous globe, is a favourite object with every one who can
taste the lowest rudiments of learning. Let us not, therefore, think so
meanly of the times in which we live, as to suppose it possible that
full justice will not be done to the noble plan of discovery, so
steadily and so successfully carried on, since the accession of his
majesty; which cannot fail to be considered, in every succeeding age, as
a splendid period in the history of our country, and to add to our
national glory, by distinguishing Great Britain as taking the lead in
the most arduous undertakings for the common benefit of the human race.
Before these voyages took place, nearly half the surface of the globe we
inhabit was hid in obscurity and confusion. What is still wanting to
complete our geography may justly be termed the _minutiae_ of that
science.
4. Let us now carry our thoughts somewhat farther. It is fortunate for
the interests of knowledge, that acquisitions, in any one branch,
generally, and indeed unavoidably, lead to acquisitions in other
branches, perhaps of still greater consequence; and that we cannot even
gratify mere curiosity without being rewarded with valuable instruction.
This observation applies to the subject before us. Voyages, in which new
oceans have been traversed, and in which new countries have been
visited, can scarcely ever be performed without bringing forward to our
view fresh objects of science. Even when we are to take our report of
what was discovered from the mere sailor, whose knowledge scarcely goes
beyond the narrow limits of his own profession, and whose enquiries are
not directed by philosophical discernment, it will be unfortunate indeed
if something hath not been remarked, by which the scholar may profit,
and useful accessions be made to our old stock of information. And if
this be the case in general, how much more must be gained by the
particular voyages now under consideration? Besides naval officers
equally skilled to examine the coasts they might approach, as to
delineate them accurately upon their charts, artists[51] were engaged,
who, by their drawings, might illustrate what could only be imperfectly
described; mathematicians,[52] who might treasure up an extensive series
of scientific observations; and persons versed in the various
departments of the history of nature, who might collect, or record, all
that they should find new and valuable, throughout the wide extent of
their researches. But while most of these associates of our naval
discoverers were liberally rewarded by the public, there was one
gentleman, who, thinking it the noblest reward he could receive, to have
an opportunity of making the ample fortune he inherited from his
ancestors subservient to the improvement of science, stepped forward of
his own accord, and, submitting to the hardships and dangers of a
circumnavigation of the globe, accompanied Captain Cook in the
Endeavour. The learned world, I may also say the unlearned, will never
forget the obligations which it owes to Sir Joseph Banks.
[Footnote 51: Messrs Hodges and Webber, whose drawings have ornamented
and illustrated this and Captain Cook's second voyage.--D.]
[Footnote 52: Mr Green, in the Endeavour; Messrs Wales and Bayly, in the
Resolution and the Adventure; Mr Bayly, a second time, jointly with
Captains Cook and King in this voyage; and Mr Lyons, who accompanied
Lord Mulgrave.--D.]
What real acquisitions have been gained by this munificent attention to
science, cannot be better expressed than in the words of Mr Wales, who
engaged in one of these voyages himself, and contributed largely to the
benefits derived from them.
"That branch of natural knowledge which may be called _nautical
astronomy_, was undoubtedly in its infancy when these voyages were first
undertaken. Both instruments and observers, which deserved the name,
were very rare; and so late as the year 1770, it was thought necessary,
in the appendix to Mayor's Tables, published by the Board of Longitude,
to state facts, in contradiction to the assertions of so celebrated an
astronomer as the Abbé de la Caille, that the altitude of the sun at
noon, the easiest and most simple of all observations, could not be
taken with certainty to a less quantity than five, six, seven, or even
eight minutes.[53] But those who will give themselves the trouble to
look into the astronomical observations, made in Captain Cook's last
voyage, will find, that there were few, even of the petty officers, who
could not observe the distance of the moon from the sun, or a star, the
most delicate of all observations, with sufficient accuracy. It may be
added, that the method of making and computing observations for finding
the variation of the compass, is better known, and more frequently
practised, by those who have been on these voyages, than by most others.
Nor is there, perhaps, a person who ranks as an officer, and has been
concerned in them, who would not, whatever his real skill may be, feel
ashamed to have it thought that he did not know how to observe for, and
compute the time at sea; though, but a short while before these voyages
were set on foot, such a thing was scarcely ever heard of amongst
seamen; and even first-rate astronomers doubted the possibility of doing
it with sufficient exactness.[54]
[Footnote 53: The Abbé's words are,--"Si ceux qui promettent une si
grande precision dans ces sortes de methodes, avoient navigué quelques
temps, ils auroient vû souvent, que dans l'observation la plus simple de
toutes, qui est celle de la hauteur du soleil à midi, deux observations,
munis de bons quartiers de reflexion, bien rectifiés, different
entr'eux, lorsqu'ils observent chacun à part, de 5', 6', 7', &
8'."--_Ephémer_. 1755--1765. _Introduction_, p. 32.
It must be, however, mentioned, in justice to M. de la Caille, that he
attempted to introduce the lunar method of discovering the longitude,
and proposed a plan of calculations of the moon's distance from the sun
and fixed stars; but, through the imperfection of his instruments, his
success was much less than that method was capable of affording. The
bringing it into general use was reserved for Dr Maskelyne, our
Astronomer Royal. See the preface to the Tables for correcting the
Effects of Refraction and Parallax, published by the Board of Longitude,
under the direction of Dr Shepherd, Flumian Professor of Astronomy and
Experimental Philosophy at Cambridge, in 1772.--D.]
[Footnote 54: In addition, to Mr Wales's remark, it may be observed,
that the proficiency of our naval officers in taking observations at
sea, must ultimately be attributed to the great attention paid to this
important object by the Board of Longitude at home; liberal rewards
having been given to mathematicians for perfecting the lunar tables, and
facilitating calculations, and to artists for constructing more accurate
instruments for observing, and watches better adapted to keeping time at
sea. It appears, therefore, that the voyages of discovery, and the
operations of the Board of Longitude, went hand in hand; and they must
be combined, in order to form a just estimate of the extent of the plan
carried into execution since his majesty's accession, for improving
astronomy and navigation. But, besides the establishment of the Board of
Longitude on its present footing, which has had such important
consequences, it must also be ever acknowledged, that his present
majesty has extended his royal patronage to every branch of the liberal
arts and useful science. The munificent present to the Royal Society for
defraying the expence of observing the _transit_ of Venus; the
institution of the Academy of Painting and Sculpture; the magnificent
apartments allotted to the Royal and Antiquarian Societies, and to the
Royal Academy at Somerset-Place; the support of the Garden of Exotics at
Kew, to improve which Mr Masson was sent to the extremities of Africa;
the substantial encouragement afforded to learned men and learned works
in various departments, and particularly that afforded to Mr Herschel,
which has enabled him to devote himself entirely to the improvement of
astronomy;--these, and many other instances which might be enumerated,
would have greatly distinguished his majesty's reign, even if he had not
been the patron of those successful attempts to perfect geography and
navigation by so many voyages of discovery.--D.
It is scarcely necessary to add to this note by saying, that the period
which has elapsed since the first publication of this voyage, has not
witnessed any failure of the promises held out by the previous state of
science, notwithstanding the calamities and embarrassments attendant on
the revolutionary frenzy that, in some degree, infected every country in
Europe. Science, indeed, has peculiarly prospered amid the miseries of
the world. In pity of the destructive work, in which man's bad passions
had been engaged with such industrious ferocity, she has held out in one
hand a remedy for the evil, and pointed with the other to the blessings
of peace. Is it unreasonable to hope, that the precious seed sown in
such tumultuous times as we have witnessed, and are now witnessing, will
ere long yield a rich harvest to reward the industry of her labourers?
But let, us not limit our expectations and toils to the completion of
mere _minutiae_, as Dr Douglas speaks. The opinion of plenty, says Lord
Bacon, is one of the causes of want. A more unfavourable symptom of our
condition could hardly be found, than a belief that we had reached
perfection. Let us rather think that greater progress may yet be made in
beneficial arts and sciences than ever was made hitherto, and be
therefore stimulated to more ambitious exertions. It will be no glory to
the next generation that we have gone so far, if they themselves are not
invited and enabled by our success to get beyond us.--E.]
"The number of places at which the rise and times of flowing of tides
have been observed, in these voyages, is very great, and hence an
important article of useful knowledge is afforded. In these
observations, some very curious, and even unexpected, circumstances,
have offered themselves to our consideration. It will be sufficient to
instance the exceedingly small height to which the tide rises in the
middle of the great Pacific Ocean, where it falls short, two-thirds at
least, of what might have been expected from theory and calculation.
"The direction and force of currents at sea, make also an important
object. These voyages will be found to contain much useful information
on this head, as well relating to seas nearer home, and which, in
consequence, are navigated every day, as to those which are more remote,
but where, notwithstanding, the knowledge of these things may be of
great service to those who are destined to navigate them hereafter. To
this head also we may refer the great number of experiments which have
been made for enquiring into the depth of the sea, its temperature, and
saltness at different depths, and in a variety of places and climates.
"An extensive foundation has also been laid for improvements in
magnetism, for discovering the cause and nature of the polarity of the
needle, and a theory of its variations, by the number and variety of the
observations and experiments which have been made, both on the variation
and dip, in almost all parts of the world. Experiments also have been
made, in consequence of the late voyages, on the effects of gravity in
different and very distant places, which may serve to increase our stock
of natural knowledge. From the same source of information we have
learned, that the phenomenon, usually called the _aurora borealis_, is
not peculiar to high northern latitudes, but belongs equally to all cold
climates, whether they be north or south.
"But, perhaps, no part of knowledge has been so great a gainer by the
late voyages as that of botany. We are told,[55] that at least twelve
hundred new plants have been added to the known system; and that very
considerable additions have been made to every other branch of natural
history, by the great skill and industry of Sir Joseph Banks, and the
other gentlemen who have accompanied Captain Cook for that purpose."
[Footnote 55: See Dr Shepherd's Preface, as above.]
To our naval officers in general, or to their learned associates in the
expeditions, all the foregoing improvements of knowledge may be traced;
but there is one very singular improvement indeed, still behind, for
which, as we are solely indebted to Captain Cook, let us state it in his
own words: "Whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it
is with real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of
attention to my duty, that I can conclude this account with an
observation, which facts enable me to make, that our having discovered
the possibility of preserving health amongst a numerous ship's company
for such a length of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such
continued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable in
the opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about a
southern continent shall have ceased to engage the attention and to
divide the judgment of philosophers."[56]
[Footnote 56: 34: Cook's second voyage.]
5. But while our late voyages have opened so many channels to an
increase of knowledge in the several articles already enumerated; while
they have extended our acquaintance with the contents of the globe;
while they have facilitated old tracks, and opened new ones for
commerce; while they have been the means of improving the skill of the
navigator, and the science of the astronomer; while they have procured
to us so valuable accessions in the several departments of natural
history, and furnished such opportunities of teaching us how to preserve
the healths and lives of seamen, let us not forget another very
important object of study, for which they have afforded to the
speculative philosopher ample materials; I mean the study of human
nature in various situations, equally interesting as they are uncommon.
However remote or secluded from frequent intercourse with more polished
nations the inhabitants of any parts of the world be, if history or our
own observation should make it evident that they have been formerly
visited, and that foreign manners and opinions, and languages, have been
blended with their own, little use can be made of what is observed
amongst such people toward drawing a real picture of man in his natural
uncultivated state. This seems to be the situation of the inhabitants of
most of the islands that lie contiguous to the continent of Asia, and of
whose manners and institutions the Europeans, who occasionally visit
them, have frequently given us accounts. But the islands which our
enterprising discoverers visited in the centre of the South Pacific
Ocean, and are indeed the principal scenes of their operations, were
untrodden ground. The inhabitants, as far as could be observed, were
unmixed with any different tribe, by occasional intercourse, subsequent
to their original settlement there; left entirely to their own powers
for every art of life, and to their own remote traditions for every
political or religions custom or institution; uninformed by science;
unimproved by education; in short, a fit soil from whence a careful
observer could collect facts for forming a judgment, how far unassisted
human nature will be apt to degenerate, and in what respects it can ever
be able to excel. Who could have thought, that the brutal ferocity of
feeding upon human flesh, and the horrid superstition of offering human
sacrifices, should be found to exist amongst the natives lately
discovered in the Pacific Ocean, who, in other respects, appear to be no
strangers to the fine feelings of humanity, to have arrived at a certain
stage of social life, and to be habituated to subordination and
government, which tend so naturally to repress the ebullitions of wild
passion, and expand the latent powers of the understanding?
Or, if we turn from this melancholy picture, which will suggest copious
matter for philosophical speculation, can we, without astonishment,
observe to what a degree of perfection the same tribe (and indeed we may
here join, in some of those instances, the American tribes visited in
the course of the present voyage) have carried their favourite
amusements, the plaintive songs of their women, their dramatic
entertainments, their dances, their olympian games, as we may call them,
the orations of their chiefs, the chants of their priests, the solemnity
of their religious processions, their arts and manufactures, their
ingenious contrivances to supply the want of proper materials, and of
effective tools and machines, and the wonderful productions of their
persevering labour under a complication of disadvantages, their cloth
and their mats, their weapons, their fishing instruments, their
ornaments, their utensils, which in design and in execution may vie with
whatever modern Europe or classical antiquity can exhibit?
It is a favourite study with the scholar to trace the remains of Grecian
or Roman workmanship; he turns over his Montfaucon with learned
satisfaction; and he gazes with rapture on the noble collection of Sir
William Hamilton. The amusement is rational and instructive. But will
not his curiosity be more awakened, will he not find even more real
matter for important reflection, by passing an hour in surveying the
numerous specimens of the ingenuity of our newly-discovered friends,
brought from the utmost recesses of the globe to enrich the British
Museum, and the valuable repository of Sir Ashton Lever? If the
curiosities of Sir Ashton's Sandwich-room alone were the only
acquisition gained by our visits to the Pacific Ocean, who, that has
taste to admire, or even eyes to behold, could hesitate to pronounce
that Captain Cook had not sailed in vain? The expence of his three
voyages did not, perhaps, far exceed that of digging out the buried
contents of Herculaneum. And we may add, that the novelties of the
Society or Sandwich Islands seem better calculated to engage the
attention of the studious in our times, than the antiquities which
exhibit proofs of Roman magnificence.
The grounds for making this remark cannot be better explained, than in
the words of a very ingenious writer: " In an age," says Mr Warton,[57]
"advanced to the highest degree of refinement, that species of curiosity
commences, which is busied in contemplating the progress of social life,
in displaying the gradation of science, and in tracing the transition
from barbarism to civility. That these speculations should become the
favourite topics of such a period, is extremely natural. We look back on
the savage condition of our ancestors with the triumph of superiority;
and are pleased to mark the steps by which we have been raised from
rudeness to elegance; and our reflections on this subject are
accompanied with a conscious pride, arising, in a great measure, from a
tacit comparison of the infinite disproportion between the feeble
efforts of remote ages, and our present improvements in knowledge. In
the mean time, the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinions
of antiquity, by forming so strong a contrast with those of our own
times, and by exhibiting human nature and human inventions in new
lights, in unexpected appearances, and in various forms, are objects
which forcibly strike a feeling imagination. Nor does this spectacle
afford nothing more than a fruitless gratification to the fancy. It
teaches us to set a just estimation on our own acquisitions, and
encourages us to cherish that cultivation, which is so closely connected
with the existence and the exercise of every social virtue." We need not
here observe, that the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and
opinions of the present inhabitants of the Pacific Ocean, or of the west
side of North America, form the strongest contrast with those of our own
time in polished Europe; and that a feeling imagination will probably be
more struck with the narration of the ceremonies of a _Natche_ at
Tongataboo, than of a Gothic tournament at London; with the
contemplation of the colossuses of Easter Island, than of the mysterious
remains of Stonehenge.[58]
[Footnote 57: Preface to his History of English Poetry.]
[Footnote 58: This may be disputed, both in point of fact, and on
principles of reasoning. As to the first, the fact, let readers in
general enquire as to the comparative degree and frequency of attention
bestowed on the different kinds of topics alluded to by the doctor. What
is the conclusion from their observations on the subject? The writer for
one, does not hesitate to assert, that he is convinced, the evidence
bears against the opinion of the learned editor. So far as his notice
extends, it appears, that the fooleries of a superstitious age, the lies
of legendary fabulists, the incomprehensible relics of long-forgotten
delusions, really obtain more regard as objects of curiosity, than
whatever of ingenuity or labour is to be found in the history of
presently existing savages. Then again as to the reasons for such a
preference. Is there not a sort of fashionable taste for the productions
of antiquity, the want of which is quite unpardonable in our polished
and literary circles? Does not the attainment of this taste, in any
meritorious degree, by necessarily requiring much study, operate as
preclusive of information to the possession of which no peculiar epithet
of a commendatory nature has hitherto been awarded? Nay, is there not a
sort of prejudice allied to a notion of vulgarity, directed against
almost any shew of acquaintance with the habits and histories of
uncultivated nations? But it would be unpardonable to imagine, there
were not other reasons of a less invidious nature to explain the fact.
We must certainly be allowed to pay higher respect to the particular
concerns of those people with whom we stand in the light of offspring or
relatives, or whose transactions and fates have rendered the history of
the world what it is, almost superlatively important to every
intelligent mind. If time shall witness the triumph of civilization over
the savages of the southern hemisphere, then, it is highly probable, a
similar enthusiasm will prevail among their literary descendants; and
objects regarded by us as mere dust in the high road of nature, will be
enshrined with all the partiality and fondness of national
idolatry.--E.]
Many singularities, respecting what may be called the natural history of
the human species, in different climates, will, on the authority of our
late navigators, open abundant sources for philosophical discussion. One
question of this sort, in particular, which had formerly divided the
opinions of the inquisitive, as to the existence, if not of "giants on
the earth," at least of a race, (inhabiting a district bordering on the
north side of the strait of Magalhaens,) whose stature considerably
exceeds that of the bulk of mankind, will no longer be doubted or
disbelieved. And the ingenious objections of the sceptical author of
_Recherches sur les Americains_,[59] will weigh nothing in the balance
against the concurrent and accurate testimony of Byron, Wallis, and
Carteret.
[Footnote 59: Tom. i. p. 331.]
Perhaps there cannot be a more interesting enquiry than to trace the
migrations of the various families or tribes that have peopled the
globe; and in no respect have our late voyages been more fertile in
curious discoveries. It was known in general, (and I shall use the words
of Kaempfer,[60]) that the Asiatic nation called Malayans "in former
times, had by much the greatest trade in the Indies, and frequented with
their merchant ships, not only all the coasts of Asia, but ventured even
over to the coasts of Africa, particularly to the great island of
Madagascar.[61] The title which the king of the Malayans assumed to
himself, of _Lord of the Winds and Seas to the East and to the West_, is
an evident proof of this; but much more the Malayan language, which
spread most all over the East, much after the same manner as formerly
the Latin, and of late the French, did all over Europe." Thus far, I
say, was known. But that from Madagascar to the Marqueses and Easter
Island, that is, nearly from the east side of Africa, till we approach
toward the west side of America, a space including above half the
circumference of the globe, the same tribe or nation, the Phoenicians,
as we may call them, of the oriental world, should have made their
settlements, and founded colonies throughout almost every intermediate
stage of this immense tract, in islands at amazing distances from the
mother continent, and ignorant of each other's existence; this is an
historical fact, which could be but very imperfectly known before
Captain Cook's two first voyages discovered so many new-inhabited spots
of land lurking in the bosom of the South Pacific Ocean; and it is a
fact which does not rest solely on similarity of customs and
institutions, but has been established by the most satisfactory of all
proofs, that drawn from affinity of language. Mr Marsden, who seems to
have considered this curious subject with much attention, says, "that
the links of the latitudinal chain remain yet to be traced."[40] The
discovery of the Sandwich Islands in this last voyage, has added some
links to the chain. But Captain Cook had not an opportunity of carrying
his researches into the more westerly parts of the North Pacific. The
reader, therefore, of the following work will not, perhaps, think that
the editor was idly employed when he subjoined some notes, which contain
abundant proof that the inhabitants of the Ladrones, or Marianne
islands, and those of the Carolines, are to be traced to the same common
source, with those of the islands visited by our ships. With the like
view of exhibiting a striking picture of the amazing extent of this
oriental language, which marks, if not a common original, at least an
intimate intercourse between the inhabitants of places so very remote
from each other, he has inserted a comparative table of their numerals,
upon a more enlarged plan than any that has hitherto been executed.
[Footnote 60: History of Japan, vol. i. p. 93.]
[Footnote 61: That the Malayans have not only frequented Madagascar, but
have also been the progenitors of some of the present race of
inhabitants there, is confirmed to us by the testimony of Monsieur de
Pagès, who visited that island so late as 1774. "Ils m'ont paru provenir
des diverses races; leur couleur leur cheveux, et leur corps
l'indiquent. Ceux que je n'ai pas cru originaires des anciens naturels
du pays, sont petits et trapus; ils ont les cheveux presque unis, et
sont _olivátres comme les Malayes, avec qui ils ont, en général, une
espece de resemblance_."--_Voyages des M. des Pagès_, tom. ii. p.
90.--D.]
[Footnote 40: Archaeolog. vol. vi. p. 155. See also his History of
Sumatra, p. 166, from which the following passage is transcribed:--
"Besides the Malaye, there are a variety of languages spoken in Sumatra,
which, however, have not only a manifest affinity among themselves, but
also to that general language which is found to prevail in, and to be
indigenous to, all the islands of the eastern seas; from Madagascar to
the remotest of Captain Cook's discoveries, comprehending a wider extent
than the Roman or any other tongue has yet boasted. In different places,
it has been more or less mixed and corrupted; but between the most
dissimilar branches, an eminent sameness of many radical words is
apparent; and in some very distant from each other, in point of
situation: As, for instance, the Philippines and Madagascar, the
deviation of the words is scarcely more than is observed in the dialects
of neighbouring provinces of the same kingdom."--D.]
Our British discoverers have not only thrown a blaze of light on the
migrations of the tribe which has so wonderfully spread itself
throughout the islands in the eastern ocean, but they have also favoured
us with much curious information concerning another of the families of
the earth, whose lot has fallen in less hospitable climates. We speak of
the Esquimaux, hitherto only found seated on the coasts of Labradore and
Hudson's Bay, and who differ in several characteristic marks from the
inland inhabitants of North America. That the Greenlanders and they
agree in every circumstance of customs, and manners, and language, which
are demonstrations of an original identity of nation, had been
discovered about twenty years ago.[62] Mr Hearne, in 1771, traced this
unhappy race farther back, toward that part of the globe from whence
they had originally coasted along in their skin boats, having met with
some of them at the mouth of the Copper-mine River, in the latitude of
72°, and near five hundred leagues farther west than Pickersgill's most
westerly station in Davis's Strait. Their being the same tribe who now
actually inhabit the islands and coasts on the west side of North
America, opposite Kamtschatka, was a discovery, the completion of which
was reserved for Captain Cook. The reader of the following work will
find them at Norton Sound, and at Oonalashka and Prince William's Sound;
that is, near 1500 leagues distant from their stations in Greenland and
on the Labradore coast. And lest similitude of manners should be thought
to deceive us, a table exhibiting proofs of affinity of language, which
was drawn up by Captain Cook, and is inserted in this work, will remove
every doubt from the mind of the most scrupulous enquirer after
truth.[63]
[Footnote 62: See Crantz's History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 262; where
we are told that the Moravian brethren, who, with the consent and
furtherance of Sir Hugh Palliser, then governor of Newfoundland, visited
the Esquimaux on the Labradore coast, found that their language, and
that of the Greenlanders, do not differ so much as that of the High and
Low Dutch.--D.]
[Footnote 63: The Greenlanders, as Crantz tells us, call themselves
_Karalit_; a word not very unlike _Kanagyst_, the name assumed by the
inhabitants of Kodiack, one of the Schumagin islands, as Staehlin
informs us.--D.]
There are other doubts of a more important kind, which, it may be hoped,
will now no longer perplex the ignorant, or furnish matter of cavil to
the ill-intentioned. After the great discovery, or at least the full
confirmation of the great discovery, of the vicinity of the two
continents of Asia and America, we trust that we shall not, for the
future, be ridiculed, for believing that the former could easily furnish
its inhabitants to the latter. And thus, to all the various good
purposes already enumerated, as answered by our late voyages, we may add
this last, though not the least important, that they have done service
to religion, by robbing infidelity of a favourite objection to the
credibility of the Mosaic account of the peopling of the earth.[64]
[Footnote 64: A contempt of revelation is generally the result of
ignorance, conceited of its possessing superior knowledge. Observe how
the author of _Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains_, expresses
himself on this very point. "Cette distance que Mr Antermony veut
trouver si peu impotante, est à-peu-près _de huit cent lieus Gauleises
au travers d'un ocean perilleux_, et impossible à franchir avec des
canots aussi chetifs et aussi fragiles que le sont, au rapport d'Ysbrand
Ides, les chaloupes des Tunguses," &c. &c. t. i. p. 156. Had this writer
known that the two continents are not above thirteen leagues (instead of
eight hundred) distant from each other, and that, even in that narrow
space of sea, there are intervening islands, he would not have ventured
to urge this argument in opposition to Mr Bell's notion of the quarter
from which North America received its original inhabitants.--D.
No intelligent reader needs to be informed, that a much closer approach
of the two continents of Asia and America than is here alleged to exist,
would be inadequate to account for the peopling of the latter,
throughout its immense extent and very important diversities of
appearance. The opinion is more plausible, and gains ground in the
world, that much of South America derived its original inhabitants from
the opposite coast of Africa. It is enough to state this opinion,
without occupying a moment's attention, in discussing the arguments
which can be adduced in its support. The truth of Revelation, it may be
remarked, is quite unaffected by the controversy, and, in fact, can
receive neither injury nor advantage from any decision that is given to
it. The real friends of that cause attach little importance to any
weight of human argument in its favour, and rest entirely on divine
evidence, for both the painful and the comfortable effects it produces
on their consciences. Any other, they are sure, may indeed furnish
matter for the display of ingenuity and learning, but will fall short of
that conviction which secures self-denied obedience to its
precepts.--E.]
6. Hitherto we have considered our voyages as having benefited the
_discoverers_. But it will be asked, Have they conveyed, or are they
likely ever to convey, any benefit to the _discovered_? It would afford
exquisite satisfaction to every benevolent mind, to be instructed in
facts, which might enable us, without hesitation, to answer this
question in the affirmative. And yet, perhaps, we may indulge
the pleasing hope, that, even in this respect, our ships have not sailed
in vain. Other discoveries of new countries have, in effect, been wars,
or rather massacres; nations have been no sooner found out, than they
have been extirpated; and the horrid cruelties of the conquerors of
Mexico and Peru can never be remembered, without blushing for religion
and human nature. But when the recesses of the globe are investigated,
not to enlarge private dominion, but to promote general knowledge; when
we visit new tribes of our fellow-creatures as friends; and wish only to
learn that they exist, in order to bring them within the pale of the
offices of humanity, and to relieve the wants of their imperfect state
of society, by communicating to them our superior attainments; voyages
of discovery planned with such benevolent views by George the Third, and
executed by Cook, have not, we trust, totally failed in this respect.
Our repeated visits, and long-continued intercourse with the natives of
the Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, cannot but have darted some
rays of light on the infant minds of those poor people. The uncommon
objects they have thus had opportunities of observing and admiring, will
naturally tend to enlarge their stock of ideas, and to furnish new
materials for the exercise of their reason. Comparing themselves with
their visitors, they cannot but be struck with the deepest conviction
of their own inferiority, and be impelled, by the strongest motives, to
strive to emerge from it, and to rise nearer to a level with those
children of the Sun, who deigned to look upon them, and left behind so
many specimens of their generous and humane attention. The very
introduction of our useful animals and vegetables, by adding fresh means
of subsistence, will have added to their comforts of life, and immediate
enjoyments; and if this be the only benefit they are ever to receive,
who will pronounce that much has not been gained? But may we not carry
our wishes and our hopes still farther? Great Britain itself, when,
first visited by the Phoenicians, was inhabited by painted savages, not,
perhaps, blessed with higher attainments than are possessed by the
present natives of New Zealand; certainly less civilized than those of
Tongataboo or Otaheite. Our having opened an intercourse with them, is
the first step toward their improvement. Who knows, but that our late
voyages may be the means appointed by Providence, of spreading, in due
time, the blessings of civilization amongst the numerous tribes of the
South Pacific Ocean; of abolishing their horrid repasts and their horrid
rites; and of laying the foundation for future and more effectual plans,
to prepare them for holding an honourable station amongst the nations of
the earth? This, at least, is certain, that our having, as it were,
brought them into existence by our extensive researches, will suggest to
us fresh motives of devout gratitude to the Supreme Being, for having
blessed us with advantages hitherto withheld from so great a proportion
of the human race; and will operate powerfully to incite us to persevere
in every feasible attempt, to be his instruments in rescuing millions of
fellow-creatures from their present state of humiliation.[65]
[Footnote 65: It is painful to a liberal mind to question the basis of
any hope, or to doubt the validity of any expectations, in behalf of our
species. One would rather foster a mistaken benevolence, which, scorning
selfish interests, embraced the future welfare of distant and unknown
people, were it not that the indulgence of them might tend to prevent
the very object which they regard from being attained. Does not the
well-meaning editor anticipate too much from the diffusion of foreign
knowledge among the tribes of whom he speaks? Is he not somewhat
inattentive to the mass of inseparable evil which every such accession
brings along with it? Does he not seem to confound together the
acquisition of knowledge, and the ability to do what is requisite for
human happiness? May we not perceive by the very items of his
calculation, that he has neglected to consider that nice adjustment of
the faculty and the means of enjoyment, which evinces the general care
and universal affection of Providence? The consequence of such neglect
or mistake, would be an injudicious and hasty effort to induce what we
call civilization, on the too much commiserated objects of our
philanthropy. Without disputing for a moment, that the intercourse with
Europeans has proved beneficial to these people, though, as every
intelligent reader knows well, a thousand arguments would be thrown away
on an attempt to shew there was no occasion to do so, we may fairly
enough affirm, that such zealous exertions as are here virtually
recommended, are liable to the charge of being premature, and not
altogether according to knowledge. We are too apt to imagine that
barbarous people are easily made to believe their institutions and
manners are erroneous, or impolitic; and that they will accordingly
readily listen to the suggestions of those who, they acknowledge, are in
many respects superior to themselves. But, in fact, the very reverse is
the case, and it will ever be found that the simplest states of society
are least sensible of inconveniences, and therefore most averse to
innovation. Besides, it ought to be remembered, that, independent of any
adventitious assistance, there is implanted in every such society, how
contemptible soever it may seem to others, a certain principle of
amelioration, which never fails, in due time, to yield its fruit, and
which, there is some reason to apprehend, may receive detriment from
obtrusive solicitude to hasten its product. Every boy has within him the
seeds of manhood, which, at the period appointed by nature, germinate,
blossom, and fructify; but anxiety to accelerate the process too often
ruins the soil on which they grow, and mars the hopes of the cultivator,
by unseasonable maturity and rapid decay. So is it with societies. The
progress of human affairs on the large scale, is precisely similar to
what we daily witness on the small. It has been described, with equal
beauty and correctness, by the judicious Ferguson, in his Essays on the
History of Civil Society. "What was in one generation," says he, "a
propensity to herd with the species, becomes, in the ages which follow,
a principle of natural union. What was originally an alliance for common
defence, becomes a concerted plan of political force; the care of
subsistence becomes an anxiety for accumulating wealth, and the
foundation of commercial arts."--Who can say that the officiousness of
friendship is not likely to disorder the series, and, though it escape
the charge and the fate of presumption, is not deserving to be
considered as unnecessary enthusiasm?--E.]
The several topics which occurred, as suitable to this general
Introduction, being now discussed, nothing remains but to state a few
particulars, about which the reader of these volumes has a right to
expect some information.
Captain Cook, knowing, before he sailed upon this last expedition, that
it was expected from him to relate, as well as to execute, its
operations, had taken care to prepare such a journal as might be made
use of for publication. This journal, which exists in his own
hand-writing, has been faithfully adhered to. It is not a bare extract
from his logbooks, but contains many remarks which, it appears, had not
been inserted by him in the nautical register; and it is also enriched
with considerable communications from Mr Anderson, surgeon of the
Resolution. The confessed abilities, and great assiduity, of Mr
Anderson, in observing every thing that related either to natural
history, or to manners and language, and the desire which, it is well
known, Captain Cook, on all occasions, shewed to have the assistance of
that gentleman, stamped a great value on his collections. That nothing,
therefore, might be wanting to convey to the public the best possible
account of the transactions of the voyage, his journal, by the order of
Lord Sandwich, was also put into the hands of the editor, who was
authorised and directed to avail himself of the information it might be
found to contain, about matters imperfectly touched, or altogether
omitted, in Captain Cook's manuscript. This task has been executed in
such a manner, that the reader will scarcely ever be at a loss to
distinguish in what instances recourse has been had to Mr Anderson. To
preclude, if possible, any mistake, the copy of the first and second
volumes, before it went to the printer, was submitted to Captain King;
and after it had been read over and corrected by one so well qualified
to point out any inaccuracies, the Earl of Sandwich had the goodness to
give it a perusal. As to the third volume, nothing more need be said,
than that it was completely prepared for the press by Captain King
himself. All that the editor of the work has to answer for, are the
notes occasionally introduced in the course of the two volumes
contributed by Captain Cook; and this Introduction, which was intended
as a kind of epilogue to our Voyages of Discovery. He must be permitted,
however, to say, that he considers himself as entitled to no
inconsiderable share of candid indulgence from the public; having
engaged in a very tedious and troublesome undertaking upon the most
disinterested motives; his only reward being the satisfaction he feels,
in having been able to do an essential service to the family of our
great navigator, who had honoured him, in the journal of this voyage,
with the appellation of friend.
They who repeatedly asked why this publication was so long delayed,
needed only to look at the volumes, and their attendant illustrations
and ornaments, to be satisfied that it might, with at least equal
reason, be wondered at, that it was not delayed longer. The journal of
Captain Cook, from the first moment that it came into the hands of the
editor, had been ready for the press; and Captain King had left with
him his part of the narrative, so long ago as his departure for the West
Indies, when he commanded the Resistance man-of-war. But much, besides,
remained to be done. The charts, particularly the general one, were to
be prepared by Mr Roberts; the very numerous and elegant drawings of Mr
Webber were to be reduced by him to the proper size; artists were next
to be found out who would undertake to engrave them; the prior
engagements of those artists were to be fulfilled before they could
begin; the labour and skill to be exerted in finishing many of them,
rendered this a tedious operation; paper fit for printing them upon was
to be procured from abroad; and after all these various and unavoidable
difficulties were surmounted, much time was necessarily required for
executing a numerous impression of the long list of plates, with so much
care as might do justice both to Mr Webber, and to his several
engravers.
And here it seems to be incumbent upon us to add, as another instance of
munificent attention, that care was taken to mark, in the most
significant manner, the just sense entertained of the human and liberal
relief afforded to our ships in Kamtachatka. Colonel Behm, the
commandant of that province, was not rewarded merely by the pleasure
which a benevolent mind feels in reflecting upon the blessings it
confers, but also thanked in a manner equally consistent with the
dignity of his own sovereign and of ours, to whose subjects he extended
protection. A magnificent piece of plate was presented to him, with an
inscription, worthy of a place in the same book where the history of his
humanity to our countrymen is recorded, and which, while it does honour
to our national gratitude, deserves also to be preserved as a monument
of our national taste for elegant composition. It is as follows:
_VIRO EGREGIO MAGNO DE BEHM; _qui, Imperatricis Augustissimae
Catherinae auspiciis, summâque animi benignitate, saeva, quibus
praeerat, Kamtschatkae littora, navibus nautisque Britannicis,
hospita praebuit; eosque, in terminis, si qui essent Imperio
Russico, frustrà explorandis, mula multa perpessos, iteratâ vice
excepit, refecit, recreavit, et commeatu omni cumulatè auctos
dimisit_; REI NAVALIS BRITANNICAE SEPTEMVIRI _in aliquam
benevolentiae tam insignis memoriam, amicissimo, gratissimoque
animo, suo, patriaeque nomine_, D.D.D. MDCCLXXXI.
This testimony of public gratitude, reminds the editor that there are
similar calls upon himself. He owes much to Captain King for his advice
and direction, in a variety of instances, where Captain Cook's journal
required explanation; for filling up several blanks with the proper
longitude and latitude; and for supplying deficiencies in the tables of
astronomical observations.
Lieutenant Roberts was also frequently consulted, and was always found
to be a ready and effectual assistant, when any nautical difficulties
were to be cleared up.
But particular obligations are due to Mr Wales, who, besides his
valuable communications for this Introduction, seconded most liberally
the editor's views of serving Mrs Cook, by cheerfully taking upon
himself the whole trouble of digesting, from the log-books, the tables
of the route of the ships, which add so greatly to the utility of this
publication.
Mr Wegg, besides sharing in the thanks so justly due to the committee of
the Hudson's Bay Company, for their unreserved communications, was
particularly obliging to the editor, by giving him repeated
opportunities of conversing with Governor Hearne and Captain
Christopher.
The Honourable Mr Daines Barrington had the goodness to interest
himself, with his usual zeal for every work of public utility, in
procuring some necessary information, and suggesting some valuable
hints, which were adopted.
It would be great injustice not to express acknowledgements to Mr
Pennant, who, besides enriching the third volume with references to his
_Arctic Zoology_, the publication of which is an important accession to
natural history, also communicated some very authentic and satisfactory
manuscript accounts of the Russian discoveries.
The vocabularies of the Friendly and Sandwich Islands, and of the
natives of Nootka, had been furnished to Captain Cook, by his most
useful associate in the voyage, Mr Anderson; and a fourth, in which the
language of the Esquimaux is compared with that of the Americans on the
opposite side of the continent, had been prepared by the captain
himself. But the comparative Table of Numerals was very obligingly drawn
up, at the request of the editor, by Mr Bryant, who, in his study,
followed Captain Cook, and, indeed, every traveller and historian, of
every age, into every part of the globe. The public will consider this
table as a very striking illustration of the wonderful migrations of a
nation, about whom so much additional information has been gained by our
voyages, and be ready to acknowledge it as a very useful communication.
One more communication remains to be not only acknowledged, but to be
inserted at the close of this Introduction. The testimonies of learned
contemporaries, in commendation of a deceased author, are frequently
displayed in the front of his book. It is with the greatest propriety,
therefore, that we prefix to this posthumous work of Captain Cook, the
testimony of one of his own profession, not more distinguished by the
elevation of rank, than by the dignity of private virtues. As he wishes
to remain concealed, perhaps this allusion, for which we entreat his
indulgence, may have given too exact direction to the eyes of the public
where to look for such a character.[66] Let us, however, rest satisfied
with the intrinsic merit of a composition, conveyed under the injunction
of secrecy; and conclude our long preliminary dissertation with
expressing a wish, or rather a well-grounded hope, that this volume may
not be the only place where posterity can meet with a monumental
inscription, commemorative of a man, in recounting and applauding whose
services, the whole of enlightened Europe will equally concur with Great
Britain.
[Footnote 66: This is understood to be spoken of the Honourable Admiral
Forbes, Admiral of the Fleet, and General of the Marines, to whom, on
the authority of Sir Hugh Palliser, the eulogium is ascribed in the
Biog. Brit. He is said to have known Cook only by his eminent merit and
extraordinary actions. The testimony, therefore, is the more to be
prized, as it cannot be charged with the partiality of friendship.--E.]
TO THE MEMORY OF
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK,
_The ablest and most renowned Navigator this or any other country hath
produced_.
He raised himself, solely by his merit, from a very obscure birth, to
the rank of Post Captain in the royal navy, and was, unfortunately,
killed by the savages of the island Owhyhee, on the 14th of February,
1779; which island he had, not long before, discovered, when prosecuting
his third voyage round the globe.
He possessed, in an eminent degree, all the qualifications requisite for
his profession and great undertakings; together with the amiable and
worthy qualities of the best men.
Cool and deliberate in judging; sagacious in determining; active in
executing; steady and persevering in enterprising vigilance and
unremitting caution; unsubdued by labour, difficulties, and
disappointments; fertile in expedients; never wanting presence of mind;
always possessing himself, and the full use of a sound understanding.
Mild, just, but exact in discipline: He was a father to his people, who
were attached to him from affection, and obedient from confidence.
His knowledge, his experience, his sagacity, rendered him so entirely
master of his subject, that the greatest obstacles were surmounted, and
the most dangerous navigations became easy, and almost safe, under his
direction.
He explored the southern hemisphere to a much higher latitude than had
ever been reached, and with fewer accidents than frequently befal those
who navigate the coasts of this island.
By his benevolent and unabating attention to the welfare of his ship's
company, he discovered and introduced a system for the preservation of
the health of seamen in long voyages, which has proved wonderfully
efficacious; for in his second voyage round the world, which continued
upwards of three years, he lost only one man by distemper, of one
hundred and eighteen, of which his company consisted.
The death of this eminent and valuable man was a loss to mankind in
general; and particularly to be deplored by every nation that respects
useful accomplishments, that honours science, and loves the benevolent
and amiable affections of the heart. It is still more to be deplored by
this country, which may justly boast of having produced a man hitherto
unequalled for nautical talents; and that sorrow is farther aggravated
by the reflection, that his country was deprived of this ornament by the
enmity of a people, from whom, indeed, it might have been dreaded, but
from whom it was not deserved. For, actuated always by the most
attentive care and tender compassion for the savages in general, this
excellent man was ever assiduously endeavouring, by kind treatment, to
dissipate their fears, and court their friendship; overlooking their
thefts and treacheries, and frequently interposing, at the hazard of his
life, to protect them from the sudden resentment of his own injured
people.
The object of his last mission was to discover and ascertain the
boundaries of Asia and America, and to penetrate into the northern ocean
by the north-east Cape of Asia.
Traveller! contemplate, admire, revere, and emulate this great master in
his profession; whose skill and labours have enlarged natural
philosophy; have extended nautical science; and have disclosed the
long-concealed and admirable arrangements of the Almighty in the
formation of this globe, and, at the same time, the arrogance of
mortals, in presuming to account, by their speculations, for the laws by
which he was pleased to create it. It is now discovered, beyond all
doubt, that the same Great Being who created the universe by his _fiat_,
by the same ordained our earth to keep a just poise, without a
corresponding southern continent--and it does so! "He stretches out the
north over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing."--Job,
xxvi. 7.
If the arduous but exact researches of this extraordinary man have not
discovered a new world, they have discovered seas unnavigated and
unknown before. They have made us acquainted with islands, people and
productions, of which we had no conception. And if he has not been so
fortunate as Americus to give his name to a continent, his pretensions
to such a distinction remain unrivalled; and he will be revered, while
there remains a page of his own modest account of his voyages, and as
long as mariners and geographers shall be instructed, by his new map of
the southern hemisphere, to trace the various courses and discoveries he
has made.
If public services merit public acknowledgments; if the man who adorned
and raised the fame of his country is deserving of honours, then Captain
Cook deserves to have a monument raised to his memory, by a generous and
grateful nation.
Virtutis uberrimum alimentum est honos.
VAL. MAXIMUS, lib. ii. cap. 6.
COOK'S VOYAGE
TO
THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
CHAPTER I.
TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROM
NEW ZEALAND.
SECTION I.
_Various Preparations for the Voyage.--Omais Behaviour on
embarking.--Observations for determining the Longitude of Sheerness, and
the North Foreland.--Passage of the Resolution from Deptford to
Plymouth.--Employments there.--Complements of the Crews of both Ships,
and Names of the Officers.--Observations to fix the Longitude of
Plymouth.--Departure of the Resolution._
Having, on the 9th day of February, 1776, received a commission to
command his majesty's sloop the Resolution, I went on board the next
day, hoisted the pendant, and began to enter men. At the same time, the
Discovery, of three hundred tons burthen, was purchased into the
service, and the command of her given to Captain Clerke, who had been my
second lieutenant on board the Resolution, in my second voyage round the
world, from which we had lately returned.
These two ships were, at this time, in the dock at Deptford, under the
hands of the shipwrights; being ordered to be equipped to make farther
discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, under my direction.
On the 9th of March, the Resolution was hauled out of dock into the
river; where we completed her rigging, and took on board the stores and
provisions requisite for a voyage of such duration. Both ships, indeed,
were supplied with as much of every necessary article as we could
conveniently stow, and with the best of every kind that could be
procured. And, besides this, every thing that had been found, by the
experience acquired during our former extensive voyages, to be of any
utility in preserving the health of seamen, was supplied in abundance.
It was our intention to have sailed to Long Reach on the 6th of May,
when a pilot came on board to carry us thither; but it was the 29th
before the wind would permit us to move, and the 30th before we arrived
at that station, where our artillery, powder, shot, and other ordnance
stores were received.
While we lay in Long Reach, thus employed, the Earl of Sandwich, Sir
Hugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty, as the last mark of
the very great attention they had all along shewn to this equipment,
paid us a visit on the 8th of June, to examine whether every thing had
been completed conformably to their intentions and orders, and to the
satisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage. They, and several
other noblemen and gentlemen their friends, honoured me with their
company at dinner on that day; and, on their coming on board, and also
on their going ashore, we saluted them with seventeen guns, and three
cheers.
With the benevolent view of conveying some permanent benefit to the
inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands in the Pacific Ocean,
whom we might happen to visit, his majesty having commanded some useful
animals to be carried out, we took on board, on the 10th, a bull, two
cows with their calves, and some sheep, with hay and corn for their
subsistence; intending to add to these other useful animals, when I
should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope.
I was also, from the same laudable motives, furnished with a sufficient
quantity of such of our European garden-seeds, as could not fail to be a
valuable present to our newly discovered islands, by adding fresh
supplies of food to their own vegetable productions.
Many other articles, calculated to improve the condition of our friends
in the other hemisphere in various ways, were, at the same time,
delivered to us by order of the Board of Admiralty. And both ships were
provided with a proper assortment of iron tools and trinkets, as the
means of enabling us to traffic, and to cultivate a friendly intercourse
with the inhabitants of such new countries as we might be fortunate
enough to meet with.
The same humane attention was extended to our own wants. Some additional
clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was ordered for our crews; and
nothing was denied to us that could be supposed in the least conducive
to health, or even to convenience.
Nor did the extraordinary care of those at the head of the naval
department stop here. They were equally solicitous to afford us every
assistance towards rendering our voyage of public utility. Accordingly,
we received on board, next day, several astronomical and nautical
instruments, which the Board of Longitude entrusted to me, and to Mr
King, my second lieutenant; we having engaged to that board to make all
the necessary observations, during the voyage, for the improvement of
astronomy and navigation; and, by our joint labours, to supply the place
of a professed observator. Such a person had been originally intended to
be sent out in my ship.
The board, likewise, put into our possession the same watch, or
time-keeper, which I had carried out in my last voyage, and had
performed its part so well. It was a copy of Mr Harrison's, constructed
by Mr Kendall. This day, at noon, it was found to be too slow for mean
time at Greenwich, by 3' 31" 89; and by its rate of going, it lost, on
mean time, 1", 209 per day.
Another time-keeper, and the same number and sort of instruments for
making observations, were put on board the Discovery, under the care of
Mr William Bayly; who, having already given satisfactory proofs of his
skill and diligence as an observator, while employed in Captain
Furneaux's ship, during the late voyage, was engaged a second time, in
that capacity, to embark with Captain Clerke.
Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who, to skill in his immediate profession,
added great proficiency in natural history, was as willing as he was
well qualified, to describe every thing in that branch of science which
should occur worthy of notice. As he had already visited the South Sea
islands in the same ship, and been of singular service, by enabling me
to enrich my relation of that voyage with various useful remarks on men
and things,[67] I reasonably expected to derive considerable assistance
from him, in recording our new proceedings.
[Footnote 67: The very copious vocabulary of the language of Otaheite,
and the comparative specimen of the languages of the several other
islands visited during the former voyage, and published in Captain
Cook's account of it, were furnished by Mr Anderson.--D.]
I had several young men amongst my sea-officers, who, under my
direction, could be usefully employed in constructing charts, in taking
views of the coasts and headlands near which we should pass, and in
drawing plans of the bays and harbours in which we should anchor. A
constant attention to this I knew to be highly requisite, if we would
render our discoveries profitable to future navigators.
And that we might go out with every help that could serve to make the
result of our voyage entertaining to the generality of readers, as well
as instructive to the sailor and scholar, Mr Webber was pitched upon,
and engaged to embark with me, for the express purpose of supplying the
unavoidable imperfections of written accounts, by enabling us to
preserve, and to bring home, such drawings of the most memorable scenes
of our transactions, as could only be executed by a professed and
skilful artist.
Every preparation being now completed, I received an order to proceed to
Plymouth, and to take the Discovery under my command. I accordingly gave
Captain Clerke two orders, one to put himself under my command, and the
other, to carry his ship round to Plymouth.
On the 15th the Resolution sailed from Long Reach, with the Discovery in
company, and the same evening they anchored at the Nore. Next day the
Discovery proceeded, in obedience to my order; but the Resolution was
ordered to remain at the Nore till I should join her, being at this time
in London.
As we were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Islands in our way to
the intended scene of our fresh operations, it had been determined not
to omit this opportunity (the only one ever likely to happen) of
carrying Omai back to his native country. Accordingly, every thing being
ready for our departure, he and I set out together from London on the
24th, at six o'clock in the morning. We reached Chatham, between ten and
eleven o'clock; and, after dining with Commissioner Proby, he very
obligingly ordered his yacht to carry us to Sheerness, where my boat was
waiting to take us on board.
Omai left London with a mixture of regret and satisfaction. When we
talked about England, and about those who, during his stay, had honoured
him with their protection or friendship, I could observe that his
spirits were sensibly affected, and that it was with difficulty he could
refrain from tears. But the instant the conversation turned to his own
islands, his eyes began to sparkle with joy. He was deeply impressed
with a sense of the good treatment he had met with in England, and
entertained the highest ideas of the country and of the people; but the
pleasing prospect he now had before him of returning home, loaded with
what he well knew would be esteemed invaluable treasures there, and the
flattering hope which the possession of these gave him, of attaining to
a distinguished superiority amongst his countrymen, were considerations
which operated, by degrees, to suppress every uneasy sensation; and he
seemed to be quite happy when he got on board the ship.
He was furnished by his majesty with an ample provision of every article
which, during our intercourse with his country, we had observed to be in
any estimation there, either as useful or as ornamental. He had,
besides, received many presents of the same nature from Lord Sandwich,
Sir Joseph Banks, and several other gentlemen and ladies of his
acquaintance. In short, every method had been employed, both during his
abode in England, and at his departure, to make him the instrument of
conveying to the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, the
most exalted opinion of the greatness and generosity of the British
nation.
While the Resolution lay at the Nore, Mr King made several observations
for finding the longitude by the watch. The mean of them all gave 0° 44'
0" for the longitude of the ship. This, reduced to Sheerness, by the
bearing and estimated distance, will make that place to be 0° 37' 0" E.
of Greenwich, which is more by seven miles than Mr Lyons made it by the
watch which Lord Mulgrave had with him, on his voyage toward the North
Pole. Whoever knows any thing of the distance between Sheerness and
Greenwich, will be a judge which of these two observations is nearest
the truth.
The variation of the needle here, by a mean of different sets, taken
with different compasses, was 20° 37' W.
On the 25th, about noon, we weighed anchor, and made sail for the Downs
through the Queen's Channel, with a gentle breeze at N.W. by W. At nine
in the evening we anchored, with the North Foreland bearing S. by E. and
Margate Point S.W. by S.
Next morning, at two o'clock, we weighed and stood round the Foreland;
and when it bore north by the compass, the watch gave 1° 24' E.
longitude, which, reduced to the Foreland, will be 1° 21' E. Lunar
observations made the preceding evening, fixed it at 1° 20' E. At eight
o'clock the same morning we anchored in the Downs. Two boats had been
built for us at Deal, and I immediately sent on shore for them. I was
told that many people had assembled there to see Omai, but, to their
great disappointment, he did not land.
Having received the boats on board, and a light breeze at S.S.E.
springing up, we got under sail the next day at two o'clock in the
afternoon; but the breeze soon died away, and we were obliged to anchor
again till ten o'clock at night. We then weighed with the wind at E. and
proceeded down the Channel.
On the 30th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we anchored in Plymouth
Sound, where the Discovery had arrived only three days before. I saluted
Admiral Amherst, whose flag was flying on board the Ocean, with thirteen
guns, and he returned the compliment with eleven.
It was the first object of our care on arriving at Plymouth, to replace
the water and provisions that we had expended, and to receive on board a
supply of port wine. This was the employment which occupied us on the
1st and 2d of July.
During our stay here, the crews were served with fresh beef every day.
And I should not do justice to Mr Ommanney, the agent victualler, if I
did not take this opportunity to mention, that he shewed a very obliging
readiness to furnish me with the best of every thing that lay within his
department. I had been under the like obligations to him on my setting
out upon my last voyage. Commissioner Ourry, with equal zeal for the
service, gave us every assistance that we wanted from the naval yard.
It could not but occur to us as a singular and affecting circumstance,
that at the very instant of our departure upon a voyage, the object of
which was to benefit Europe by making fresh discoveries in North
America, there should be the unhappy necessity of employing others of
his majesty's ships, and of conveying numerous bodies of land forces to
secure the obedience of those parts of that continent which had been
discovered and settled by our countrymen in the last century. On the 6th
his majesty's ships Diamond, Ambuscade, and Unicorn, with a fleet of
transports, consisting of sixty-two sail, bound to America, with the
last division of the Hessian troops, and some horse, were forced into
the Sound by a strong N.W. wind.
On the 8th I received, by express, my instructions for the voyage, and
an order to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope with the Resolution. I was
also directed to leave an order for Captain Clerke to follow us as soon
as he should join his ship, he being at this time detained in London.
Our first discoverers of the New World, and navigators of the Indian and
Pacific Oceans, were justly thought to have exerted such uncommon
abilities, and to have accomplished such perilous enterprises, that
their names have been handed down to posterity as so many Argonauts.
Nay, even the hulks of the ships that carried them, though not converted
into constellations in the heavens, used to be honoured and visited as
sacred relics upon earth. We, in the present age of improved navigation,
who have been instructed by their labours, and have followed them as our
guides, have no such claim to fame. Some merit, however, being still, in
the public opinion, considered as due to those who sail to unexplored
quarters of the globe; in conformity to this favourable judgment, I
prefixed to the account of my last voyage the names of the officers of
both my ships, and a table of the number of their respective crews. The
like information will be expected from me at present.
The Resolution was fitted out with the same complement of officers and
men as she had before; and the Discovery's establishment varied from
that of the Adventure, in the single instance of her having no marine
officer on board. This arrangement was to be finally completed at
Plymouth; and on the 9th we received the party of marines allotted for
our voyage. Colonel Bell, who commanded the division at this port, gave
me such men for the detachment as I had reason to be satisfied with. And
the supernumerary seamen, occasioned by this reinforcement, being turned
over into the Ocean man-of-war, our several complements remained fixed,
as represented in the following table:--
RESOLUTION. DISCOVERY.
_Officers and Men. No. Officers No. Officers
Names Names_.
Captains, 1 James Cook. 1 Charles Clerke.
Lieutenants, 3 John Gore. 2 James Burney.
James King. John Rickman.
John Williamson.
Master, 1 William Bligh. 1 Thomas Edgar.
Boatswain, 1 William Ewin. 1 Aneas Atkins.
Carpenter, 1 James Clevely. 1 Peter Reynolds.
Gunner, 1 Robert Anderson. 1 William Peckover.
Surgeon, 1 William Anderson. 1 John Law.
Master's Mates, 3 2
Midshipmen, 6 4
Surgeon's Mates, 2 2
Captain's Clerk, 1 1
Master at Arms, 1
Corporal, 1
Armourer, 1 1
Ditto Mate, 1 1
Sail Maker, 1 1
Ditto Mate, 1 1
Boatswain's Mates, 3 2
Carpenter's Ditto, 3 2
Gunner's Ditto, 2 1
Carpenter's Crew, 4 4
Cook, 1 1
Ditto Mate, 1
Quarter Masters, 6 4
Able Seamen, 45 33
Marines.
Lieutenants, 1 Molesworth Philips.
Serjeant, 1 1
Corporals, 2 1
Drummer, 1 1
Privates, 15 8
Total, 112 80
On the 10th, the commissioner and pay clerks came on board, and paid the
officers and crew up to the 30th of last month. The petty officers and
seamen had, besides, two months wages in advance. Such indulgence to the
latter is no more than what is customary in the navy. But the payment of
what was due to the superior officers was humanely ordered by the
Admiralty, in consideration of our peculiar situation, that we might be
better able to defray the very great expence of furnishing ourselves
with a stock of necessaries for a voyage which, probably, would be of
unusual duration, and to regions where no supply could be expected.
Nothing now obstructing my departure but a contrary wind, which blew
strong at S.W., in the morning of the 11th, I delivered into the hands
of Mr Burney, first lieutenant of the Discovery, Captain Clerke's
sailing orders; a copy of which I also left with the officer commanding
his majesty's ships at Plymouth, to be delivered to the captain
immediately on his arrival. In the afternoon, the wind moderating, we
weighed with the ebb, and got farther out, beyond all the shipping in
the sound; where, after making an unsuccessful attempt to get to sea, we
were detained most of the following day, which was employed in receiving
on board a supply of water; and, by the same vessel that brought it, all
the empty casks were returned.
As I did not imagine my stay at Plymouth would have been so long as it
proved, we did not get our instruments on shore to make the necessary
observations for ascertaining the longitude by the watch. For the same
reason, Mr Bayly did not set about this, till he found that the
Discovery would probably be detained some days after us. He then placed
his quadrant upon Drake's Island; and had time, before the Resolution
sailed, to make observations sufficient for the purpose we had in view.
Our watch made the island to lie 4° 14', and his, 4° 13 1/2', west of
Greenwich. Its latitude, as found by Messrs Wales and Bayly, on the last
voyage, is 50° 21' 30" N.
We weighed again at eight in the evening, and stood out of the sound,
with a gentle breeze at N.W. by W.
SECTION II.
_Passage of the Resolution to Teneriffe.--Reception there.--Description
of Santa Cruz Road.--Refreshment to be met with.--Observations for
fixing the Longitude of Teneriffe.--Some Account of the
Island.--Botanical Observations.--Cities of Santa Cruz and
Loguna.--Agriculture.--Air and Climate.--Commerce.--Inhabitants_.
We had not been long out of Plymouth Sound, before the wind came more
westerly, and blew fresh, so that we were obliged to ply down the
Channel; and it was not till the 14th, at eight in the evening, that we
were off the Lizard.
On the 16th, at noon, St Agnes's light-house on the isles of Scilly bore
N.W. by W., distant seven or eight miles. Our latitude was now 49° 53'
30" N., and our longitude, by the watch, 6° 11' W. Hence, I reckon that
St Agnes's light-house is in 49° 57' 30" N. latitude, and in 6° 20' of
W. longitude.
On the 17th[68] and 18th we were off Ushant, and found the longitude of
the island to be, by the watch, 5° 18' 37" W. The variation was 23° 0'
50", in the same direction.
[Footnote 68: It appears from Captain Cook's log-book, that he began his
judicious operations for preserving the health of his crew, very early
in the voyage. On the 17th, the ship was smoked between decks with
gunpowder. The spare sails also were then well aired.--D.]
With a strong gale at S., on the 19th, we stood to the westward, till
eight o'clock in the morning; when the wind shifting to the W. and N.W.,
we tacked and stretched to the southward. At this time, we saw nine sail
of large ships, which we judged to be French men-of-war. They took no
particular notice of us, nor we of them.
At ten o'clock in the morning of the 22d, we saw Cape Ortegal; which at
noon bore S.E. 1/2 S., about four leagues distant. At this time we were
in the latitude of 44° 6' N.; and our longitude, by the watch, was 8°
23" W.
After two days of calm weather, we passed Cape Finisterre on the
afternoon of the 24th, with a fine gale at N.N.E. The longitude of this
cape, by the watch, is 9° 29' W.; and, by the mean of forty-one lunar
observations, made before and after we passed it, and reduced to it by
the watch, the result was 9° 19' 12".
On the 30th, at six minutes and thirty-eight seconds past ten o'clock at
night, apparent time, I observed, with a night telescope, the moon
totally eclipsed. By the _ephemeris_, the same happened at Greenwich at
nine minutes past eleven o'clock; the difference being one hour, two
minutes, and twenty-two seconds, or 15° 35' 30" of longitude. The watch,
for the same time, gave 15° 26' 45' longitude W.; and the latitude was
31° 10' N. No other observation could be made on this eclipse, as the
moon was hid behind the clouds the greater part of the time; and, in
particular, when the beginning and end of total darkness, and the end of
the eclipse, happened.
Finding that we had not hay and corn sufficient for the subsistence of
the stock of animals on board, till our arrival at the Cape of Good
Hope, I determined to touch at Teneriffe, to get a supply of these, and
of the usual refreshments for ourselves; thinking that island, for such
purposes, better adapted than Madeira. At four in the afternoon of the
31st, we saw Teneriffe, and steered for the eastern part. At nine, being
near it, we hauled up, and stood off and on during the night.
At day-light, on the morning of the 1st of August, we sailed round the
east point of the island; and, about eight o'clock, anchored on the S.E.
side of it, in the road of Santa Cruz, in twenty-three fathoms water;
the bottom, sand and ooze. Punta de Nago, the east point of the road,
bore N. 64° E.; St Francis's church, remarkable for its high steeple,
W.S.W.; the Pic, S. 65° W.; and the S.W. point of the road, on which
stands a fort or castle, S. 39° W. In this situation, we moored N.E. and
S.W. with a cable each way, being near half a mile from the shore.
We found, riding in this road, La Boussole, a French frigate, commanded
by the Chevalier de Borda; two brigantines of the same nation; an
English brigantine from London, bound to Senegal; and fourteen sail of
Spanish vessels.
No sooner had we anchored, than we were visited by the master of the
port, who satisfied himself with asking the ship's name. Upon his
leaving us, I sent an officer ashore, to present my respects to the
governor; and to ask his leave to take in water, and to purchase such
articles as we were in want of. All this he granted with the greatest
politeness; and, soon after, sent an officer on board, to compliment me
on my arrival. In the afternoon, I waited upon him in person,
accompanied by some of my officers; and, before I returned to my ship,
bespoke some corn and straw for the live stock; ordered a quantity of
wine from Mr McCarrick, the contractor, and made an agreement with the
master of a Spanish boat to supply us with water, as I found that we
could not do it ourselves.
The road of Santa Cruz is situated before the town of the same name, on
the S.E. side of the island. It is, as I am told, the principal road of
Teneriffe, for shelter, capacity, and the goodness of its bottom. It
lies entirely open to the S.E. and S. winds. But these winds are never
of long continuance; and, they say, there is not an instance of a ship
driving from her anchors on shore.[69] This may, in part, be owing to
the great care they take in mooring them; for I observed, that all the
ships we met with, there, had four anchors out; two to the N.E., and two
to the S.W.; and their cables buoyed up with casks. Ours suffered a
little by not observing this last precaution.
[Footnote 69: Though no such instance was known to those from whom
Captain Cook had this information, we learn from Glas, that some years
before he was at Teneriffe, almost all the shipping in the road were
driven on shore. See Glas's History of the Canary Islands, p. 235. We
may well suppose the precautions now used, have prevented any more such
accidents happening. This will sufficiently justify Captain Cook's
account.--- D.]
At the S.W. part of the road, a stone pier runs out into the sea from
the town, for the convenience of loading and landing of goods. To this
pier, the water that supplies the shipping is conveyed. This, as also
what the inhabitants of Santa Cruz use, is derived from a rivulet that
runs from the hills, the greatest part of which comes into the town in
wooden spouts or troughs, that are supported by slender posts, and the
remainder doth not reach the sea; though it is evident, from the size of
the channel, that sometimes large torrents rush down. At this time these
troughs were repairing, so that fresh water, which is very good here,
was scarce.
Were we to judge from the appearance of the country in the neighbourhood
of Santa Cruz, it might be concluded that Teneriffe is a barren spot,
insufficient to maintain even its own inhabitants. The ample supplies,
however, which we received, convinced as that they had enough to spare
for visitors. Besides wine, which is the chief produce of the island,
beef may be had at a moderate price. The oxen are small and bony, and
weigh about ninety pounds a quarter. The meat is but lean, and was, at
present, sold for half a bit (three-pence sterling) a pound. I,
unadvisedly, bought the bullocks alive, and paid considerably more.
Hogs, sheep, goats, and poultry, are likewise to be bought at the same
moderate rate; and fruits are in great plenty. At this time we had
grapes, figs, pears, mulberries, plantains, and musk-melons. There is a
variety of other fruits produced here, though not in season at this
time. Their pumpkins, onions, and potatoes, are exceedingly good of
their kind; and keep better at sea than any I ever before met with.
The Indian corn, which is also their produce, cost me about three
shillings and sixpence a bushel; and the fruits and roots were, in
general, very cheap. They have not any plentiful supply of fish from the
adjoining sea; but a very considerable fishery is carried on by their
vessels upon the coast of Barbary: and the produce of it sells at a
reasonable price. Upon the whole, I found Teneriffe to be a more
eligible place than Madeira, for ships bound on long voyages to touch
at; though the wine of the latter, according to my taste, is as much
superior to that of the former, as strong beer is to small. To
compensate for this, the difference of prices is considerable; for the
best Teneriffe wine was now sold for twelve pounds a pipe; whereas a
pipe of the best Madeira would have cost considerably more than double
that sum.[70]
[Footnote 70: Formerly, there was made at Teneriffe a great quantity of
Canary sack, which the French call _Vin de Malvesie_; and we, corruptly
after them, name Malmsey (from Malvesia, a town in the Morea, famous for
such luscious wine). In the last century, and still later, much of this
was imported into England; but little wine is now made there, but of the
sort described by Captain Cook. Not more than fifty pipes of the rich
Canary were annually made in Glas's time; and he says, they now gather
the grapes when green, and make a dry hard wine of them, fit for hot
climates, p. 262.--D.]
The Chevalier De Borda, commander of the French frigate now lying in
Santa Cruz road, was employed, in conjunction with Mr Varila, a Spanish
gentleman, in making astronomical observations for ascertaining the
going of two time-keepers which they had on board their ship. For this
purpose, they had a tent pitched on the pier head, where they made their
observations, and compared their watches, every day at noon, with the
clock on shore, by signals. These signals the chevalier very obligingly
communicated to us; so that we could compare our watch at the same time.
But our stay was too short, to profit much by his kindness.
The three days comparisons which we made, assured us that the watch had
not materially, if at all, altered her rate of going; and gave us the
same longitude, within a very few seconds, that was obtained by finding
the time from observations of the sun's altitude from the horizon of the
sea. The watch, from a mean of these observations, on the 1st, 2d, and
3d of August, made the longitude 16° 31' W.; and, in like manner, the
latitude was found to be 28° 30' 11" N.
Mr Varila informed us, that the true longitude was 18° 35' 30", from
Paris, which is only 16° 16' 30" from Greenwich; less than what our
watch gave by 14' 30". But, far from looking upon this as an error in
the watch, I rather think it a confirmation of its having gone well; and
that the longitude by it may be nearer the truth than any other. It is
farther confirmed by the lunar observations that we made in the road,
which gave 16° 37' 10". Those made before we arrived, and reduced to the
road by the watch, gave 16° 33' 30"; and those made after we left it,
and reduced back in the same manner, gave 16° 28'. The mean of the three
is 16° 30' 40".
To reduce these several longitudes, and the latitude, to the Pic of
Teneriffe, one of the most noted points of land with geographers, (to
obtain the true situation of which, I have entered into this particular
discussion,) I had recourse to the bearing, and a few hours of the
ship's run after leaving Santa Cruz road; and found it to be 12' 11" S.
of the road, and 29' 30" of longitude W. of it. As the base, which
helped to determine this, was partly estimated, it is liable to some
error; but I think I cannot be much mistaken. Dr Maskelyne, in his
_British Mariner's Guide_, places the Pic in the latitude of 28° 12'
54". This, with the bearing from the road, will give the difference of
longitude 43', which considerably exceeds the distance they reckon the
Pic to be from Santa Cruz. I made the latitude of the Pic to be 28° 18'
N. Upon that supposition, its longitude will be as follows:
{The time-keeper, 17° 0' 30" }
By {Lunar observations, 16° 30' 20"} W.
{Mr Varila, 16° 46' 0" }
But if the latitude of it is 28° 12' 54", as in the _British Mariner's
Guide_, its longitude will be 13° 30' more westerly.
The variation, when we were at anchor in the road, by the mean of all
our compasses, was found to be 14° 41' 20" W. The dip of the N. end of
the needle was 61° 52' 30".
Some of Mr Anderson's remarks on the natural appearances of Teneriffe,
and its productions, and what he observed himself, or learnt by
information, about the general state of the island, will be of use,
particularly in marking what changes may have happened there since Mr
Glas visited it. They here follow in his own words:
"While we were standing in for the land, the weather being perfectly
clear, we had an opportunity of seeing the celebrated Pic of Teneriffe.
But, I own, I was much disappointed in my expectation with respect to
its appearance. It is, certainly, far from equalling the noble figure of
Pico, one of the western isles which I have seen; though its
perpendicular height may be greater. This circumstance, perhaps, arises
from its being surrounded by other very high hills; whereas Pico stands
without a rival."
"Behind the city of Santa Cruz, the country rises gradually, and is of a
moderate height. Beyond this, to the south-westward, it becomes higher,
and continues to rise toward the Pic, which, from the road, appears but
little higher than the surrounding hills. From thence it seems to
decrease, though not suddenly, as far as the eye can reach. From a
supposition that we should not stay above one day, I was obliged to
contract my excursions into the country; otherwise, I had proposed to
visit the top of this famous mountain."[71]
[Footnote 71: See an account of a journey to the top of the Pic of
Teneriffe, in Sprat's History of the Royal Society, p.200, &c. Glas also
went to the top of it.--History of the Canary Islands, p. 252 to 259. In
the Philosophical Transactions, vol. xlvii. p. 353-356, we have
observations made, in going up the Pic of Teneriffe, by Dr T. Heberden.
The doctor makes its height, above the level of the sea, to be 2566
fathoms, or 15,396 English feet; and says, that this was confirmed by
two subsequent observations by himself, and another made by Mr Crosse,
the consul. And yet I find that the Chevalier de Borda, who measured the
height of this mountain in August 1776, makes it to be only 1931 French
toises, or 12,340 English feet. See Dr Forster's Observations during a
Voyage round the World, p. 32.--D.]
"To the eastward of Santa Cruz, the island appears perfectly barren.
Ridges of hills run toward the sea; between which ridges are deep
valleys, terminating at mountains or hills that ran across, and are
higher than the former. Those that run toward the sea, are marked by
impressions on their sides, which make them appear as a succession of
conic hills, with their tops very rugged. The higher ones that run
across, are more uniform in their appearance."
"In the forenoon of the 1st of August, after we had anchored in the
road, I went on shore to one of these valleys, with an intention to
reach the top of the remoter hills, which seemed covered with wood; but
time would not allow me to get farther than their foot. After walking
about three miles, I found no alteration in the appearance of the lower
hills, which produce great quantities of the _euphorbia Canariensis_. It
is surprising that this large succulent plant should thrive on so
burnt-up a soil. When broken which is easily done, the quantity of juice
is very great; and it might be supposed that, when dried, it would
shrivel to nothing; yet it is a pretty tough, though soft and light
wood. The people here believe its juice to be so caustic as to erode the
skin;[72] but I convinced them, though with much difficulty, to the
contrary, by thrusting my finger into the plant full of it, without
afterward wiping it off. They break down the bushes of _euphorbia_, and,
suffering them to dry, carry them home for fuel. I met with nothing else
growing there, but two or three small shrubs, and a few fig-trees near
the bottom of the valley."
[Footnote 72: Glas, p. 231, speaking of this plant, says, "that he
cannot imagine why the natives of the Canaries do not extract the juice,
and use it instead of pitch, for the bottoms of their boats." We now
learn from Mr Anderson their reason for not using it,--D].
"The basis of the hills is a heavy, compact, bluish stone, mixed with
some shining particles; and, on the surface, large masses of red friable
earth, or stone, are scattered about. I also often found the same
substance disposed in thick strata; and the little earth, strewed here
and there, was a blackish mould. There were likewise some pieces of
slag; one of which, from its weight and smooth surface, seemed almost
wholly metalline."
"The mouldering state of these hills is, doubtless, owing to the
perpetual action of the sun, which calcines their surface. This
mouldered part being afterward washed away by the heavy rains, perhaps
is the cause of their sides being so uneven. For, as the different
substances of which they are composed, are more or less easily affected
by the sun's heat, they will be carried away in the like proportions.
Hence, perhaps, the tops of the hills, being of the hardest rock, have
stood, while the other parts on a declivity have been destroyed. As I
have usually observed, that the tops of most mountains that are covered
with trees have a more uniform appearance, I am inclined to believe that
this is owing to their being shaded."
"The city of Santa Cruz, though not large, is tolerably well built. The
churches are not magnificent without; but within are decent, and
indifferently ornamented. They are inferior to some of the churches at
Madeira; but I imagine this rather arises from the different disposition
of the people, than from their inability to support them better. For the
private houses, and dress of the Spanish inhabitants of Santa Cruz, are
far preferable to those of the Portuguese at Madeira; who, perhaps, are
willing to strip themselves, that they may adorn their churches."
"Almost facing the stone pier at the landing-place, is a handsome marble
column lately put up, ornamented with some human figures, that do no
discredit to the artist; with an inscription in Spanish, to commemorate
the occasion of the erection, and the date."
"In the afternoon of the 2d, four of us hired mules to ride to the city
of Laguna,[73] so called from an adjoining lake, about four miles from
Santa Cruz. We arrived there between five and six in the evening; but
found a sight of it very unable to compensate for our trouble, as the
road was very bad, and the mules but indifferent. The place is, indeed,
pretty extensive, but scarcely deserves to be dignified with the name of
city. The disposition of its streets is very irregular; yet some of them
are of a tolerable breadth, and have some good houses. In general,
however, Laguna is inferior in appearance to Santa Cruz, though the
latter is but small, if compared with the former. We are informed,
likewise, that Laguna is declining fast; there being, at present, some
vineyards where houses formerly stood; whereas Santa Cruz is increasing
daily."
[Footnote 73: Its extended name is St Christobal de la Laguna; and it
used to be reckoned the capital of the island, the gentry and lawyers
living there; though the governor-general of the Canary Islands resides
at Santa Cruz, as being the centre of their trade, both with Europe and
America. See Glas's History, p. 248.--D.]
"The road leading from Santa Cruz to Laguna runs up a steep hill, which
is very barren; but, lower down, we saw some fig-trees, and several corn
fields. These are but small, and not thrown into ridges, as is practised
in England. Nor does it appear that they can raise any corn here without
great labour, as the ground is so encumbered with stones, that they are
obliged to collect and lay them in broad rows, or walls, in small
distances. The large hills that run to the S.W., appeared to be pretty
well furnished with trees. Nothing else worth noticing presented itself
during this excursion, except a few aloe plants in flower, near the side
of the road, and the cheerfulness of our guides, who amused us with
songs by the way."
"Most of the laborious work in this island is performed by mules; horses
being to appearance scarce, and chiefly reserved for the use of the
officers. They are of a small size, but well shaped and spirited. Oxen
are also employed to drag their casks along upon a large clumsy piece of
wood; and they are yoked by the head, though it doth not seem that this
has any peculiar advantage over our method of fixing the harness on the
shoulders. In my walks and excursions I saw some hawks, parrots which
are natives of the island, the sea-swallow or tern, sea-gulls,
partridges, wagtails, swallows, martins, blackbirds, and Canary-birds in
large flocks. There are also lizards of the common, and another sort;
some insects, as locusts; and three or four sorts of dragon flies."
"I had an opportunity of conversing with a sensible and well-informed
gentleman residing here, and whose veracity I have not the least reason
to doubt. From him I learnt some particulars, which, during the short
stay of three days, did not fall within my own observation. He informed
me, that a shrub is common here, agreeing exactly with the description
given by Tournefort and Linnaeus, of the tea shrub, as growing in China
and Japan. It is reckoned a weed, and he roots out thousands of them
every year from his vineyards. The Spaniards, however, of the island,
sometimes use it as tea, and ascribe to it all the qualities of that
imported from China. They also give it the name of tea; but what is
remarkable, they say it was found here when the islands were first
discovered."
"Another botanical curiosity, mentioned by him, is what they call the
impregnated lemon.[74] It is a perfect and distinct lemon, inclosed
within another, differing from the outer one only in being a little more
globular. The leaves of the tree that produces this sort, are much
longer than those of the common one; and it was represented to me as
being crooked, and not equal in beauty."
[Footnote 74: The writer of the Relation of Teneriffe, in Sprat's
History, p. 207, takes notice of this lemon as produced here, and calls
it _Pregnada_. Probably, _emprennada_, the Spanish word for impregnated,
is the name it goes by.--D.]
"From him I learnt also, that a certain sort of grape growing here, is
reckoned an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints; and the air and
climate, in general, are remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted
to give relief in such diseases. This he endeavoured to account for, by
its being always in one's power to procure a different temperature of
the air, by residing at different heights in the island; and he
expressed his surprise that the English physicians should never have
thought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead of
Nice or Lisbon. How much the temperature of the air varies here, I
myself could sensibly perceive, only in riding from Santa Cruz up to
Laguna; and you may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable. I was
assured that no person can live comfortably within a mile of the
perpendicular height of the Pic, after the month of August."[75]
[Footnote 75: This agrees with Dr T. Heberden's account, who says that
the sugar-loaf part of the mountain, or _la pericosa_, (as it is
called,) which is an eighth part of a league (or 1980 feet) to the top,
is covered with snow the greatest part of the year. See Philosophical
Transactions, as quoted above.--D.]
"Although some smoke constantly issues from near the top of the Pic,
they have had no earthquake or eruption of a volcano since 1704, when
the port of Garrachica, where much of their trade was formerly carried
on, was destroyed."[76]
[Footnote 76: This port was then filled up by the rivers of burning lava
that flowed into it from a volcano; insomuch that houses are now built
where ships formerly lay at anchor. See Glas's History, p. 244.--D.]
"Their trade, indeed, must be considered as very considerable; for they
reckon that forty thousand pipes of wine are annually made, the
greatest part of which is either consumed in the island, or made into
brandy, and sent to the Spanish West Indies.[77] About six thousand
pipes were exported every year to North America, while the trade with it
was uninterrupted; at present, they think not above half the quantity.
The corn they raise is, in general, insufficient to maintain the
inhabitants; but the deficiency used to be supplied by importation from
the North Americans, who took their wines in return."
[Footnote 77: Glas, p. 342, says, that they annually export no less than
fifteen thousand pipes of wine and brandy. In another place, p. 252, he
tells us, that the number of the inhabitants of Teneriffe, when the last
account was taken, was no less than 96,000. We may reasonably suppose
that there has been a considerable increase of population since Glas
visited the island, which is above thirty years ago. The quantity of
wine annually consumed, as the common beverage of at least one hundred
thousand persons, must amount to several thousand pipes. There must be a
vast expenditure of it, by conversion into brandy; to produce one pipe
of which, five or six pipes of wine must be distilled. An attention to
these particulars will enable every one to judge, that the account given
to Mr Anderson, of an annual produce of 40,000 pipes of wine, has a
foundation in truth.--D.]
"They make a little silk; but unless we reckon the filtering-stones,
brought in great numbers from Grand Canary, the wine is the only
considerable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe.'
"None of the race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniards
discovered the Canaries, now remain a distinct people;[78] having
intermarried with the Spanish settlers; but their descendants are known,
from their being remarkably tall, large-boned, and strong. The men are,
in general, of a tawny colour, and the women have a pale complexion,
entirely destitute of that bloom which distinguishes our northern
beauties. The Spanish custom of wearing black clothes continues amongst
them; but the men seem more indifferent about this, and in some measure
dress like the French. In other respects, we found the inhabitants of
Teneriffe to be a decent and very civil people, retaining that grave
cast which distinguishes those of their country from other European
nations. Although we do not think that there is a great similarity
between our manners and those of the Spaniards, it is worth observing,
that Omai did not think there was much difference. He only said, 'that
they seemed not so friendly as the English; and that, in their persons,
they approached those of his countrymen.'"
[Footnote 78: It was otherwise in Glas's time, when a few families of
the _Guanches_ (as they are called) remained still in Teneriffe, not
blended with the Spaniards. Glas, p. 240.--D.]
SECTION III.
_Departure from Teneriffe.--Danger of the Ship near Bonavista.--Isle of
Mayo.--Port Praya.--Precautions against the Rain and sultry Weather in
the Neighbourhood of the Equator.--Position of the Coast of
Brazil.--Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.--Transactions
there.--Junction of the Discovery.--Mr Anderson's Journey up the
Country.--Astronomical Observations,--Nautical Remarks on the Passage
from England to the Cape, with regard to the Currents and the
Variation_.
Having completed our water, and got on board every other thing we wanted
at Teneriffe, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, and proceeded on
our voyage, with a fine gale at N.E.
At nine o'clock in the evening on the 10th,[79] we saw the island of
Bonavista bearing south, distant little more than a league; though, at
this time, we thought ourselves much farther off: But this proved a
mistake. For, after hauling to the eastward till twelve o'clock, to
clear the sunken rocks that lie about a league from the S.E. point of
the island, we found ourselves, at that time, close upon them, and did
but just weather the breakers. Our situation, for a few minutes, was
very alarming. I did not choose to sound, as that might have heightened
the danger, without any possibility of lessening it. I make the north
end of the island of Bonavista to lie in the latitude of 16° 17' N., and
in the longitude of 22° 59' W.
[Footnote 79: As a proof of Captain Cook's attention, both to the
discipline and to the health of his ship's company, it may be worth
while to observe here, that it appears from his log-book, he exercised
them at great guns and small arms, and cleaned and smoked the ship
betwixt decks, twice in the interval between the 4th and the 10th of
August.--D.]
As soon as we were clear of the rocks, we steered S.S.W., till day-break
next morning, and then hauled to the westward, to go between Bonavista
and the isle of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for the
Discovery, as I had told Captain Clerke that I should touch there, and
did not know how soon he might sail after me. At one in the afternoon,
we saw the rocks that lie on the S.W. side of Bonavista, bearing S.E.,
distant three or four leagues.
Next morning, at six o'clock, the isle of Mayo bore S.S.E., distant
about five leagues. In this situation we sounded, and found ground at
sixty fathoms. At the same time the variation, by the mean of several
azimuths taken with three different compasses, was 9° 32 1/2' W. At
eleven o'clock, one extreme of Mayo bore E. by N., and the other S.E. by
S. In this position, two roundish hills appeared near its N.E. part;
farther on, a large and higher hill; and, at about two-thirds of its
length, a single one that is peaked. At the distance we now saw this
island, which was three or four miles, there was not the least
appearance of vegetation, nor any relief to the eye from that lifeless
brown which prevails in countries under the Torrid Zone that are
unwooded.
Here I cannot help remarking that Mr Nichelson, in his Preface to
"Sundry Remarks and Observations made in a Voyage to the East
Indies,"[80] tells us, that "with eight degrees west variation, or any
thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands
night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to
the eastward of them." Such an assertion might prove of dangerous
consequence, were there any that would implicitly trust to it. We also
tried the current, and found one setting S.W. by W., something more than
half a mile an hour. We had reason to expect this, from the differences
between the longitude given by the watch and dead reckoning, which,
since our leaving Teneriffe, amounted to one degree.
[Footnote 80: On board his majesty's ship Elizabeth, from 1758 to 1764;
by William Nichelson, master of the said ship.--London, 1773.]
While we were amongst these islands, we had light breezes of wind,
varying from the S.E. to E., and some calms. This shews that the Cape de
Verde islands are either extensive enough to break the current of the
trade wind, or that they are situated just beyond its verge, in that
space where the variable winds, found on getting near the Line, begin.
The first supposition, however, is the most probable, as Dampier found
the wind westerly here in the month of February; at which time the trade
wind is supposed to extend farthest toward the equinoctial.[81] The
weather was hot and sultry, with some rain; and, for the most part, a
dull whiteness prevailed in the sky, that seems a medium between fog and
clouds. In general, the tropical regions seldom enjoy that clear
atmosphere observable where variable winds blow; nor does the sun shine
with such brightness. This circumtance, however, seems an advantage; for
otherwise, perhaps, the rays of the sun, being uninterrupted, would
render the heat quite unsupportable. The nights are, nevertheless, often
clear and serene.
[Footnote 81: Dampier's Voyages, vol. iii. p.10.--Captain Krusenstern
appears to be of the same opinion, as to the Cape de Verde islands being
of sufficient magnitude to alter the direction of the trade winds,
remarking that S.W. winds are frequently met with there, and that if
they are not, the wind is always very moderate in their vicinity. He
recommends vessels, on their passage to the equator, to take their
course to the westward of these islands, so as to cross the parallel of
17°, or that of the island of Antonio in 26-1/2°, or even that of 27°,
and then to steer S.E. by S. directly to the equator. He further
advises, that, if possible, the passage of the Line be effected in 20°
or 21°, as then there is the advantage of a directly free wind as soon
as the S.E. trade sets in, and of course the ship gets quicker to the
southward. But this can rarely be done. He himself crossed the equator
in 24° 20' W., after a passage of thirty days from Santa Cruz. Ships, he
informs us, when crossing in a more westerly direction than 25° and 26°,
have been driven by strong currents, and a too southerly trade wind, so
near the coast of Brazil, as not to be able to clear Cape St Augustin.
The present opportunity is taken of mentioning, that this very cautious
and intelligent navigator agrees, in general, with Cook, as to
Nichelson's rule. "His instructions for crossing the Line, on the voyage
to India, with 6° 30' and 7° 00' west variation, but in returning to
Europe, with eight degrees, might have been of use forty years ago, when
the method of finding the longitude at sea by distances of the sun and
moon was known to very few navigators, and for a time no great error was
committed by pursuing them; but at present a variation of seven degrees
would hardly be found on the coast of Africa."--The reason is, as the
scientific reader must know, that the variation has been on the western
increase since the period alluded to. Thus Nichelson found it at St
Helena, in 1764, to be 11° 38', and Captain Krusenstern, in 1806, a
space of forty-two years, 17° 18' 10".--E.]
At nine o'clock in the morning of the 13th, we arrived before Port
Praya, in the island of St Jago, where we saw two Dutch East India
ships, and a small brigantine, at anchor. As the Discovery was not
there, and we had expended but little water in our passage from
Teneriffe, I did not think proper to go in, but stood to the southward.
Some altitudes of the sun were now taken, to ascertain the true time.
The longitude by the watch, deduced therefrom, was 23° 48' west; the
little island in the bay bore W.N.W., distant near three miles, which
will make its longitude 23° 51'. The same watch, on my late voyage, made
the longitude to be 23° 30' W.; and we observed the latitude to be 14°
53' 30" N.
The day after we left the Cape de Verde islands, we lost the N.E. trade
wind; but did not get that which blows from the S.E. till the 30th, when
we were in the latitude of 2° north, and in the twenty-fifth degree of
west longitude.
During this interval,[82] the wind was mostly in the S.W. quarter.
Sometimes it blew fresh, and in squalls; but for the most part a gentle
breeze. The calms were few, and of short duration. Between the latitude
of 12° and of 7° N., the weather was generally dark and gloomy, with
frequent rains, which enabled us to save as much water as filled most of
our empty casks.
[Footnote 82: On the 18th, I sunk a bucket with a thermometer seventy
fathoms below the surface of the sea, where it remained two minutes; and
it took three minutes more to haul it up. The mercury in the thermometer
was at 66, which before, in the air, stood at 78, and in the surface of
the sea at 79. The water which came up in the bucket, contained, by Mr
Cavendish's table, 1/25, 7 part salt; and that at the surface of the sea
1/29, 4. As this last was taken up after a smart shower of rain, it
might be lighter on that account.--_Captain Cook's log-book_.]
These rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them, too often
bring on sickness in this passage. Every bad consequence, at least, is
to be apprehended from them; and commanders of ships cannot be too much
upon their guard, by purifying the air between decks with fires and
smoke, and by obliging the people to dry their clothes at every
opportunity. These precautions were constantly observed on board the
Resolution[83] and Discovery; and we certainly profited by them, for we
had now fewer sick than on either of my former voyages. We had, however,
the mortification to find our ship exceedingly leaky in all her upper
works. The hot and sultry weather we had just passed through, had opened
her seams, which had been badly caulked at first, so wide, that they
admitted the rain-water through as it fell. There was hardly a man that
could lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were all
driven out of their cabins, by the water that came through the sides.
The sails in the sail-room got wet; and before we had weather to dry
them, many of them were much damaged, and a great expence of canvas and
of time became necessary to make them in some degree serviceable. Having
experienced the same defect in our sail-rooms on my late voyage, it had
been represented to the yard-officers, who undertook to remove it. But
it did not appear to me that any thing had been done to remedy the
complaint. To repair these defects the caulkers were set to work, as
soon as we got into fair and settled weather, to caulk the decks and
inside weather-works of the ship; for I would not trust them over the
sides while we were at sea.
[Footnote 83: The particulars are mentioned in his log-book. On the 14th
of August a fire was made in the well, to air the ship below. On the
15th, the spare sails were aired upon deck, and a fire made to air the
sail-room. On the 17th, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks, and the
bread-room aired with fires. On the 21st, cleaned and smoked betwixt
decks; and on the 22d, the men's bedding was spread on deck to air.--D.]
On the first of September[84] we crossed the equator, in the longitude
of 27° 38' W., with a fine gale at S.E. by S.; and notwithstanding my
apprehensions of falling in with the coast of Brazil in stretching to
the S.W., I kept the ship a full point from the wind. However, I found
my fears were ill-grounded; for on drawing near that coast, we met with
the wind more and more easterly; so that, by the time we were in the
latitude of 10° S., we could make a south-easterly course good.
[Footnote 84: The afternoon, as appears from Mr Anderson's Journal, was
spent in performing the old and ridiculous ceremony of ducking those who
had not crossed the equator before. Though Captain Cook did not suppress
the custom, he thought it too trifling to deserve the least mention of
it in his Journal, or even in his log-book. Pernetty, the writer of
Bougainville's Voyage to the Falkland Islands, in 1763 and 1764, thought
differently; for his account of the celebration of this childish
festival on board his ship, is extended through seventeen pages, and
makes the subject of an entire chapter, under the title of _Baptême de
la Ligne_.
It may be worth while to transcribe his introduction to the description
of it. "C'est un usage qui ne remonte pas plus haut que ce voyage
célébre de Gama, qui a fourni au Camoens le sujet de la Lusiade. L'idée
qu'on ne sçauroit être un bon marin, sans avoir traversé l'Equateur,
l'ennui inséparable d'une longue navigation, un certain esprit
republicain qui regne dans toutes les petites societés, peut-être toutes
ces causes reunies, ont pu donner naissance à ces especes de saturnales.
Quoiqu'il en soi, elles furent adoptées, en un instant, dans toutes les
nations, et les hommes les plus eclairés furent obligés de se soumettre
à une coutume dont ils reconnoissoient l'absurdité. Car, partout, dès
que le peuple parle, il faut que le sage se mette à l'unison."--_Histoire
d'un Voyage aux Isles Malouines_, p. 107, 108.--D.]
On the 8th, we were in the latitude of 8° 57' S.; which is a little to
the southward of Cape St Augustine, on the coast of Brazil. Our
longitude, deduced from a very great number of lunar observations, was
34° 16' W.; and by the watch, 34° 47'. The former is 1° 43', and the
latter 2° 14' more westerly than the island of Fernando de Noronha, the
situation of which was pretty well determined during my late voyage.
Hence I concluded that we could not now be farther from the continent
than twenty or thirty leagues at most; and perhaps not much less, as we
neither had soundings nor any other signs of land. Dr Halley, however,
in his voyage, published by Mr Dalrymple, tells us,[85] that "he made no
more than one hundred and two miles, meridian distance, from the island
[Fernando de Noronha] to the coast of Brazil;" and seems to think that
"currents could not be the whole cause" of his making so little. But I
rather think that he was mistaken, and that the currents had hurried him
far to the westward of his intended course. This was, in some measure,
confirmed by our own observations; for we had found, during three or
four days preceding the 8th, that the currents set to the westward; and,
during the last twenty-four hours, it had set strong to the northward,
as we experienced a difference of twenty-nine miles between our observed
latitude and that by dead reckoning. Upon the whole, till some better
astronomical observations are made on shore on the eastern coast of
Brazil, I shall conclude that its longitude is thirty-five degrees and a
half, or thirty-six degrees W., at most.
[Footnote 85: Page 11.]
We proceeded on our voyage, without meeting with any thing of note, till
the 6th of October. Being then in the latitude of 35° 15' S., longitude
7° 45' W., we met with light airs and calms by turns, for three days
successively. We had, for some days before, seen albatrosses, pintadoes,
and other petrels; and here we saw three penguins, which occasioned us
to sound; but we found no ground with a line of one hundred and fifty
fathoms. We put a boat in the water, and shot a few birds; one of which
was a black petrel, about the size of a crow, and, except as to the bill
and feet, very like one. It had a few white feathers under the throat;
and the under-side of the quill-feathers were of an ash-colour. All the
other feathers were jet black, as also the bill and legs.
On the 8th, in the evening, one of those birds which sailors call
noddies, settled on our rigging, and was caught. It was something larger
than an English black-bird, and nearly as black, except the upper part
of the head, which was white, looking as if it were powdered; the
whitest feathers growing out from the base of the upper bill, from which
they gradually assumed a darker colour, to about the middle of the upper
part of the neck, where the white shade was lost in the black, without
being divided by any line. It was web-footed; had black legs and a black
bill, which was long, and not unlike that of a curlew. It is said these
birds never fly far from land. We knew of none nearer the station we
were in, than Gough's or Richmond Island, from which our distance could
not be less than one hundred leagues. But it must be observed that the
Atlantic Ocean, to the southward of this latitude, has been but little
frequented; so that there may be more islands there than we are
acquainted with.
We frequently, in the night, saw those luminous marine animals mentioned
and described in my first voyage. Some of them seemed to be considerably
larger than any I had before met with; and sometimes they were so
numerous, that hundreds were visible at the same moment.
This calm weather was succeeded by a fresh gale from the N.W., which
lasted two days. Then we had again variable light airs for about
twenty-four hours; when the N.W. wind returned, and blew with such
strength, that on the 17th we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope; and
the next day anchored in Table Bay, in four fathoms water, with the
church bearing S.W. 1/4 S., and Green Point N.W. 1/4 W.
As soon as we had received the usual visit from the master attendant and
the surgeon, I sent an officer to wait on Baron Plettenberg, the
governor; and, on his return, saluted the garrison with thirteen guns,
which compliment was returned with the same number.
We found in the bay two French East India ships; the one outward, and
the other homeward bound. And two or three days before our arrival,
another homeward-bound ship of the same nation had parted from her
cable, and been driven on shore at the head of the bay, where she was
lost. The crew were saved; but the greatest part of the cargo shared the
same fate with the ship, or (which amounted to the same) was plundered
and stolen by the inhabitants, either out of the ship, or as it was
driven or carried on shore. This is the account the French officers gave
to me; and the Dutch themselves could not deny the fact. But, by way of
excusing themselves from being guilty of a crime disgraceful to every
civilized state, they endeavoured to lay the whole blame on the French
captain, for not applying in time for a guard.
As soon as we had saluted, I went on shore, accompanied by some of my
officers, and waited on the Governor, the Lieutenant-Governor, the
Fiscal, and the Commander of the troops. These gentlemen received me
with the greatest civility; and the Governor, in particular, promised me
every assistance that the place afforded. At the same time I obtained
his leave to set up our observatory on any spot I should think most
convenient; to pitch tents for the sail-makers and coopers; and to
bring the cattle on shore, to graze near our encampment. Before I
returned on board, I ordered soft bread, fresh meat, and greens, to be
provided, every day, for the ship's company.
On the 22d, we set up the tents and observatory, and began to send the
several articles out of the ship which I wanted on shore. This could not
be done sooner, as the militia of the place were exercising on, or near,
the ground which we were to occupy.
The next day, we began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order
to ascertain the rate of the watch, or, which is the same thing, to find
whether it had altered its rate. These observations were continued every
day, whenever the weather would permit, till the time of our departure
drew near. But before this, the caulkers had been set to work to caulk
the ship; and I had concerted measures with Messrs Brandt and Chiron,
for supplying both ships with such provisions as I should want. Bakers,
likewise, had been ordered, immediately after our arrival, to bake such
a quantity of bread as I thought would be requisite. As fast as the
several articles destined for the Resolution were got ready, they were
carried on board.
On the 26th, the French ship sailed for Europe, and by her we sent
letters to England. The next day, the Hampshire East India ship, from
Bencoolen, anchored in the bay, and saluted us with thirteen guns, which
we returned with eleven.
Nothing remarkable happened till the evening of the 31st, when it came
on to blow excessively hard at S.E., and continued for three days;
during which time there was no communication between the ship and the
shore. The Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out the
gale without dragging her anchors. We felt its effects as sensibly on
shore. Our tents and observatory were torn to pieces; and our
astronomical quadrant narrowly escaped irreparable damage. On the 3d of
November the storm ceased, and the next day we resumed our different
employments.
On the 6th, the Hampshire India ship sailed for England. In her I sent
home an invalid, whom Captain Trimble was so obliging as to receive on
board. I was afterward sorry that I had not availed myself of this
opportunity to part with two or three more of my crew, who were troubled
with different complaints; but, at this time, there was some hope of
their health being re-established.
In the morning of the 10th, the Discovery arrived in the bay. Captain
Clerke informed me that he had sailed from Plymouth on the 1st of
August, and should have been with us here a week sooner, if the gale of
wind had not blown him off the coast. Upon the whole, he was seven days
longer in his passage from England than we had been. He had the
misfortune to lose one of his marines, by falling overboard; but there
had been no other mortality amongst his people, and they now arrived
well and healthy.
Captain Clerke having represented to me that his ship was in want of
caulking; that no time might be lost in repairing this defect, next day
I sent all my workmen on board her, having already completed this
service on board the Resolution. I lent every other assistance to the
captain to expedite his supply of provisions and water, having given him
an order to receive on board as much of both articles as he could
conveniently stow. I now found that the bakers had failed in baking the
bread I had ordered for the Discovery. They pretended a want of flour;
but the truth was, they were doubtful of her coming, and did not care to
begin till they saw her at anchor in the bay.
I have before made mention of our getting our cattle on shore. The bull
and two cows, with their calves, were sent to graze along with some
other cattle; but I was advised to keep our sheep, sixteen in number,
close to our tents, where they were penned up every night. During the
night preceding the 14th, some dogs having got in amongst them, forced
them out of the pen, killing four, and dispersing the rest. Six of them
were recovered the next day; but the two rams, and two of the finest
ewes in the whole flock, were amongst those missing. Baron Plettenberg
being now in the country, I applied to the Lieutenant-Governor, Mr
Hemmy, and to the Fiscal. Both these gentlemen promised to use their
endeavours for the recovery of the lost sheep. The Dutch, we know,
boasted that the police at the Cape was so carefully executed, that it
was hardly possible for a slave, with all his cunning and knowledge of
the country, to effectuate his escape. Yet my sheep evaded all the
vigilance of the Fiscal's officers and people. However, after much
trouble and expence, by employing some of the meanest and lowest
scoundrels in the place (who, to use the phrase of the person who
recommended this method to me, would, for a ducatoon, cut their master's
throat, burn the house over his head, and bury him and the whole family
in the ashes), I recovered them all but the two ewes. Of these I never
could bear the least tidings; and I gave over all enquiry after them,
when I was told that, since I had got the two rams, I might think
myself very well off. One of these, however, was so much hurt by the
dogs, that there was reason to believe he would never recover.
Mr Hemmy very obligingly offered to make up this loss, by giving me a
Spanish ram, out of some that he had sent for from Lisbon. But I
declined the offer, under a persuasion that it would answer my purpose
full as well, to take with me some of the Cape rams: the event proved
that I was under a mistake. This gentleman had taken some pains to
introduce European sheep at the Cape; but his endeavours, as he told me,
had been frustrated by the obstinacy of the country people, who held
their own breed in greater estimation, on account of their large tails,
of the fat of which, they sometimes made more money than of the whole
carcase besides; and who thought that the wool of European sheep would,
by no means, make up for their deficiency in this respect.[86] Indeed, I
have heard some sensible men here make the same observation. And there
seems to be foundation for it. For, admitting that European sheep were
to produce wool of the same quality here as in Europe, which experience
has shewn not to be the case, the Dutch had not hands, at the Cape of
Good Hope, to spare for the manufacturing even their own clothing. It is
certain that, were it not for the continual importation of slaves, this
settlement would have been thinner of people than any other inhabited
part of the world.
[Footnote 86: "The most remarkable thing in the Cape sheep, is the
length and thickness of their tails, which weigh from fifteen to twenty
pounds. The fat is not so tallowish as that of European mutton, and the
poorer sort use it for butter."--_Kolben's Cape of Good Hope_ (English
translation), vol. ii. p. 65. De la Caille, who finds every thing wrong
in Kolben, says, the weight of the tails of the Cape sheep is not above
five or six pounds.--_Voyage de la Caille_, p. 343. If the information
given to Captain Cook may be depended upon, it will prove, that, in this
instance at least, Kolben is unjustly accused of exaggeration.--D.
According to Mr Bingley and others, the tail of this sheep sometimes
weighs nearly one-third of the whole carcase, and consists of a
substance intermediate betwixt fat and marrow, which is often used
instead of butter. The fleeces are very fine, long and beautiful; and,
in Thibet, where the breed is also found, are worked into shawls. A
similar breed is said to be found in other countries, as Barbary,
Ethiopia, the vicinity of Aleppo, Persia, and Asiatic Russia. Kolben's
account is conceived to be perfectly credible.--E.]
While the ships were getting ready for the prosecution of our voyage,
some of our officers made an excursion to take a view of the
neighbouring country. Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who was one of the party,
gave me the following relation of their proceedings.[87]
[Footnote 87: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxvi. p. 268 to
319, is an Account of Three Journies from the Cape Town into the
Southern Parts of Africa, in 1772, 1773, and 1774; by Mr Francis Masson,
who had been sent from England for the discovery of new plants, towards
the improvement of the Royal Botanical Garden at Kew. Much curious
information is contained in Mr Masson's account of these journies. M. de
Pagés, who was at the Cape in 1773, gives some remarks on the state of
that settlement, and also the particulars of his journey from False Bay
to the Cape Town.--_Voyage vers le Pole du Sud_, p. 17 to 32.--D.
It is unnecessary to apprise the reader, that our acquaintance with the
Cape has been most materially increased since the date of this
publication, and that several travellers have devoted their labours to
the illustration of its natural history.--E.]
"On the 16th, in the forenoon, I set out in a waggon, with five more, to
take a view of some part of the country. We crossed the large plain that
lies to the eastward of the town, which is entirely a white sand, like
that commonly found on beaches, and produces only heath, and other small
plants of various sorts. At five in the afternoon we passed a large
farm-house, with some corn-fields, and pretty considerable vineyards,
situated beyond the plain, near the foot of some low hills, where the
soil becomes worth cultivating. Between six and seven we arrived at
Stellenbosh, the colony next to that of the Cape for its importance.
"The village does not consist of more than thirty houses, and stands at
the foot of the range of lofty mountains, above twenty miles to the
eastward of the Cape Town. The houses are neat; and, with the advantage
of a rivulet which runs near, and the shelter of some large oaks,
planted at its first settling, forms what may be called a rural prospect
in this desert country. There are some vineyards and orchards about the
place, which, from their thriving appearance, seem to indicate an
excellent soil; though, perhaps, they owe much to climate, as the air
here has an uncommon serenity.
"I employed the next day in searching for plants and insects about
Stellenbosh, but had little success. Few plants are in flower here at
this season, and insects but scarce. I examined the soil in several
places, and found it to consist of yellowish clay, mixed with a good
deal of sand. The sides of the low hills, which appear brown, seem to be
constituted of a sort of stone marl.
"We left Stellenbosh next morning, and soon arrived at the house we had
passed on Saturday; the owner of which, Mr Cloeder, had sent us an
invitation the evening before to visit him. This gentleman entertained
us with the greatest hospitality, and in a manner very different from
what we expected. He received us with music, and a band also played
while we were at dinner; which, considering the situation of the place,
might be reckoned elegant. He shewed us his wine-cellars, his orchards,
and vineyards; all which, I must own, inspired me with a wish to know in
what manner these industrious people could create such plenty, in a spot
where, I believe, no other European nation would have attempted to
settle.
"In the afternoon we crossed the country, and passed a few plantations,
one of which seemed very considerable, and was laid out in a taste
somewhat different from any other we saw. In the evening we arrived at a
farm-house, which is the first in the cultivated tract called the Pearl.
We had, at the same time, a view of Drakenstein, the third colony of
this country, which lies along by the foot of the lofty hills already
mentioned, and contains several farms or plantations, not very
extensive.
"I went, on the 19th in the forenoon, in quest of plants and insects,
which I found almost as scarce as at Stellenbosh; but I met with more
shrubs or small trees, naturally produced, in the valleys, than in any
part of the country I had hitherto seen.
"In the afternoon we went to see a stone of a remarkable size, called by
the inhabitants the Tower of Babylon, or the Pearl Diamond.[88] It lies,
or stands, upon the top of some low hills, at the foot of which our
farm-house was situated; and though the road to it is neither very steep
nor rugged, we were above an hour and a half in walking to it. It is of
an oblong shape, rounded on the top, and lies nearly S. and N. The E.
and W. sides are steep, and almost perpendicular. The S. end is likewise
steep, and its greatest height is there; from whence it declines gently
to the N. part, by which we ascended to its top, and had an extensive
view of the whole country.
[Footnote 88: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii, part i. p.
102, we have a letter from Mr Anderson to Sir John Pringle, describing
this remarkable stone. The account sent home from the Cape, and read
before the Royal Society, is much the same with that now published, but
rather fuller. In particular, he tells Sir John, that he went to see it
at Mr Masson's desire, who probably had not had an opportunity of
sufficiently examining it himself. In the account of his journies above
referred to, p. 270, he only says, "there are two large solid rocks on
the Perel Berg, each of which (he believes) is more than a mile in
circumference at the base, and upwards of 200 feet high. Their surfaces
are nearly smooth, without chink or fissures; and they are found to be a
species of granite, different from that which composes the neighbouring
mountains."
Mr Anderson having, with his letter to Sir John Pringle, also sent home
a specimen of the rock, it was examined by Sir William Hamilton, whose
opinion is, that "this singular, immense fragment of granite, most
probably has been raised by a volcanic explosion, or some such cause."
See his Letter to Sir John Pringle, annexed to Mr Anderson's, in the
Philosophical Transactions.--D.]
"Its circumference, I think, must be at least half a mile, as it took us
above half an hour to walk round it, including every allowance for the
bad road, and stopping a little. At its highest part, which is the S.
end, comparing it with a known object, it seems to equal the dome of St
Paul's church. It is one uninterrupted mass of stone, if we except some
fissures, or rather impressions, not above three or four feet deep, and
a vein which runs across near its N. end. It is of that sort of stone
called, by mineralogists, _Saxum conglutinatum_, and consists chiefly of
pieces of coarse quartz and glimmer, held together by a clayey cement.
But the vein which crosses it, though of the same materials, is much
compacter. This vein is not above a foot broad or thick; and its surface
is cut into little squares or oblongs, disposed obliquely, which makes
it look like the remains of some artificial work. But I could not
observe whether it penetrated far into the large rock, or was only
superficial. In descending, we found at its foot a very rich black
mould; and on the sides of the hills some trees of a considerable size,
natives of the place, which are a species of _olea_.[89]
[Footnote 89: "It is strange that neither Kolben nor de la Caille should
have thought the Tower of Babylon worthy of a particular description.
The former [vol. ii. p. 52, 53, English translation] only mentions it as
a high mountain. The latter contents himself with telling us, that it
is a very low hillock, _un tres bas monticule. Voyage de la Caille_, p.
341. We are much obliged to Mr Anderson for his very accurate account of
this remarkable rock, which agrees with Mr Sonnerat's, who was at the
Cape of Good Hope so late as 1781. His words are, "La Montagne de la
_Perle_, merite d'être observée. C'est un des plus hautes des environs
du Cap. Elle n'est composée que d'un seul bloc de granit crevassé dans
plusieurs endroits." _Voyage aux Indes_, tom. ii. p. 91.
Mr Sonnerat tells us, that Mr Gordon, commander of the troops at the
Cape, had lately made three journies up the country, from which, when he
publishes his journal, we may expect much curious information.--D.]
"In the morning of the 20th we set out from the Pearl; and going a
different road from that by which we came, passed through a country
wholly uncultivated, till we got to the Tiger hills, when some tolerable
corn-fields appeared. At noon we stopped in a hollow for refreshment,
but, in walking about here, were plagued with a vast number of
musquitoes or sand-flies, which were the first I saw in the country. In
the afternoon we set out again, and in the evening arrived at the Cape
Town, tired with the jolting waggon."
On the 23d we got on board the observatory, clock, &c. By a mean of the
several results of the equal altitudes of the sun, taken with the
astronomical quadrant, the astronomical clock was found to lose on
sidereal time, 1' 8",368 each day. The pendulum was kept at the same
length as at Greenwich, where the daily loss of the clock on sidereal
time was 4".
The watch, by the mean of the results of fifteen days observations, was
found to be losing 2",261, on mean time, each day, which is 1",052 more
than at Greenwich; and on the 21st, at noon, she was too slow for mean
time by 1'h 20' 57",66. From this 6' 48",956 is to be subtracted, for
what she was too slow on the 11th of June at Greenwich, and her daily
rate since; and the remainder, viz. 1° 14' 8",704, or 18° 32' 10", will
be the longitude of the Cape Town by the watch. Its true longitude, as
found by Messrs Masson and Dixon, is 18° 23' 15". As our observations
were made about half a mile to the E. of theirs, the error of the watch
in longitude is no more than 8' 25". Hence we have reason to conclude,
that she had gone well all the way from England, and that the longitude,
thus given, may be nearer the truth than any other.
If this be admitted, it will, in a great measure, enable me to find the
direction and strength of the currents we met with on this passage from
England. For, by comparing the latitude and longitude by dead reckoning
with those by observation and the watch, we shall, from time to time,
have, very accurately, the error of the ship's reckoning, be the cause
what it will. But as all imaginable care was taken in heaving, and
keeping the log, and every necessary allowance made for lee-way, heave
of the sea, and other such circumstances, I cannot attribute those
errors that did happen to any other cause but currents; but more
particularly when the error was constantly the same way for several days
successively.
On the contrary, if we find the ship a-head of the reckoning on one day,
and a-stern of it on another, we have reason to believe that such errors
are owing to accidental causes, and not to currents. This seems to have
been the case in our passage between England and Teneriffe. But, from
the time of our leaving that island, till the 15th of August, being then
in the latitude of 12° N. and longitude 24° W. the ship was carried 1°
20' of longitude to the westward of her reckoning. At this station the
currents took a contrary direction, and set to E.S.E. at the rate of
twelve or fourteen miles a day, or twenty-four hours, till we arrived
into the latitude of 5° N. and longitude of 20° W.; which was our most
easterly situation after leaving the Cape de Verde Islands till we got
to the southward. For in this situation the wind came southerly, and we
tacked and stretched to the westward; and, for two or three days, could
not find that our reckoning was affected by any current. So that I
judged we were between the current that generally, if not constantly,
sets to the east upon the coast of Guinea, and that which sets to the
west toward the coast of Brazil. This westerly current was not
considerable till we got into 2° N. and 25° W. From this station to 3°
S. and 30° W. the ship, in the space of four days, was carried 115 miles
in the direction of S.W. by W. beyond her reckoning; an error by far too
great to have any other cause but a strong current running in the same
direction. Nor did its strength abate here; but its course was afterward
more westerly, and to the N. of W., and off Cape Augustine N. as I have
already mentioned. But this northerly current did not exist at twenty or
thirty leagues to the southward of that Cape, nor any other, that I
could perceive, in the remaining part of the passage. The little
difference we afterward found between the reckoning and observations,
might very well happen without the assistance of currents, as will
appear by the table of Day's Works.[90]
[Footnote 90: The curious reader will find some interesting, though not
decisive, remarks concerning the currents of the Atlantic Ocean in
Clerke's Prog. of Mar. Disc. vol. i. p. 358.--E.]
In the accounts of my last voyage, I remarked, that the currents one
meets with in his passage generally balance each other. It happened so
then, because we crossed the Line about 20° more to the eastward than we
did now; so that we were, of consequence, longer under the influence of
the easterly current, which made up for the westerly one. And this, I
apprehend, will generally be the case, if you cross the Line 10° or 15°
to the E. of the meridian of St Jago.
From these remarks I shall draw the following conclusion, that after
passing the Cape de Verde Islands, if you do not make above 4° or 5°
easting, and cross the Line in, or to the westward of, the meridian of
St Jago, you may expect to find your ship 3° or 4° to the westward of
her reckoning by the time you get into the latitude of 10° S. If, on the
other hand, you keep well to the E. and cross the Line 15° or 20° to the
E. of St Jago, you will be then as much to the E. of your reckoning; and
the more you keep to the eastward, the greater will be your error, as
has been experienced by some India ships, whose people have found
themselves close upon the coast of Angola, when they thought its
distance was above 200 leagues.
During the whole of our passage from England, no opportunity was omitted
of observing, with all the attention and accuracy that circumstances
would permit, the variation of the compass, which I have inserted in a
table, with the latitude and longitude of the ship at the time of
observation. As the longitude may be depended upon, to a quarter or half
a degree at most, this table will be of use to those navigators who
correct their reckoning by the variation. It will also enable Mr Dun to
correct his new Variation Chart, a thing very much wanted.
It seems strange to me, that the advocates for the variation should not
agree amongst themselves. We find one[91] of them telling us, as I have
already observed, "that with 8° W. variation, or any thing above that,
you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands by night or day,
being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of
them." Another, in his chart,[92] lays down this variation ninety
leagues to the westward of them. Such a disagreement as this, is a
strong proof of the uncertainty of both. However, I have no doubt the
former found here, as well as in other places, the variation he
mentions. But he should have considered, that at sea, nay even on land,
the results of the most accurate observations will not always be the
same. Different compasses will give different variations; and even the
same compass will differ from itself two degrees, without our being able
to discover, much less to remove, the cause.
[Footnote 91: Nichelson.]
[Footnote 92: Mr Dun.]
Whoever imagines he can find the variation within a degree, will very
often see himself much deceived. For, besides the imperfection which may
be in the construction of the instrument, or in the power of the needle,
it is certain that the motion of the ship, or attraction of the
iron-work, or some other cause not yet discovered, will frequently
occasion far greater errors than this. That the variation may be found,
with a share of accuracy more than sufficient to determine the ship's
course, is allowed; but that it can be found so exactly as to fix the
longitude within a degree, or sixty miles, I absolutely deny.[93]
[Footnote 93: Few readers, it is presumed, require to be informed, that
the mode of endeavouring to ascertain the longitude by the variation of
the compass is no longer in use. In a work already referred to, Clerke's
Prog. of Mar. Disc., a singular enough communication is inserted
respecting the effect of tallow on the compass. It is subscribed by
Lieutenant Mason of the marines; but whether the experiments it relates
have been repeated by others, or if the inference it maintains has been
otherwise confirmed, the writer has yet to learn. He thought it right,
however, to notice it, as the more extensively hints are spread which
concern the advancement of useful discovery, the greater chance we have
of correcting errors, and perfecting science, The same reason justifies
his remarking, that the most important observations respecting the
variation of the compass made of late years, are those of Captain
Flinders, as to the effect of the ship's course upon it. The reader will
find them in the appendix to the account of his voyage lately published,
2d volume. Similar observations have still more recently been made by an
officer on board his majesty's ship Sibyl, while in the North Sea
protecting our Greenland fishery. They form an appendix to the Account
of a Voyage to Spitzbergen, by Mr John Laing, Surgeon, published at
Edinburgh, 1815. Of their importance and accuracy, notwithstanding the
small scale on which they were made, and the meagre manner in which they
have been communicated, it is impossible for a moment to doubt. The
concluding remark is entitled to considerable regard.--"After a more
enlarged series of observations shall have been taken, and after the
attention of astronomers is directed to this fact, one may confidently
expect a most important improvement in the science of navigation." The
value of the discovery alluded to, will at once appear from what is said
in the way of enquiry as to similar observations to those made in the
North Sea applying to ships coming from the Baltic, viz. that if so,
"they most effectually account for ships getting down on the coast of
Holland, when they suppose themselves well over in Mid-channel; and
therefore prove the loss of so many of our brave tars when coming from
that sea."--P. 163. As a paper, containing Captain Flinders's
observations on this subject, had been sent to the officer who makes
this communication, by the Lords of the Admiralty, it is reasonable to
expect that official agency is engaged to benefit the world by maturing
he discovery.--E.]
SECTION IV.
_The two Ships leave the Cape of Good Hope.--Two Islands, named Prince
Edwards, seen, and their Appearance described.--Kerguelen's Land
visited.--Arrival in Christmas Harbour.--Occurrences there.--Description
of it_.
After the disaster which happened to our sheep, it may be well supposed
that I did not trust those that remained long on shore, but got them and
the other cattle on board as fast as possible. I also added to my
original stock by purchasing two young bulls, two heifers, two young
stone-horses, two mares, two rams, several ewes and goats, and some
rabbits and poultry.
All of them were intended for New Zealand, Otaheite, and the
neighbouring islands, or any other places in the course of our voyage,
where there might be a prospect that the leaving any of them would be
useful to posterity.
Toward the latter end of November the caulkers had finished their work
on board the Discovery, and she had received all her provisions and
water. Of the former, both ships had a sufficient supply for two years
and upward. And every other article we could think of, necessary for
such a voyage, that could be had at the Cape, was procured; neither
knowing when, nor where, we might come to a place where we could furnish
ourselves so well.
Having given Captain Clerke a copy of my instructions, and an order
directing him how to proceed in case of separation, in the morning of
the 30th we repaired on board. At five in the afternoon a breeze sprung
up at S.E. with which we weighed, and stood out of the bay. At nine it
fell calm, and we anchored between Penguin Island and the east shore,
where we lay till three o'clock next morning. We then weighed and put to
sea, with a light breeze at S., but did not get clear of the land till
the morning of the 3d, when, with a fresh gale at W.N.W. we stood to the
S.E. to get more into the way of these winds.
On the 5th a sudden squall of wind carried away the Resolution's mizen
top-mast. Having another to replace it, the loss was not felt,
especially as it was a bad stick, and had often complained. On the 6th,
in the evening, being then in the latitude of 39° 14' S. and in the
longitude of 25° 56' E., we passed through several small spots of water
of a reddish colour. Some of this was taken up, and it was found to
abound with a small animal, which the microscope discovered to be like a
cray-fish, of a reddish hue.
We continued our course to the S.E. with a very strong gale from the
westward, followed by a mountainous sea, which made the ship roll and
tumble exceedingly, and gave us a great deal of trouble to preserve the
cattle we had on board. Notwithstanding all our care, several goats,
especially the males, died, and some sheep. This misfortune was, in a
great measure, owing to the cold, which we now began most sensibly to
feel.
On the 12th, at noon, we saw land extending from S.E. by S. to S.E. by
E. Upon a nearer approach we found it to be two islands. That which lies
most to the south, and is also the largest, I judged to be about fifteen
leagues in circuit, and to be in the latitude of 46° 53' S. and in the
longitude of 37° 46' E. The most northerly one is about nine leagues in
circuit, and lies in the latitude of 46° 40' S. and in 38° 8' E.
longitude. The distance from the one to the other is about five leagues.
We passed through this channel at equal distance from both islands; and
could not discover, with the assistance of our best glasses, either tree
or shrub on either of them. They seemed to have a rocky and bold shore;
and, excepting the S.E. parts, where the land is rather low and flat, a
surface composed of barren mountains, which rise to a considerable
height, and whose summits and sides were covered with snow, which in
many places seemed to be of a considerable depth. The S.E. parts had a
much greater quantity on them than the rest, owing, probably, to the sun
acting for a less space of time on these than on the N. and N.W. parts.
The ground, where it was not hid by the snow, from the various shades it
exhibited, may be supposed to be covered with moss, or perhaps such a
coarse grass as is found in some parts of Falkland's Islands. On the N.
side of each of the islands is a detached rock; that near the S. island
is shaped like a tower, and seemed to be at some distance from the
shore. As we passed along, a quantity of seaweed was seen, and the
colour of the water indicated soundings. But there was no appearance of
an inlet, unless near the rock just mentioned; and that, from its
smallness, did not promise a good anchoring-place.
These two islands, as also four others which lie from nine to twelve
degrees of longitude more to the E. and nearly in the same latitude,
were discovered, as I have mentioned in my late voyage,[94] by Captains
Marion du Fresne and Crozet, French navigators, in January, 1772, on
their passage in two ships from the Cape of Good Hope to the Philippine
Islands. As they have no names in the French chart of the southern
hemisphere, which Captain Grozet communicated to me in 1775,[95] I shall
distinguish the two we now saw by calling them Prince Edward's Islands,
after his majesty's fourth son; and the other four, by the name of
Marion's and Crozet's Islands, to commemorate their discoverers.
[Footnote 94: Captain Cook's second voyage. These islands are said to be
in the latitude of 48° S.; that is, 2° farther S. than what here appears
to be their real position.--D.]
[Footnote 95: See Cook's voyage, as above. Dr. Forster, in his
Observations made during that Voyage, p. 30, gives us this description
of the chart then communicated by Monsieur Crozet; that it was
"published under the patronage of the Duke de Croye, by Robert de
Vaugondy." Captain Cook tells us, lower in this chapter, that it was
published in 1773.--D.]
We had now, for the most part, strong gales between the N. and W., and
but very indifferent weather; not better, indeed, than we generally have
in England in the very depth of winter, though it was now the middle of
summer in this hemisphere. Not discouraged, however, by this, after
leaving Prince Edward's Islands, I shaped our course to pass to the
southward of the others, that I might get into the latitude of the land
discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen.
I had applied to the Chevalier de Borda whom, as I have mentioned, I
found at Teneriffe, requesting, that if he knew any thing of the island
discovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen, between the Cape of Good Hope and
New Holland, he would be so obliging as to communicate it to me.
Accordingly, just before we sailed from Santa Cruz Bay, he sent me the
following account of it, viz. "That the pilot of the Boussole, who was
in the voyage with Monsieur de Kerguelen, had given him the latitude and
longitude of a little island, which Monsieur de Kerguelen called the
Isle of Rendezvous, and which lies not far from the great island which
he saw. Latitude of the little isle, by seven observations, 48° 26' S.;
longitude, by seven observations of the distance of the sun and moon,
64° 57' E. from Paris," I was very sorry I had not sooner known that
there was on board the frigate at Teneriffe, an officer who had been
with Monsieur de Kerguelen, especially the pilot; because from him I
might have obtained more interesting information about this land than
the situation alone, of which I was not before entirely ignorant.[96]
[Footnote 96: Captain Cook's proceedings, as related in the remaining
part of this chapter, and in the next, being upon a coast newly
discovered by the French, it could not but be an object of his attention
to trace the footsteps of the original explorers. But no superiority of
professional skill, nor diligence in exerting it, could possibly qualify
him to do this successfully, without possessing, at the same time, full
and authentic intelligence of all that had been performed here by his
predecessors in the discovery. But that he was not so fortunate as to be
thus sufficiently instructed, will appear from the following facts,
which the reader is requested to attend to, before he proceeds to the
perusal of this part of the journal.
How very little was known, with any precision, about the operations of
Kerguelen, when Captain Cook sailed in 1776, may be inferred from the
following paragraph of his instructions:--"You are to proceed in search
of some islands said to have been lately seen by the French in the
latitude of 48° S., and in the meridian of the Mauritius." This was,
barely, the amount of the very indefinite and imperfect information,
which Captain Cook himself had received from Baron Plettenberg at the
Cape of Good Hope, in November 1772; in the beginning of which year
Kerguelen's first voyage had taken place.
The captain, on his return homeward, in March 1775, heard, a second
time, something about this French discovery at the Cape, where he met
with Monsieur Crozet, who very obligingly communicated to him a chart of
the southern hemisphere, wherein were delineated not only his own
discoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen. But what little
information that chart could convey, was still necessarily confined to
the operations of the first voyage; the chart here referred to, having
been published in France in 1773, that is, before any intelligence could
possibly be conveyed from the southern hemisphere of the result of
Kerguelen's second visit to this new land, which, we now know, happened
towards the close of the same year.
Of these latter operations, the only account (if that can be called an
account, which conveys no particular information) received by Captain
Cook from Monsieur Crozet, was, that a later voyage had been undertaken
by the French, under the command of Captain Kerguelen, which had ended
much to the disgrace of that commander.
What Crozet had not communicated to our author, and what we are sure,
from a variety of circumstances, he had never heard of from any other
quarter, he missed an opportunity of learning at Teneriffe. He expressed
his being sorry, as we have just read, that he did not know sooner that
there was on board the frigate an officer who had been with Kerguelen,
as he might have obtained from him more interesting information about
this land, than its situation. And, indeed, if he had conversed with
that officer, he might have obtained information more interesting than
he was aware of; he might have learnt that Kerguelen had actually
visited this southern land a second time, and that the little isle of
which he then received the name and position from the Chevalier de
Borda, was a discovery of this later voyage. But the account conveyed to
him, being, as the reader will observe, unaccompanied with any date, or
other distinguishing circumstance, he left Teneriffe, and arrived on the
coasts of Kerguelen's Land, under a full persuasion that it had been
visited only once before. And, even with regard to the operations of
that first voyage, he had nothing to guide him, but the very scanty
materials afforded to him by Baron Plettenberg and Monsieur Crozet.
The truth is, the French seem, for some reason or other, not surely
founded on the importance of Kerguelen's discovery, to have been very
shy of publishing a full and distinct account of it. No such account had
been published while Captain Cook lived. Nay, even after the return of
his ships in 1780, the gentleman who obligingly lent his assistance to
give a view of the prior observations of the French, and to connect them
on the same chart with those of our author, though his assiduity in
procuring geographical information can be equalled only by his readiness
in communicating it, had not, it should seem, been able to procure any
materials for that purpose, but such as mark the operations of the first
French voyage; and even for these, he was indebted to a MS. drawing.
But this veil of unnecessary secrecy is at length drawn aside. Kerguelen
himself has published the journal of his proceedings in two successive
voyages, in the years 1772 and 1773; and has annexed to his narrative a
chart of the coasts of this land, as far as he had explored them in both
voyages. Monsieur de Pagès, also, much about the same time, favoured us
with another account of the second voyage, in some respects fuller than
Kerguelen's own, on board whose ship he was then an officer.
From these sources of authentic information, we are enabled to draw
every necessary material to correct what is erroneous, and to illustrate
what, otherwise, would have remained obscure, in this part of Captain
Cook's journal. We shall take occasion to do this in separate notes on
the passages as they occur, and conclude this tedious, but, it is hoped,
not unnecessary, detail of facts, with one general remark, fully
expressive of the disadvantages our author laboured under. He never saw
that part of the coast upon which the French had been in 1772; and he
never knew that they had been upon another part of it in 1773, which was
the very scene of his own operations. Consequently, what he knew of the
former voyage, as delineated upon Crozet's chart, only served to perplex
and mislead his judgment; and his total ignorance of the latter, put it
out of his power to compare his own observations with those then made by
Kerguelen; though we, who are better instructed, can do this, by tracing
the plainest marks of coincidence and agreement.--D.]
My instructions directing me to examine it, with a view to discover a
good harbour, I proceeded in the search; and on the 16th, being then in
the latitude of 48° 45', and in the longitude of 52° E., we saw penguins
and divers, and rock-weed floating in the sea. We continued to meet with
more or less of these every day, as we proceeded to the eastward; and on
the 21st, in the latitude of 48° 27' S., and in the longitude of 65° E.,
a very large seal was seen. We had now much foggy weather, and as we
expected to fall in with the land every hour, our navigation became both
tedious and dangerous.
At length, on the 24th, at six o'clock in the morning, as we were
steering to the eastward, the fog clearing away a little, we saw
land,[97] bearing S.S.E., which, upon a nearer approach, we found to be
an island of considerable height, and about three leagues in
circuit.[98] Soon after, we saw another of the same magnitude, one
league to the eastward;[99] and between these two, in the direction of
S.E., some smaller ones.[100] In the direction of S. by E. 1/2 E., from
the E. end of the first island, a third[101] high island was seen. At
times, as the fog broke away, we had the appearance of land over the
small islands; and I had thoughts of steering for it, by running in
between them. But, on drawing nearer, I found this would be a dangerous
attempt, while the weather continued foggy. For if there should be no
passage, or if we should meet with any sudden danger, it would have been
impossible for us to get off; the wind being right a-stern, and a
prodigious sea running, that broke on all the shores in a frightful
surf. At the same time, seeing another island in the N.E. direction, and
not knowing but that their might be more, I judged it prudent to haul
off, and wait for clearer weather, lest we should get entangled amongst
unknown lands in a thick fog.
[Footnote 97: Captain Cook was not the original discoverer of these
small islands which he now fell in with. It is certain that they had
been seen and named by Kerguelen, on his second voyage, in December
1773. Their position, relatively to each other, and to the adjoining
coasts of the greater land, bears a striking resemblance to Kerguelen's
delineation of them; whose chart, however, the public may be assured,
was unknown in England till after that accompanying the account of this
third voyage had been engraved.--D.]
[Footnote 98: This is the isle to which Kerguelen gave the name of Croy,
or Crouy. Besides delineating it upon his chart, he has added a
particular view of it, exactly corresponding with Captain Cook's account
of its being of considerable height.--D.]
[Footnote 99: Kerguelen called this Isle Rolland, after the name of his
own ship. There is also a particular view of it on the French
chart.--D.]
[Footnote 100: The observations of the French and English navigators
agree exactly as to the position of these smaller isles.--D.]
[Footnote 101: The situation of Kerguelen's Isle de Clugny, as marked on
this chart, shews it to be the third high island seen by Captain
Cook.--D.]
We did but just weather the island last mentioned. It is a high round
rock, which was named Bligh's Cap. Perhaps this is the same that
Monsieur de Kerguelen called the Isle of Rendezvous;[102] but I know
nothing that can rendezvous at it, but fowls of the air; for it is
certainly inaccessible to every other animal.
[Footnote 102: This isle, or rock, was the single point about which
Captain Cook had received the least information at Teneriffe; and we may
observe how sagacious he was in tracing it. What he could only speak of
as probable, a comparison of his chart with that lately published by
Kerguelen, proves to be certain; and if he had even read and copied what
his predecessor in the discovery says of it, he could scarcely have
varied his account of its shape. Kerguelen's words are, "Isle de
Reunion, qui n'est qu'une Roche, nous servoit de Rendezvous, ou de point
de ralliement; et ressemble à un coin de mire."--D.]
At eleven o'clock the weather began to clear up, and we immediately
tacked, and steered in for the land. At noon, we had a pretty good
observation, which enabled us to determine the latitude of Bligh's Cap,
which is the northernmost island, to be 48° 29' S., and its longitude
68° 40' E.'[103] We passed it at three o'clock, standing to the S.S.E.,
with a fresh gale at W.
[Footnote 103: The French and English agree very nearly (as might be
expected) in their accounts of the latitude of this island; but the
observations by which they fix its longitude vary considerably. The
pilot at Teneriffe made it only 64° 57' E. from Paris, which is about
67° 16' E. from London; or 1° 24' more westerly than Captain Cook's
observations fix it. Monsieur de Pagès says it is 66° 47' E. from Paris,
that is, 69° 6' E. from London, or twenty-six miles more easterly than
it is placed by Captain Cook. Kerguelen himself only says that it is
about 68° of E. longitude, _par_ 68° _de longitude_.--D.]
Soon after we saw the land, of which we had a faint view in the morning;
and at four o'clock it extended from S.E. 1/2 E., to S.W. by S., distant
about four miles. The left extreme, which I judged to be the northern
point of this land, called, in the French chart of the southern
hemisphere, Cape St Louis,[104] terminated in a perpendicular rock of a
considerable height; and the right one (near which is a detached rock)
in a high indented point.[105] From this point the coast seemed to turn
short round to the southward, for we could see no land to the westward
of the direction in which it now bore to us, but the islands we had
observed in the morning; the most southerly[106] of them lying nearly W.
from the point, about two or three leagues distant.
[Footnote 104: Hitherto, we have only had occasion to supply defects,
owing to Captain Cook's entire ignorance of Kerguelen's second voyage in
1773; we must now correct errors, owing to his very limited knowledge of
the operations of the first voyage in 1772. The chart of the southern
hemisphere, his only guide, having given him, as he tells us, the name
of Cape St Louis (or Cape Louis) as the most northerly promontory then
seen by the French; and his own observations now satisfying him that no
part of the main land stretched farther north than the left extreme now
before him; from this supposed similarity of situation, he judged that
his own perpendicular rock must be the Cape Louis of the first
discoverers. By looking upon the chart originally published with this
voyage, we shall find Cape Louis lying upon a different part of the
coast; and by comparing this chart with that published by Kerguelen, it
will appear, in the clearest manner, that the northern point now
described by Captain Cook, is the very same to which the French have
given the name of Cape Francois--D.]
[Footnote 105: This right extreme of the coast, as it now shewed itself
to Captain Cook, seems to be what is represented on Kerguelen's chart
under the name of Cape Aubert. It may be proper to observe here, that
all that extent of coast lying between Cape Louis and Cape Francois, of
which the French saw very little during their first visit in 1772, and
may be called the N.W. side of this land, they had it in their power to
trace the position of in 1773, and have assigned names to some of its
bays, rivers, and promontories, upon their chart.--D.]
[Footnote 106: Kerguelen's Isle de Clugny.--D.]
About the middle of the land there appeared to be an inlet, for which we
steered; but, on approaching, found it was a bending in the coast, and
therefore bore up, to go round Cape St Louis.[107] Soon after, land
opened off the cape, in the direction of S. 53° E., and appeared to be a
point at a considerable distance; for the trending of the coast from the
cape was more southerly. We also saw several rocks and islands to the
eastward of the above directions, the most distant of which was about
seven leagues from the cape, bearing S. 88° E.[108] We had no sooner got
off the cape, than we observed the coast, to the southward, to be much
indented by projecting points and bays; so that we now made sure of soon
finding a good harbour. Accordingly, we had not run a mile farther,
before we discovered one behind the cape, into which we began to ply;
but after making one board, it fell calm, and we anchored at the
entrance in forty-five fathoms water, the bottom black sand; as did the
Discovery soon after. I immediately dispatched Mr Bligh, the master, in
a boat to sound the harbour; who, on his return, reported it to be safe
and commodious, with good anchorage in every part; and great plenty of
fresh-water, seals, penguins, and other birds on the shore; but not a
stick of wood. While we lay at anchor, we observed that the flood tide
came from the S.E., running two knots, at least, in an hour.
[Footnote 107: Cape François, as already observed.--D.]
[Footnote 108: The observations of the French, round Cape François,
remarkably coincide with Captain Cook's in this paragraph; and the rocks
and islands here mentioned by him, also appear upon their chart.--D.]
At day-break, in the morning of the 25th, we weighed with a gentle
breeze at W,; and having wrought into the harbour, to within a quarter
of a mile of the sandy beach at its head, we anchored in eight fathoms
water, the bottom a fine dark sand. The Discovery did not get in till
two o'clock in the afternoon, when Captain Clerke informed me, that he
had narrowly escaped being driven on the S. point of the harbour, his
anchor having started before they had time to shorten in the cable. This
obliged them to set sail, and drag the anchor after them, till they had
room to heave it up, and then they found one of its palms was broken
off.
As soon as we had anchored, I ordered all the boats to be hoisted out,
the ship to be moored with a kedge-anchor, and the water-casks to be got
ready to send on shore. In the mean time I landed, to look for the most
convenient spot where they might be filled, and to see what else the
place afforded.
I found the shore, in a manner, covered with penguins and other birds,
and seals. These latter were not numerous, but so insensible of fear,
(which plainly indicated that they were unaccustomed to such visitors,)
that we killed as many as we chose, for the sake of their fat, or
blubber, to make oil for our lamps, and other uses. Fresh water was in
no less plenty than were birds; for every gully afforded a large stream.
But not a single tree, or shrub, nor the least sign of any, was to be
discovered, and but very little herbage of any sort. The appearances, as
we sailed into the harbour, had flattered us with the hope of meeting
with something considerable growing here, as we observed the sides of
many of the hills to be of a lively green. But I now found that this was
occasioned by a single plant, which, with the other natural productions,
shall be described in another place. Before I returned to my ship, I
ascended the first ridge of rocks, which rise in a kind of amphitheatre
above one another. I was in hopes, by this means, of obtaining a view of
the country; but before I reached the top, there came on so thick a fog,
that I could hardly find my way down again. In the evening, we hauled
the seine at the head of the harbour, but caught only half a dozen small
fish. We had no better success next day, when we tried with hook and
line. So that our only resource here, for fresh provisions, were birds,
of which there was an inexhaustible store.
The morning of the 26th proved foggy, with rain. However, we went to
work to fill water, and to cut grass for our cattle, which we found in
small spots near the head of the harbour. The rain which fell swelled
all the rivulets to such a degree, that the sides of the hills, bounding
the harbour, seemed to be covered with a sheet of water. For the rain,
as it fell, run into the fissures and crags of the rocks that composed
the interior parts of the hills, and was precipitated down their sides
in prodigious torrents.
The people having wrought hard the two preceding days, and nearly
completed our water, which we filled from a brook at the left corner of
the beach, I allowed them the 27th as a day of rest, to celebrate
Christmas. Upon this indulgence, many of them went on shore, and made
excursions, in different directions, into the country, which they found
barren and desolate in the highest degree. In the evening, one of them
brought to me a quart bottle which he had found, fastened with some wire
to a projecting rock on the north side of the harbour. This bottle
contained a piece of parchment, on which was written the following
inscription:
_Ludovico XV. Galliarum
rege, et d.[109] de Boynes
regi a Secretis ad res
maritimas annis 1772 et
1773.
[Footnote 109: The (d.), no doubt, is a contraction of the word
_Domino_. The French secretary of the marine was then Monsieur de
Boynes.--D.]
From this inscription, it is clear, that we were not the first Europeans
who had been in this harbour. I supposed it to be left by Monsieur de
Boisguehenneu, who went on shore in a boat on the 13th of February,
1772, the same day that Monsieur de Kerguelen discovered this land, as
appears by a note in the French chart of the southern hemisphere,
published the following year.[110]
[Footnote 110: On perusing this paragraph of the journal, it will be
natural to ask, How could Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, in the beginning of
1772, leave an inscription, which, upon the very face of it,
commemorates a transaction of the following year? Captain Cook's manner
of expressing himself here, strongly marks, that he made this
supposition, only for want of information to enable him to make any
other. He had no idea that the French had visited this land a second
time; and, reduced to the necessity of trying to accommodate what he saw
himself, to what little he had heard of their proceedings, he confounds
a transaction which we, who have been better instructed, know, for a
certainty, belongs to the second voyage, with a similar one, which his
chart of the southern hemisphere has recorded, and which happened in a
different year, and at a different place.
The bay, indeed, in which Monsieur de Boisguehenneu landed, is upon the
west side of this land, considerably to the south of Cape Louis, and not
far from another more southerly promontory, called Cape Bourbon; a part
of the coast which our ships were not upon. Its situation is marked upon
the chart constructed for this voyage; and a particular view of the bay
du Lion Marin, (for so Boisguehenneu called it,) with the soundings, is
preserved by Kerguelen.
But if the bottle and inscription found by Captain Cook's people were
not left here by Boisguehenneu, by whom and when were they left? This we
learn most satisfactorily, from the accounts of Kerguelen's second
voyage, as published by himself and Monsieur de Pagès, which present us
with the following particulars:--"That they arrived on the west side of
this land on the 14th of December, 1773; that steering to the N.E., they
discovered, on the 16th, the Isle de Reunion, and the other small
islands as mentioned above; that, on the 17th, they had before them the
principal land, (which they were sure was connected with that seen by
them on the 14th,) and a high point of that land, named by them Cape
François; that beyond this cape, the coast took a south-easterly
direction, and behind it they found a bay, called by them Baie de
l'Oiseau, from the name of their frigate; that they then endeavoured to
enter it, but were prevented by contrary winds and blowing weather,
which drove them off the coast eastward; but that, at last, on the 6th
of January, Monsieur de Rosnevet, captain of the Oiseau, was able to
send his boat on shore into this bay, under the command of Monsieur de
Rochegude, one of his officers, who took possession of that bay, and of
all the country, in the name of the King of France, with all the
requisite formalities."
Here then we trace, by the most unexceptionable evidence, the history of
the bottle and inscription; the leaving of which was, no doubt, one of
the requisite formalities observed by Monsieur de Rochegude on this
occasion. And though he did not land till the 6th of January 1774, yet,
as Kerguelen's ships arrived upon the coast on the 14th of December
1773, and had discovered and looked into this very bay on the 17th of
that month, it was with the strictest propriety and truth that 1773, and
not 1774, was mentioned as the date of the discovery.
We need only look at Kerguelen's and Cook's charts, to judge that the
Baie de l'Oiseau, and the harbour where the French inscription was
found, is one and the same place. But besides this agreement as to the
general position, the same conclusion results more decisively still,
from another circumstance worth mentioning: The French, as well as the
English visitors of this bay and harbour, have given us a particular
plan of it; and whoever compares them, must be struck with a resemblance
that could only be produced by copying one common original with
fidelity. Nay, even the soundings are the same upon the same spots in
both plans, being forty-five fathoms between the two capes, before the
entrance of the bay; sixteen fathoms farther in, where the shores begin
to contract; and eight fathoms up, near the bottom of the harbour.
To these particulars, which throw abundant light on this part of our
author's journal, I shall only add, that the distance of our harbour
from that where Boisguehenneu landed in 1772, is forty leagues. For
this we have the authority of Kerguelen, in the following
passage:--"Monsieur de Boisguehenneu descendit le 13 de Fevrier 1772,
dans un baie, qu'il nomme Baie du Lion Marin, & prit possession de cette
terre au nom de Roi; il n'y vit aucune trace d'habitants. Monsieur de
Rochegude, en 1774, a descendu dans un autre baie, que nous avons nommé
Baie de l'Oiseau, & cette seconde rade est à quarantes lieues de la
premiere. Il en a également pris possession, & il n'y trouva également
aucune trace d'habitants." _Kerguelen_, p. 92.--D.]
As a memorial of our having been in this harbour, I wrote on the other
side of the parchment,
_Naves Resolution
et Discovery
de Rege Magnae Britanniae,
Decembris_ 1776.
I then put it again into a bottle, together with a silver two-penny
piece of 1772; and having covered the mouth of the bottle with a leaden
cap, I placed it the next morning in a pile of stones erected for the
purpose, upon a little eminence on the north shore of the harbour, and
near to the place where it was first found, in which position it cannot
escape the notice of any European, whom chance or design may bring into
this port. Here I displayed the British flag, and named the place
Christmas Harbour, from our having arrived in it on that festival.
It is the first or northernmost inlet that we meet with on the S.E. side
of the Cape St Louis,[111] which forms the N. side of the harbour, and
is also the northern point of this land. The situation alone is
sufficient to distinguish it from any of the other inlets; and, to make
it more remarkable, its S. point terminates in a high rock, which is
perforated quite through, so as to appear like the arch of a bridge. We
saw none like this upon the whole coast.[112] The harbour has another
distinguishing mark within, from a single stone or rock, of a vast size,
which lies on the top of a hill on the S. side, near its bottom; and
opposite this, on the N. side, there is another hill, much like it, but
smaller. There is a small beach at its bottom, where we commonly landed;
and, behind it, some gently rising ground, on the top of which is a
large pool of fresh-water. The land on both sides of the inlet is high,
and it runs in W., and W.N.W., about two miles. Its breadth is one mile
and a quarter, for more than half its length, above which it is only
half a mile. The depth of water, which is forty-five fathoms at the
entrance, varies, as we proceed farther in, from thirty to five and
four fathoms. The shores are steep; and the bottom is every where a fine
dark sand, except in some places close to the shore, where there are
beds of sea-weed, which always grows on rocky ground. The head of the
harbour lies open only to two points of the compass; and even these are
covered by islands in the offing, so that no sea can fall in to hurt a
ship. The appearances on shore confirmed this; for we found grass
growing close to high-water mark, which is a sure sign of a pacific
harbour.[113] It is high-water here, at the full and change days, about
ten o'clock; and the tide rises and falls about four feet.
[Footnote 111: Cape François, for reasons already assigned.--D.]
[Footnote 112: If there could be the least doubt remaining, of the
identity of the Baie de l'Oiseau and Christmas Harbour, the circumstance
of the perforated rock, which divides it from another bay to the south,
would amount to a strict demonstration. For Monsieur de Pagès had
observed this discriminating mark before Captain Cook. His words are as
follows:--"L'on vit que la cote de l'Est, voisine du Cap François, avoit
deux baies; elles étoient separees par une pointe très reconnoissable
par sa forme, _qui representoit une porte cochere, au travers de
laquelle l'on voyoit le jour_."--Voyages du M. de Pagès, vol. ii. p. 67.
Every one knows how exactly the form of a _porte cochere_, or arched
gateway, corresponds with that of the arch of a bridge. It is very
satisfactory to find the two navigators, neither of whom knew any thing
of the other's description, adopting the same idea; which both proves
that they had the same uncommon object before their eyes, and that they
made an accurate report.--D.]
[Footnote 113: In the last note, we saw how remarkably Monsieur de Pagès
and Captain Cook agree about the appearance of the south point of the
harbour; I shall here subjoin another quotation from the former,
containing his account of the harbour itself, in which the reader may
trace the same distinguishing features observed by Captain Cook in the
foregoing paragraph.
"Le 6, l'on mit à terre dans la premiere baie à l'Est du Cap François, &
l'on prit possession de ces contrées. Ce mouillage consiste en une
petite rade, qui a environs quatres encablures, ou quatre cents toises
de profondeur, sur un tiers en sus de largeur. En dedans de cette rade
est un petit port, dont l'entrée, de quatres encablures de largeur,
presente au Sud-Est. La sonde de la petite rade est depuis quarante-cinq
jusqu'à trente brasses; et celle du port depuis seize jusqu'à huit. Le
fond des deux est de sable noir et vaseux. La cote des deux bords est
haute, & par une pente très rude; elle est couverte de verdure, & il y a
une quantité prodigieuse d'Outardes. Le fond du port est occupé par un
monticule qui laisse entre lui, et la mer une plage de sable. Une petite
riviere, de très bonne eau, coule à la mer dans cet endroit; & elle est
fournie par un lac qui est un peu au loin, au dessus du monticule. Il y
avoit sur le plage beaucoup de pinguoins & de lions marins. Ces deux
especes d'animaux ne fuyoient pas, & l'on augura que le pays n'étoit
point habité; la terre rapportoit de l'herbe large, noire, & bien
nourrie, qui n'avoit cependant que cinque pouces ou plus de hauteur.
L'on ne vit aucun arbre, ni signe l'habitation."--_Voyage du Monsieur de
Pagès_, tom. ii. p. 69, 70.--D.]
After I had finished this business of the inscription, I went in my boat
round the harbour, and landed in several places, to examine what the
shore afforded; and, particularly, to look for drift wood. For, although
the land here was totally destitute of trees, this might not be the case
in other parts; and if there were any, the torrents would force some,
or, at least, some branches, into the sea, which would afterward throw
them upon the shores, as in all other countries where there is wood, and
in many where there is none: But throughout the whole extent of the
harbour, I found not a single piece.
In the afternoon, I went upon Cape St Louis,[114] accompanied by Mr
King, my second lieutenant. I was in hopes, from this elevation, to have
had a view of the sea-coast, and of the islands lying off it. But, when
I got up, I found every distant object below me hid in a thick fog. The
land on the same plain, or of a greater height, was visible enough, and
appeared naked and desolate in the highest degree, except some hills to
the southward, which were covered with snow.
[Footnote 114: Cape François.--D.]
When I got on board, I found the launch hoisted in, the ships unmoored,
and ready to put to sea; but our sailing was deferred till five o'clock
the next morning, when we weighed anchor.[115]
[Footnote 115: The reader is probably not a little wearied with Dr
Douglas's minute comparisons of Kerguelen's and Cook's accounts of the
lands in question, which indeed seem unworthy of so much concern. It was
of consequence, however, to guard our navigator's reputation; and some
persons may relish the discussion, as exhibiting the acumen and good
sense which the detector of the infamous Lauder, and the author of "The
Criterion," so eminently possessed.--E.]
SECTION V.
_Departure from Christmas Harbour.--Range along the Coast, to discover
its Position and Extent.--Several Promontories and Bays, and a
Peninsula, described and named.--Danger from Shoals.--Another Harbour
and a Sound.--Mr Anderson's Observations on the Natural Productions,
Animals, Soil, &c. of. Kerguelen's Land_.
As soon as the ships were out of Christmas Harbour, we steered S.E. 1/2
S., along the coast, with a fine breeze at N.N.W., and clear weather.
This we thought the more fortunate, as, for some time past, fogs had
prevailed, more or less, every day; and the continuance of them would
have defeated our plan of extending Kerguelen's discovery. We kept the
lead constantly going; but seldom struck ground with a line of fifty or
sixty fathoms.
About seven or eight o'clock, we were off a promontory, which I called
Cape Cumberland. It lies a league and a half from the south point of
Christmas Harbour, in the direction of S.E. 1/2 S. Between them is a bay
with two arms, both of which seemed to afford good shelter for shipping.
Off Cape Cumberland is a small but pretty high island, on the summit of
which is a rock like a sentry-box, which occasioned our giving that name
to the island. Two miles farther to the eastward, lies a group of small
islands and rocks, with broken ground about them: We sailed between
these and Sentry-Box Island, the channel being a full mile broad, and
more than forty fathoms deep; for we found no bottom with that length of
line.
Being through this channel, we discovered, on the south side of Cape
Cumberland, a bay, running in three leagues to the westward. It is
formed by this Cape to the north, and by a promontory to the south,
which I named Point Pringle, after my good friend Sir John Pringle,
President of the Royal Society. The bottom of this bay was called
Cumberland Bay; and it seemed to be disjoined from the sea, which washes
the N.W. coast of this country, by a narrow neck of land. Appearances,
at least, favoured such a conjecture.
To the southward of Point Pringle, the coast is formed into a fifth bay;
of which this point is the northern extreme; and from it to the southern
extreme, is about four miles in the direction of S.S.E. 1/4 E. In this
bay, which obtained the name of White Bay, on account of some white
spots of land or rocks in the bottom of it, are several lesser bays or
coves, which seemed to be sheltered from all winds. Off the south point
are several rocks which raise their heads above water; and, probably,
many more than do that.
Thus far our course was in a direction parallel to the coast, and not
more than two miles from it. Thither our glasses were continually
pointed; and we could easily see that, except the bottoms of the bays
and coves, which, for the most part, terminated in sandy beaches, the
shores were rocky, and, in many places, swarmed with birds; but the
country had the same barren and naked appearance as in the neighbourhood
of Christmas Harbour.
We had kept, on our larboard bow, the land which first opened off Cape
St Louis,[116] in the direction of S. 53° E., thinking that it was an
island, and that we should find a passage between it and the main. We
now discovered this to be a mistake; and found that it was a peninsula,
joined to the rest of the coast by a low isthmus. I called the bay,
formed by this peninsula, Repulse Bay; and a branch of it seemed to run
a good way inland towards the S.S.W. Leaving this, we steered for the
northern point of the peninsula, which we named Howe's Foreland, in
honour of Admiral Lord Howe.
[Footnote 116: Cape François.]
As we drew near it, we perceived some rocks and breakers near the N.W.
part; and two islands a league and a half to the eastward of it, which,
at first, appeared as one. I steered between them and the Foreland;[117]
and was in the middle of the channel by noon. At that time our latitude,
by observation, was 48° 51' S.; and we had made twenty-six miles of east
longitude from Cape St Louis.[118]
[Footnote 117: Though Kerguelen's ships, in 1773, did not venture to
explore this part of the coast, Monsieur de Pagès's account of it
answers well to Captain Cook's. "Du 17 au 23, l'on ne prit d'autre
connoissance que celle de la figure de la cote, qui, courant d'abord au
Sud-Est, & revenant ensuite au Nord-Est, formoit un grand golfe. Il
étoit occupé par des brisans & des rochers; il avoit aussi une isle
basse, & assez etendue, & l'on usa d'une bien soigneuse precaution, pour
ne pas s'affaler dans ce golfe."--_Voyage du M. de Pagès_, tom. ii. p.
67.--D.]
[Footnote 118: Cape François.]
From this situation, the most advanced land to the southward bore S.E.;
but the trending of the coast from the Foreland was more southerly. The
islands which lie off Christmas Harbour bore N.; and the north point of
the Foreland N. 60° W., distant three miles. The land of this Peninsula,
or Foreland, is of a moderate height, and of a hilly and rocky
substance. The coast is low, with rocky points shooting out from it;
between which points are little coves, with sandy beaches; and these, at
this time, were mostly covered with sea birds. We also saw upon them
some seals.
As soon as we were clear of the rocks and islands before mentioned, I
gave orders to steer S.E. by S. along the coast. But before these orders
could be carried into execution, we discovered the whole sea before us
to be chequered with large beds of rock-weed, which we knew to be fast
to the bottom, and to grow on rocky shoals. I had often found a great
depth of water on such shoals; and I had, as often, found rocks that
have raised their heads nearly to the surface of the water. It is always
dangerous, therefore, to sail over them before they are well examined;
but more especially, when there is no surge of the sea to discover the
danger. This was the case at present, for the sea was as smooth as a
mill-pond. Consequently we endeavoured to avoid them, by steering
through the winding channels by which they were separated. We kept the
lead continually going; but never struck ground with a line of sixty
fathoms. This circumstance increased the danger, as we could not anchor,
whatever necessity there might be for it. After running in this manner
above an hour, we discovered a lurking rock, just even with the surface
of the sea. It bore N.E. 1/2 E., distant three or four miles, and lay in
the middle of one of these large beds of weeds. This was a sufficient
warning to make us use every precaution to prevent our coming upon them.
We were now cross the mouth of a large bay, that lies about eight miles
to the southward of Howe's Foreland. In and before the entrance of this
bay are several low islands, rocks, and those beds of sea-weed. But
there seemed to be winding channels between them. After continuing our
course half an hour longer, we were so much embarrassed with these
shoals, that I resolved to haul off to the eastward, as the likeliest
means of extricating ourselves from the danger that threatened us. But
so far was this from answering the intended purpose, that it brought us
into more. I therefore found it absolutely necessary to secure the
ships, if possible, in some place before night; especially as the
weather had now become hazy, and a fog was apprehended. And seeing some
inlets to the S.W. of us, I ordered Captain Clerke, as the Discovery
drew less water than the Resolution, to lead in for the shore; which was
accordingly done.
In standing in, it was not possible to avoid running over the edges of
some of the shoals, on which we found from ten to twenty fathoms water;
and the moment we were over, had no ground at the depth of fifty
fathoms. After making a few boards to weather a spit that run out from
an island on our lee, Captain Clerke made the signal for having
discovered an harbour; in which, about five o'clock, we anchored in
fifteen fathoms water, over a bottom of fine dark sand, about three
quarters of a mile from the shore; the north point of the harbour
bearing N. by E. 1/2 E., one mile distant; and the small islands in the
entrance, within which we anchored, extending from E. to S.E.
Scarcely were the ships secured, when it began to blow very strong; so
that we thought it prudent to strike top-gallant yards. The weather,
however, continued fair; and the wind dispersing the fog that had
settled on the hills, it was tolerably clear also. The moment,
therefore, we had anchored, I hoisted out two boats; in one of which I
sent Mr Bligh, the master, to survey the upper part of the harbour, and
look for wood; for not a shrub was to be seen from the ship. I also
desired Captain Clerke to send his master to sound the channel that is
on the south side of the small isles, between them and a pretty large
island which lies near the south point of the harbour. Having given
these directions, I went myself, in my other boat, accompanied by Mr
Gore, my first lieutenant, and Mr Bayly, and landed on the north point,
to see what I could discover from thence.
From the highest hill over the point, we had a pretty good view of the
sea-coast, as far as Howe's Foreland. It is much indented, and several
rocky points seemed to shoot out from it, with coves and inlets of
unequal extent. One of the latter, the end of which I could not see, was
disjoined from that in which the ships were at anchor, by the point we
then stood upon. A great many small islands, rocks, and breakers,
appeared scattered along the coast, as well to the southward as
northward; and I saw no better channel to get out of the harbour, than
by the one through which we had entered it.
While Mr Bayly and I were making the observations, Mr Gore encompassed
the hill, and joined us by a different route, at the place where I had
ordered the boat to wait for us. Except the craggy precipices, we met
with nothing to obstruct our walk. For the country was, if possible,
more barren and desolate than about Christmas Harbour. And yet, if there
be the least fertility in any part of this land, we ought to have found
it in this, which is completely sheltered from the predominating bleak
southerly and westerly winds. I observed, with regret, that there was
neither food nor covering for cattle of any sort; and that, if I left
any, they must inevitably perish. In the little cove where the boat
waited for us (which I called Penguin Cove, as the beach was covered
with these birds), is a fine rivulet of fresh water, that may be easily
come at. Here were also some large seals, shags, and a few ducks; and Mr
Bayly had a transient sight of a very small land bird; but it flew
amongst the rocks, and we lost it. About nine o'clock we got on board.
Soon after, Mr Bligh returned, and reported, that he had been four miles
up the harbour, and, as he judged, not far from the head of it. He found
that its direction was W.S.W.; and that its breadth, a little above the
ships, did not exceed a mile; but grew narrower toward the head. The
soundings were very irregular, being from thirty-seven to ten fathoms;
and, except under the beds of sea-weed, which in many places extended
from the shore near half channel over, the bottom was a fine sand. He
landed on both shores, which he found barren and rocky, without the
least signs of tree or shrub, and with very little verdure of any kind.
Penguins, and other oceanic birds and seals, occupied part of the coast,
but not in such numbers as at Christinas Harbour.
Finding no encouragement to continue our researches, and, the next
morning, both wind and weather being favourable, I weighed anchor and
put to sea. To this harbour I gave the name of Port Palliser, in honour
of my worthy friend Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser. It is situated in the
latitude of 49° 3' S., in the longitude of 69° 37' E., and five leagues
from Howe's Foreland, in the direction of S. 25° E. There are several
islands, rocks, and breakers lying in and without the entrance. We went
in and out between them and the north head; but I have no doubt that
there are other channels.
As we were standing out of Port Palliser, we discovered a round hill,
like a sugar-loaf, in the direction of S. 72° E., about nine leagues
distant. It had the appearance of an island lying at some distance from
the coast; but we afterward found it was upon the main land. In getting
out to sea, we had to steer through the winding channels amongst the
shoals. However, we ventured to run over some of them, on which we never
found less than eighteen fathoms, and often did not strike ground with
twenty-four; so that, had it not been for the sea-weed growing upon all
of them, they would not have been discovered.
After we had got about three or four leagues from the coast, we found a
clear sea, and then steered E. till nine o'clock, when the Sugar Loaf
hill, above mentioned, which I named Mount Campbell, bore S.E., and a
small island that lies to the northward of it, S.S.E., distant four
leagues. I now steered more southerly, in order to get in with the land.
At noon, the latitude by double altitudes was 49° 8' S.; and we had made
eighty miles of east longitude from Cape St Louis.[119] Mount Campbell
bore S. 47° W., distant about four leagues; a low point, beyond which no
land was to be seen, bore S.S.E., at the distance of about twenty miles;
and we were about two leagues from the shore.
[Footnote 119: Cape François.]
The land here is low and level.[120] The mountains ending about five
leagues from the low point, a great extent of low land is left, on which
Mount Campbell is situated, about four miles from the foot of the
mountains, and one from the sea coast. These mountains have a
considerable elevation, as also most of the inland ones. They seemed to
be composed of naked rocks, whose summits were capt with snow. Nor did
the valleys appear to greater advantage. To whatever quarter we directed
our glasses, nothing but sterility was to be seen.
[Footnote 120: This part of the coast seems to be what the French saw on
the 5th of January 1774. Monsieur de Pagès speaks of it thus: "Nous
reconnumes une nouvelle cote etendue de toute veu dans l'Est, & dans le
Ouest. Les terres de cette cote étoient moins elevées que celles que
nous avions veues jusques ici; elles étoient aussi d'un aspect moins
rude."--_De Pagès_, tom. ii. p. 68.--D.]
We had scarcely finished taking the bearings at noon, before we observed
low land opening off the low point just mentioned, in the direction of
S.S.E., and eight miles beyond it. This new point proved to be the very
eastern extremity of this land, and it was named Cape Digby. It is
situated in the latitude of 49° 23' S., and in the longitude of 70° 34'
E.
Between Howe's Foreland and Cape Digby, the shore forms (besides the
several lesser bays and harbours) one great bay that extends several
leagues to the S.W., where it seemed to lose itself in various arms
running in, between the mountains. A prodigious quantity of sea-weed
grows all over it, which seemed to be the same sort of weed that Sir
Joseph Banks distinguished by the name of _fucus giganteus_. Some of
this weed is of a most enormous length, though the stem is not much
thicker than a man's thumb. I have mentioned, that on some of the shoals
upon which it grows, we did not strike ground with a line of twenty-four
fathoms. The depth of water, therefore, must have been greater. And as
this weed does not grow in a perpendicular direction, but makes a very
acute angle with the bottom, and much of it afterward spreads many
fathoms on the surface of the sea, I am well warranted to say, that some
of it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and upward.
At one o'clock (having run two leagues upon a S.E. 1/2 E. course, from
noon) we sounded, and found eighteen fathoms water, and a bottom of fine
sand. Seeing a small bending in the coast, on the north side of Cape
Digby, I steered for it. It was my intention to anchor there, if I
should find it might be done with safety, and to land on the Cape, to
examine what the low land within it produced. After running in one
league, we sounded again, and found thirteen fathoms; and immediately
after, saw a shoal right before us, that seemed to extend off from the
shore, from which we were distant about two miles. This discovery
obliged us to haul off, E. by S., one league, where our depth of water
increased to twenty-five fathoms. We then steered along shore, and
continued in the same depth, over a bottom of fine sand, till Cape
Digby bore W., two leagues distant, when we found twenty-six fathoms.
After this we did not strike ground, though we tried several times; but
the ship having a good deal of way, ran the line out before the lead
could reach the bottom, and being disappointed in my views both of
anchoring and of landing, I would not shorten sail, but pushed forward,
in order to see as much of the coast as possible before night. From Cape
Digby, it trends nearly S.W. by S. for about four or five leagues, or to
a low point, to which, in honour of her majesty, I gave the name of
Point Charlotte, and it is the southernmost on the low coast.
Six leagues from Cape Digby, in the direction of S.S.W. 1/2 W., is a
pretty high projecting point, which was called Prince of Wales's
Foreland; and six leagues beyond that, in the same direction, and in the
latitude of 49° 54' S., and the longitude of 70 13' E., is the most
southerly point of the whole coast, which I distinguished by the name of
Cape George, in honour of his majesty.
Between Point Charlotte and Prince of Wales's Foreland, where the
country to the S.W. began again to be hilly, is a deep inlet, which was
called Royal Sound. It runs in W. quite to the foot of the mountains
which bound it on the S.W., as the low land before-mentioned does on the
N. There are islands lying in the entrance, and others higher up, as far
as we could distinguish. As we advanced to the S. we observed, on the
S.W. side of Prince of Wales's Foreland, another inlet into Royal Sound;
and it then appeared, that the foreland was the E. point of a large
island lying in the mouth of it. There are several small islands in this
inlet; and one about a league to the southward of Prince of Wales's
Foreland.
All the land on the S.W. side of Royal Sound, quite to Cape George, is
composed of elevated hills, that rise directly from the sea, one behind
another, to a considerable height. Most of the summits were capt with
snow, and they appeared as naked and barren as any we had seen. The
smallest vestige of a tree or shrub was not discoverable, either inland
or on the coast; and, I think, I may venture to pronounce that the
country produces none. The low land about Cape Digby, when examined
through our glasses, resembled the rest of the low land we had before
met with; that is, it appeared to be partly naked and partly covered
with a green turf, a description of which shall be given in its proper
place. The shore is composed of sandy beaches, on which were many
penguins, and other oceanic birds; and an immense number of shags kept
perpetually flying about the ships as we sailed along.
Being desirous of getting the length of Cape George, to be assured
whether or no it was the most southerly point of the whole land, I
continued to stretch to the S. under all the sail we could carry, till
half an hour past seven o'clock, when, seeing no likelihood of
accomplishing my design, as the wind had by this time shifted to W.S.W.,
the very direction in which we wanted to go, I took the advantage of the
shifting of the wind, and stood away from the coast.
At this time Cape George bore S. 53° W. distant about seven leagues. A
small island that lies off the pitch of the cape was the only land we
could see to the south of it; and we were farther confirmed that there
was no more in that quarter by a S.W. swell which we met as soon as we
brought the cape to bear in this direction.
But we have still a stronger proof that no part of this land can extend
much, if at all, to the southward of Cape George, and that is, Captain
Furneaux's track in February, 1773, after his separation from me during
my late voyage. His log-book is now lying before me; and I find from it,
that he crossed the meridian of the land only about seventeen leagues to
the southward of Cape George, a distance at which it may very well be
seen in clear weather. This seems to have been the case when Captain
Furneaux passed it. For his log-book makes no mention of fogs or hazy
weather; on the contrary, it expressly tells us, that, when in this
situation, they had it in their power to make observations, both for
latitude and longitude, on board his ship; so that, if this land extends
farther S. than Cape George, it would have been scarcely possible that
he should have passed without seeing it.
From these circumstances we are able to determine, within a very, few
miles, the quantity of latitude that this land occupies, which does not
much exceed one degree and a quarter. As to its extent from E. to W.
that still remains undecided. We only know, that no part of it can
reach so far to the W. as the meridian of 65°, because, in 1773, under
that meridian, I searched for it in vain.[121]
[Footnote 121: If the French observations, as marked upon Captain Cook's
chart, and still more authentically upon that published by their own
discoverers, may be depended upon, this land doth not reach so far to
the W. as the meridian of 63°; Cape Louis, which is represented as its
most westerly point, being laid down by them to the E. of that
meridian.--D.]
The French discoverers, with some reason, imagined Cape St Louis[122] to
be the projecting point, of the southern continent. The English have
since proved that no such continent exists, and that the land in
question is an island of no great extent;[123] which, from its
sterility, I should, with great propriety, call the Island of
Desolation, but that I would not rob Monsieur de Kerguelen of the honour
of its bearring his name.[124]
[Footnote 122: The idea of Cape Louis being this projecting point of a
southern continent must have soon vanished, as Cape François, within a
year after, was found, by the same discoverer, to lie above one third of
a degree farther N. upon the same land. But if Kerguelen entertained any
such imagination at first, we are sure that afterwards he thought very
differently. This appears from the following explicit declaration of his
sentiments, which deserves to be transcribed from his late publication,
as it does equal honour to his candour, and Captain Cook's
abilities:--"La terre que j'ai decouverte est certainement _une Isle_;
puisque le célebre Capitaine Cook a passé au Sud, lors de son premiere
voyage, sans rien rencontrer. Je juge inême, que cette isle _n'est pas
bien grande_. Il y a aussi apparence, d'apres le Voyage de Monsieur
Cook, que toute cette étendue de Mers Meridionales, est semée d'lsles ou
de rochers; mais qu'il n'y a _ni continent ni grande terre_." Kerguelen,
p. 92.--D.]
[Footnote 123: Kerguelen, as we see in the last note, concurs with
Captain Cook as to this. However, he tells us, that he has reason to
believe that it is about 200 leagues in circuit; and that he was
acquainted with about fourscore leagues of its coast. "J'en connois
environs quatre-vingt lieues des cotes; et; j'ai lieu de croire, qu'elle
a environ deux cents lieues de circuit." _Kerguelen, page_32--D.]
[Footnote 124: Some of Monsieur de Kerguelen's own countrymen seem more
desirous than we are to rob him of his honour. It is very remarkable,
that Monsieur de Pagès never once mentions the name of his commander;
and, though he takes occasion to enumerate the several French explorers
of the southern hemisphere, from Gonneville down to Crozet, he affects
to preserve an entire silence about Kerguelen, whose first voyage, in
which the discovery of this considerable tract of land was made, is kept
as much out of sight as if it never had taken place. Nay, not satisfied
with refusing to acknowledge the right of another, he almost assumes it
to himself. For, upon a map of the world annexed to his book, at the
spot where the new land is delineated, we read this inscription, _Isles
nouvelles Australes vuées par Monsieur de Pagès, en_ 1774. He could
scarcely have expressed himself in stronger terms, if he had meant to
convey an idea that he was the conductor of the discovery. And yet we
know that he was only a lieutenant [Enseigne de vaisseau] on board of
one of three ships commanded by Kerguelen; and that the discovery had
been already made in a former voyage, undertaken while he was actually
engaged in his singular journey round the world.
After all, it cannot but be remarked, that Kerguelen was peculiarly
unfortunate in having done so little to complete what he had begun. He
discovered a new land indeed; but, in two expeditions to it, he could
not once bring his ships to an anchor upon any part of its coasts.
Captain Cook, as we have seen in this, and in the foregoing chapter, had
either fewer difficulties to struggle with, or was more successful in
surmounting them.--D.]
Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who, as I have already mentioned, had made
natural history a part of his studies, lost no opportunity, during the
short time we lay in Christmas Harbour, of searching the country in
every direction. He afterward communicated to me the observations he
made on its natural productions; and I shall insert them here in his own
words.
"Perhaps no place hitherto discovered in either hemisphere, under the
same parallel of latitude, affords so scanty a field for the naturalist
as this barren spot. The verdure which appears, when at a little
distance from the shore, would flatter one with the expectation of
meeting with some herbage; but in this we were much deceived. For on
landing, we saw that this lively colour was occasioned only by one small
plant, not much unlike some sorts of _saxifrage_, which grows in large
spreading tufts to a considerable way up the hills. It forms a surface
of a pretty large texture, and grows on a kind of rotten turf, into
which one sinks a foot or two at every step. This turf, dried, might, in
cases of necessity, serve for fuel, and is the only thing we met with
here that could possibly be applied to this use."
"There is another plant, plentifully enough scattered about the boggy
declivities, which grows to near the height of two feet, and not much
unlike a small cabbage, when it has shot into seeds. The leaves about
the root are numerous, large, and rounded; narrower at the base, and
ending in a small point. Those on the stalks are much smaller, oblong,
and pointed. The stalks, which are often three or four, all rise
separately from the root, and run into long cylindrical heads, composed
of small flowers. It has not only the appearance, but the watery acrid
taste of the antiscorbutic plants, and yet differs materially from the
whole tribe; so that we looked upon it as a production entirely peculiar
to the place. We ate it frequently raw, and found it almost like the New
Zealand scurvy grass. But it seemed to acquire a rank flavour by being
boiled; which, however, some of our people did not perceive, and
esteemed it good. If it could be introduced into our kitchen gardens, it
would, in all probability, improve so far by cultivation as to be an
excellent pot-herb. At this time none of its seeds were ripe enough to
be preserved, and brought home, to try the experiment."
"Two other small plants were found near the brooks and boggy places,
which were eaten as sallad; the one almost like garden cresses, and very
fiery, and the other very mild. This last, though but small, is in
itself a curiosity; having not only male and female, but what the
botanists call _androgynous_ plants."
"A coarse grass, which we cut down for the cattle, grows pretty
plentifully in a few small spots about the sides of the harbour, with a
smaller sort, which is rarer; and upon the flat ground a sort of
goose-grass, and another small plant much like it. In short, the whole
catalogue of plants does not exceed sixteen or eighteen, including some
sorts of moss, and a beautiful species of _lichen_, which grows upon the
rocks, higher up than the rest of the vegetable productions. Nor is
there even the least appearance of a shrub in the whole country."
"Nature has rather been more bountiful in furnishing it with animals,
though, strictly speaking, they are not inhabitants of the place, being
all of the marine kind; and, in general, only using the land for
breeding and for a resting-place. The most considerable are seals, or
(as we used to call them) sea-bears, being that sort called the ursine
seal. These come ashore to rest or breed; but they were not very
numerous, which is not to be wondered at, as it is known that these
animals rather frequent out-rocks, and little islands lying off coasts,
than bays or inlets. They were, at this time, shedding their hair, and
so tame, that we killed what number we chose."
"No other quadruped, either of the sea or of the land kind, was seen;
but a great number of birds, viz. ducks, petrels, albatrosses, shags,
gulls, and sea-swallows."
"The ducks are about the size of a teal or widgeon, but somewhat
different in colour from either. They were in tolerable plenty about the
sides of the hills, or even lower; and we killed a considerable number,
which were good, and without the least fishy taste. We met with some of
the same sort at the island of Georgia in our late voyage."
"The cape petrel, or pintado bird; the small blue one, which is always
seen at sea, and the small black one, or Mother Carey's chicken, are not
here in great numbers. But we found a nest of the first with an egg in
it, about the size of a pullet's; and the second, though scarce, was met
with in some holes like rabbit-burrows."
"Another sort, which is the largest of all the petrels, and called by
the seamen Mother Carey's goose, is in greater numbers, and so tame,
that at first we could kill them with a stick upon the beach. They are
not inferior in size to an albatross, and are carnivorous, feeding on
the dead carcasses of seals or birds that were thrown into the sea.
Their colour is a sooty brown, with a greenish bill and feet; and,
doubtless, they are the same that the Spaniards call _quebrantahuessos_,
whose head is figured in Pernetty's Voyage to Falkland Islands."[125]
[Footnote 125: Fig. 3, plate viii.]
"Of the albatrosses, none were found on shore except the grey one, which
is commonly met with at sea in the higher southern latitudes. Once I saw
one of these sitting in the cliff of a rock, but they were frequently
flying about the harbour; and the common large sort, as well as the
smaller with a black face, were seen farther out."
"Penguins form, by far, the greatest number of birds here, and are of
three sorts; the first, or largest, I have seen formerly at the island
of Georgia.[126] It is also mentioned by Bougainville;[127] but it does
not seem to be so solitary as he represents it, for we found
considerable numbers flocking together. The head is black, the upper
part of the body a leaden grey, and the under part white, with black
feet. It has two broad stripes of fine yellow, that begin on the sides
of the head, and, descending by each side of the neck, meet above its
breast. The bill is partly reddish, and longer than in the other sorts."
[Footnote 126: Pennant's Patagonian penguin. See his Genera of Birds,
tab. 14, p. 66.]
[Footnote 127: Voyage autour du Monde, p. 69.]
"The second sort of penguins scarcely exceeds half the size of the
former. The upper part of the body is a blackish grey, with a white spot
on the upper part of the head, growing broader at each side. The bill
and feet are yellowish. A very accurate figure and description, both of
this and of the preceding, is given by Mr Sonnerat."[128]
[Footnote 128: Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée, p. 181, 182. Tab. 113, 115.]
"The third sort of penguin met with here, had never been seen by any of
us before. Its length is twenty-four inches, and its breadth twenty. The
upper part of the body and throat are black, the rest white, except the
upper part of the head, which has a fine yellow arch, looking backward,
and ending on each side in long soft feathers, which it can erect as two
crests."
"The two first sorts were found together on the beach; the large ones
keeping by themselves, and walking in small flocks amongst the others,
which were more numerous, and were sometimes seen a considerable way up
the sides of the hills. The third sort were only found by themselves,
but in great numbers, on the outer shores of the harbour. They were
breeding at this time; and they lay on the bare stones only one white
egg, larger than that of a duck. All the three sorts of penguins were so
tame, that we took as many as we pleased with our hands."
"The shags of this place are of two sorts; the lesser cormorant or
water-crow, and another, which is black above, with a white belly, the
same that is found in New Zealand, Terra del Fuego, and the island of
Georgia."
"We also met with here the common sea-gull, sea-swallow, tern, and Port
Egmont hen; the last of which were tame and numerous."
"Another sort of white bird, flocks of which flew about the bay, is very
singular, having the base of the bill covered with a horny crust.[129]
It is larger than a pigeon, with the bill black and the feet white, made
like those of a curlew. Some of our people put it in competition with
the duck as food."
[Footnote 129: The sheath-bill. See Pennant's Genera of Birds, p. 43.]
"The seine was hauled once, but we found only a few fish about the size
of a small haddock, though quite different from any we knew. The snout
is lengthened, the head armed with some strong spines, the rays of the
back-fin long, and very strong, the belly is large, and the body without
scales. The only shell-fish are a few limpets and muscles; and amongst
the stones a few small star-fish and sea-anemonies were found."
"The hills are of a moderate height; yet many of their tops were covered
with snow at this time, though answering to our June. Some of them have
large quantities of stones, irregularly heaped together at their root,
or on their sides. The sides of others, which form steep cliffs toward
the sea, are rent from the top downward, and seem ready to fall off,
having stones of a considerable size lying in the fissures. Some were of
opinion that frost might be the cause of these fissures, which I shall
not dispute; but how others of the appearances could be effected, but by
earthquakes, or some such severe shocks, I cannot say."
"It appears that rain must be almost constant here, not only from the
marks of large torrents having rushed down, but from the disposition of
the country, which, even on the hills, is almost an entire bog or swamp,
the ground sinking at every step."
"The rocks, or foundations of the hills, are composed chiefly of a dark
blue, and very hard, stone; intermixed with small particles of glimmer
or quartz. This seems to be one of the most universal productions of
nature, as it constitutes whole mountains in Sweden, in Scotland, at the
Canary Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, and at this place. Another
brownish brittle stone forms here some considerable rocks; and one which
is blacker, and found in detached pieces, incloses bits of coarse
quartz. A red, a dull yellow, and a purplish sand-stone, are also found
in small pieces; and pretty large lumps of semi-transparent quartz,
disposed irregularly in polyedral pyramidal crystals of long shining
fibres. Some small pieces of the common sort are met with in the brooks,
made round by attrition; but none hard enough to resist a file. Nor were
any of the other stones acted on by aquafortis, or attracted by the
magnet."
"Nothing, that had the least appearance of an ore or metal, was seen."
SECTION VI.
_Passage from Kerguelen's to Van Diemen's Land.--Arrival in Adventure
Bay.--Incidents there.--Interviews with the Natives.--Their Persons and
Dress described.--Account of their Behaviour.--Table of the Longitude,
Latitude, and Variation.--Mr Anderson's Observations on the Natural
Productions of the Country, on the Inhabitants, and their Language_.
After leaving Kerguelen's Land, I steered E. by N. intending, in
obedience to my instructions, to touch next at New Zealand, to recruit
our water, to take in wood, and to make hay for the cattle. Their
number, by this time, had been considerably diminished; two young bulls,
one of the heifers, two rams, and several of the goats, having of late
died, while we were employed in exploring this desolate coast.
The 31st in the morning, being the day after we stood out to sea, we had
several observations of the sun and moon. Their results gave the
longitude 72° 33' 36" E. The timekeeper, in this situation, gave 72° 38'
15". These observations were the more useful, as we had not been able to
get any for some time before, and they now served to assure us that no
material error had crept into the time-keeper.
On the 1st of January, being then in the latitude of 48° 41' S.
longitude 76° 50' E., the variation was 30° 39' W.; and in the next day,
in the latitude of 48° 22' S. longitude 80° 22' E., it was 30° 47' 18"
W. This was the greatest variation we found in this passage; for
afterward it began to decrease, but so slowly, that on the 3d, in the
evening, being then in the latitude of 48° 16' S. longitude 85° E., it
was 29° 38' W.
Thus far we had fresh gales from the W. and S.W., and tolerably clear
weather. But now the wind veered to the N. where it continued eight
days, and was attended with a thick fog. During this time we ran above
300 leagues in the dark. Now and then the weather would clear up, and
give us a sight of the sun; but this happened very seldom, and was
always of short continuance. On the 7th I hoisted out a boat, and sent
an order to Captain Clerke, appointing Adventure Bay, in Van Diemen's
Land, as our place of rendezvous, in case of separation before we
arrived in the meridian of that land. But we were fortunate enough,
amidst all this foggy weather, by frequently firing guns as signals,
though we seldom saw each other, not to lose company.
On the 12th, being in the latitude of 48° 40' S. longitude 110° 26' E.
the northerly winds ended in a calm; which, after a few hours, was
succeeded by a wind from the southward. This, with rain, continued for
twenty-four hours, when it freshened, and veered to the W. and N.W., and
brought on fair and clear weather.
We continued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thing
worthy of notice, till four o'clock in the morning of the 19th, when, in
a sudden squall of wind, though the Discovery received no damage, our
fore-top-mast went by the board, and carried the main-top-gallant-mast
with it. This occasioned some delay, as it took up the whole day to
clear the wreck, and fit another top-mast. The former was accomplished
without losing any part of it, except a few fathoms of small rope. Not
having a spare main-top-gallant-mast on board, the fore-top-gallant-mast
was converted into one for our immediate use.
The wind continued westerly, blew a fresh gale, and was attended with
clear weather, so that scarcely a day passed without being able to get
observations for fixing the longitude, and the variation of the compass.
The latter decreased in such a manner, that in the latitude of 44° 18'
S. longitude 132° 2' E., it was no more than 5° 34' 18" W.; and on the
22d, being then in the latitude of 43° 27' S. longitude 141° 50' E., it
was 1° 24' 15" E. So that we had crossed the Line where the compass has
no variation.
On the 24th, at three o'clock in the morning, we discovered the coast of
Van Diemen's Land, bearing N. 1/2 W. At four o'clock the S.W. cape bore
N.N.W. 1/2 W., and the Mewstone N.E. by E. three leagues distant. There
are several islands and high rocks lying scattered along this part of
the coast, the southernmost of which is the Mewstone. It is a round
elevated rock, five or six leagues distant from the S.W. cape, in the
direction of S. 55° E.
At noon, our latitude was 43° 47' S. longitude 147° E., and the
situation of the lands round us as follows: An elevated round-topped
hill bore N. 17° W.; the S.W. cape N. 74° W.; the Mewstone W. 1/2 N.;
Swilly Isle, or Rock, S. 49° E.; and the S.E. of S. cape N. 40° E.
distant near three leagues. The land between the S.W. and S. capes is
broken and hilly, the coast winding, with points shooting out from it;
but we were too far off to be able to judge whether the bays formed by
these points were sheltered from the sea-winds. The bay which appeared
to be the largest and deepest, lies to the westward of the peaked hill
above mentioned. The variation of the compass here was 5° 15' E.
At six o'clock in the afternoon we sounded, and found sixty fathoms
water, over a bottom of broken coral and shells. The S. cape then bore
N. 75° W. two or three leagues distant; Tasman's Head N.E.; and Swilly
Rock S. by W 1/2 W. About a league to the eastward of Swilly is another
elevated rock, that is not taken notice of by Captain Furneaux. I called
it the Eddystone, from its very great resemblance to that light-house.
Nature seems to have left these two rocks here for the same purpose that
the Eddystone light-house was built by man, viz. to give navigators
notice of the dangers around them; for they are the conspicuous summits
of a ledge of rocks under water, on which the sea, in many places,
breaks very high. Their surface is white with the dung of sea-fowls; so
that they may be seen at some distance even in the night. On the N.E.
side of Storm Bay, which lies between the S. cape and Tasman's Head,
there are some coves or creeks, that seemed to be sheltered from the
sea-winds; and I am of opinion, that, were this coast examined, there
would be found some good harbours.
Soon after we had sight of land the westerly winds left us, and were
succeeded by variable light airs and alternate calms, till the 26th at
noon. At that time a breeze sprung up and freshened at S.E. which put it
in my power to carry into execution the design I had, upon due
consideration, formed, of carrying the ships into Adventure Bay, where I
might expect to get a supply of wood and of grass for the cattle; of
both which articles we should, as I now found, have been in great want
if I had waited till our arrival in New Zealand. We therefore stood for
the bay, and anchored in it at four o'clock in the afternoon, at twelve
fathoms water, over a bottom of sand and ooze. Penguin Island, which
lies close to the E. point of the bay, bore N. 84° E.; the southernmost
point of Maria's Islands bore N. 76° 1/2 E.; and Cape Frederick Henry,
or the N. point of the bay, bore N. 33° E. Our distance from the nearest
shore was about three quarters of a mile.
As soon as we had anchored, I ordered the boats to be hoisted out. In
one of them I went myself to look for the most commodious place for
furnishing ourselves with the necessary supplies; and Captain Clerke
went in his boat upon the same service. Wood and water we found in
plenty, and in situations convenient enough, especially the first. But
grass, of which we stood most in need, was scarce, and also very coarse.
Necessity, however, obliged us to take such as we could get.
Next morning early, I sent Lieutenant King to the E. side of the bay
with two parties, one to cut wood, and the other to cut grass, under the
protection of the marines, whom I judged it prudent to land as a guard.
For although, as yet, none of the natives had appeared, there could be
no doubt that some were in our neighbourhood, as we had seen columns of
smoke from the time of our approaching the coast, and some now was
observed at no great distance up in the woods, I also sent the launch
for water; and afterward visited all the parties myself. In the evening,
we drew the seine at the head of the bay, and, at one haul, caught a
great quantity of fish. We should have got many more, had not the net
broken in drawing it ashore. Most of them were of that sort known to
seamen by the name of elephant fish. After this, every one repaired on
board with what wood and grass we had cut, that we might be ready to
sail whenever the wind should serve.
This not happening next morning, the people were sent on shore again on
the same duty as the day before. I also employed the carpenter, with
part of his crew, to cut some spars for the use of the ship; and
dispatched Mr Roberts, one of the mates, in a small boat to survey the
bay.
In the afternoon, we were agreeably surprised, at the place where we
were cutting wood, with a visit from some of the natives, eight men and
a boy. They approached as from the woods, without betraying any marks of
fear, or rather with the greatest confidence imaginable; for none of
them, had any weapons, except one who held in his hand a stick about two
feet long, and pointed at one end.
They were quite naked, and wore no ornaments, unless we consider as
such, and as a proof of their love of finery, some small punctures or
ridges raised on different parts of their bodies, some in straight, and
others in curved lines.
They were of the common stature, but rather slender. Their skin was
black, and also their hair, which was as woolly as that of any native of
Guinea; but they were not distinguished by remarkably thick lips, nor
flat noses. On the contrary, their features were far from being
disagreeable. They had pretty good eyes; and their teeth were tolerably
even, but very dirty. Most of them had their hair and beards smeared
with a red ointment; and some had their faces also painted with the same
composition.
They received every present we made to them without the least appearance
of satisfaction. When some bread was given, as soon as they understood
that it was to be eaten, they either returned it, or threw it away,
without even tasting it. They also refused some elephant fish, both raw
and dressed, which we offered to them. But upon giving some birds to
them, they did not return these, and easily made us comprehend that they
were fond of such food. I had brought two pigs ashore, with a view to
leave them in the woods. The instant these came within their reach, they
seized them, as a dog would have done, by the ears, and were for
carrying them off immediately, with no other intention, as we could
perceive, but to kill them.
Being desirous of knowing the use of the stick which one of our visitors
carried in his hand, I made signs to them to shew me; and so far
succeeded, that one of them set up a piece of wood as a mark, and threw
at it at the distance of about twenty yards. But we had little reason to
commend his dexterity; for, after repeated trials, he was still very
wide from the object. Omai, to shew them how much superior our weapons
were to theirs, then fired his musquet at it, which alarmed them so
much, that notwithstanding all we could do or say, they ran instantly
into the woods. One of them was so frightened, that he let drop an axe
and two knives that had been given to him. From us, however, they went
to the place where some of the Discovery's people were employed in
taking water into their boat. The officer of that party, not knowing
that they had paid us so friendly a visit, nor what their intent might
be, fired a musquet in the air, which sent them off with the greatest
precipitation.
Thus ended our first interview with the natives. Immediately after their
final retreat, judging that their fears would prevent their remaining
near enough to observe what was passing, I ordered the two pigs, being a
boar and sow, to be carried about a mile within the woods at the head of
the bay. I saw them left there, by the side of a fresh-water brook. A
young bull and a cow, and some sheep and goats, were also, at first,
intended to have been left by me, as an additional present to Van
Diemen's Land. But I soon laid aside all thought of this, from a
persuasion that the natives, incapable of entering into my views of
improving their country, would destroy them. If ever they should meet
with the pigs, I have no doubt this will be their fate. But as that race
of animals soon becomes wild, and is fond of the thickest cover of the
woods, there is great probability of their being preserved. An open
place must have been chosen for the accommodation of the other cattle;
and, in such a situation, they could not possibly have remained
concealed many days.
The morning of the 29th was ushered in with a dead calm, which continued
all day, and effectually prevented our sailing. I therefore sent a
party over to the E. point of the bay to cut grass, having been informed
that some of a superior quality grew there. Another party, to cut wood,
was ordered to go to the usual place, and I accompanied them myself. We
had observed several of the natives this morning sauntering along the
shore, which assured us, that though their consternation had made them
leave us so abruptly the day before, they were convinced that we
intended them no mischief, and were desirous of renewing the
intercourse. It was natural that I should wish to be present on the
occasion.
We had not been long landed, before about twenty of them, men and boys,
joined us, without expressing the least sign of fear or distrust. There
was one of this company conspicuously deformed, and who was not more
distinguishable by the hump upon his back, than by the drollery of his
gestures, and the seeming humour of his speeches, which he was very fond
of exhibiting, as we supposed, for our entertainment. But,
unfortunately, we could not understand him; the language spoken here
being wholly unintelligible to us. It appeared to me to be different
from that spoken by the inhabitants of the more northern parts of this
country, whom I met with in my first voyage; which is not extraordinary,
since those we now saw, and those we then visited, differ in many other
respects.[130] Nor did they seem to be such miserable wretches as the
natives whom Dampier mentions to have seen on its western coast.[131]
[Footnote 130: The most striking difference seems to be with regard to
the texture of the hair. The natives whom Captain Cook met with at
Endeavour River in 1769, are said, by him, to have "naturally long and
black hair, though it be universally cropped short. In general it is
straight, but sometimes it has a slight curl. We saw none that was not
matted and filthy. Their beards were of the same colour with the hair,
and bushy and thick."
It may be necessary to mention here, on the authority of Captain King,
that Captain Cook was very unwilling to allow that the hair of the
natives now met with in Adventure Bay was _woolly_, fancying that his
people, who first observed this, had been deceived, from its being
clotted with grease and red ochre. But Captain King prevailed upon him
afterward to examine carefully the hair of the boys, which was
generally, as well as that of the women, free from this dirt; and then
he owned himself satisfied that it was naturally _woolly_. Perhaps we
may suppose it possible, that he himself had been deceived when he was
in Endeavour River, from this very circumstance, as he expressly says,
that "they saw none that was not matted and filthy."--D.]
[Footnote 131: And yet Dampier's New Hollanders, on the western coast,
bear a striking resemblance to Captain Cook's at Van Diemen's Land, in
many remarkable instances:--
1st, As to their becoming familiar with the strangers.
2dly, As to their persons; being straight-bodied and thin, their skin
black, and black, short, curled hair, like the negroes of Guinea, with
wide mouths.
3dly, As to their wretched condition, having no houses, no garment, no
canoes, no instrument to catch large fish; feeding on broiled muscles,
cockles, and periwinkles; having no fruits of the earth; their weapons a
straight pole, sharpened and hardened at the end, &c. &c.
The chief peculiarities of Dampier's _miserable wretches_ are, 1st,
Their eye-lids being always half closed, to keep the flies out, which
were excessively troublesome there; and, 2dly, Their wanting the two
fore-teeth of the upper jaw, and their having no beards. See Dampier's
Voyages, vol. i. p. 464, &c. There seems to be no reason for supposing
that Dampier was mistaken in the above account of what he saw.--D.]
Some of our present group wore, loose, round their necks, three or four
folds of small cord, made of the fur of some animal; and others of them
had a narrow slip of the kangooroo skin tied round their ankles. I gave
to each of them a string of beads and a medal, which I thought they
received with some satisfaction. They seemed to set no value on iron, or
on iron tools. They were even ignorant of the use of fish-hooks, if we
might judge from their manner of looking at some of ours which we shewed
to them.
We cannot, however, suppose it to be possible that a people who inhabit
a sea-coast, and who seem to derive no part of their sustenance from the
productions of the ground, should not be acquainted with some mode of
catching fish, though we did not happen to see any of them thus
employed, nor observe any canoe, or vessel, in which they could go upon
the water. Though they absolutely rejected the sort of fish that we
offered to them, it was evident that shell-fish, at least, made a part
of their food, from the many heaps of muscle-shells we saw in different
parts near the shore, and about some deserted habitations near the head
of the bay. These were little sheds, or hovels, built of sticks, and
covered with bark. We could also perceive evident signs of their
sometimes taking up their abode in the trunks of large trees, which had
been hollowed out by fire, most probably for this very purpose. In or
near all these habitations, and wherever there was a heap of shells,
there remained the marks of fire, an indubitable proof that they do not
eat their food raw.
After staying about an hour with the wooding party and the natives, as I
could now be pretty confident that the latter were not likely to give
the former any disturbance, I left them, and went over to the
grass-cutters on the east point of the bay, and found that they had met
with a fine patch. Having seen the boats loaded, I left that party, and
returned on board to dinner; where, some time after, Lieutenant King
arrived.
From him I learnt, that I had but just left the shore, when several
women and children made their appearance, and were introduced to him by
some of the men who attended them. He gave presents to all of them, of
such trifles as he had about him. These females wore a kangooroo skin
(in the same shape as it came from the animal) tied over the shoulders,
and round the waist. But its only use seemed to be to support their
children when carried on their backs, for it did not cover those parts
which most nations conceal; being, in all other respects, as naked as
the men, and as black, and their bodies marked with scars in the same
manner. But in this they differed from the men, that though their hair
was of the same colour and texture, some of them had their heads
completely shorn or shaved; in others this operation had been performed
only on one side, while the rest of them had all the upper part of the
head shorn close, leaving a circle of hair all round, somewhat like the
tonsure of the Romish ecclesiastics.[132] Many of the children had fine
features, and were thought pretty; but of the persons of the women,
especially those advanced in years, a less favourable report was made.
However, some of the gentlemen belonging to the Discovery, I was told,
paid their addresses, and made liberal offers of presents, which were
rejected with great disdain; whether from a sense of virtue, or the fear
of displeasing their men, I shall not pretend to determine. That this
gallantry was not very agreeable to the latter, is certain; for an
elderly man, as soon as he observed it, ordered all the women and
children to retire, which they obeyed, though some of them shewed a
little reluctance.
[Footnote 132: Captain Cook's account of the natives of Van Diemen's
Land, in this chapter, no doubt proves that they differ, in many
respects, as he says, from the inhabitants of the more northerly parts
of the east coast of New Holland, whom he met with in his first voyage.
It seems very remarkable, however, that the only woman any of his people
came close to, in Botany Bay, should have her hair cropped short, while
the man who was with her, is said to have had the hair of his head
bushy, and his beard long and rough. Could the natives of Van Diemen's
Land be more accurately described, than by saying that the hair of the
men's heads is bushy, and their beards long and rough, and that the
women's hair is cropped short? So far north, therefore, as Botany Bay,
the natives of the east coast of New Holland seem to resemble those of
Van Diemen's Land, in this circumstance.--D.]
This conduct of Europeans amongst savages, to their women, is highly
blameable; as it creates a jealousy in their men, that may be attended
with consequences fatal to the success of the common enterprise, and to
the whole body of adventurers, without advancing the private purpose of
the individual, or enabling him to gain the object of his wishes. I
believe it has been generally found among uncivilized people, that where
the women are easy of access, the men are the first to offer them to
strangers; and that, where this is not the case, neither the allurement
of presents, nor the opportunity of privacy, will be likely to have the
desired effect. This observation, I am sure, will hold good, throughout
all the parts of the South Sea where I have been. Why then should men
act so absurd a part, as to risk their own safety, and that of all their
companions, in pursuit of a gratification which they have no probability
of obtaining?[133]
[Footnote 133: In uncivilized nations, the women are completely
subservient to the power and desires of the men, without seeming to
possess, or to be allowed, a will or thought of their own. Amongst them,
therefore, the primitive mode of temptation must be reversed, and the
husband is first to be gained over. When this is done, all that follows,
is understood and intended by him, as a sort of temporary barter; and
the favours of his wife, or daughter, are valued by him just in the
proportion they are sought for by those with whom he is dealing. But
where his animal necessities can scarcely be supplied, it cannot be
imagined that he will be very sensible to the force of toys and trinkets
as objects of temptation. These, on the other hand, will carry most
persuasion, where, through the greater bounty of nature, an avenue has
been opened for the display of vanity and the love of ornament. Any
opposition on the female part in either case, is of no avail as a
barrier against strangers, as he who is most concerned to protect it,
finds his account in its sacrifice. We have instances of both in Captain
Cook's voyages.--E.]
In the afternoon I went again to the grass-cutters, to forward their
work. I found them then upon Penguin Island, where they had met with a
plentiful crop of excellent grass. We laboured hard till sun-set, and
then repaired on board, satisfied with the quantity we had collected,
and which I judged sufficient to last till our arrival in New Zealand.
During our whole stay, we had either calms or light airs from the
eastward. Little or no time, therefore, was lost by my putting in at
this place. For if I had kept the sea, we should not have been twenty
leagues advanced farther on our voyage. And, short as our continuance
was here, it has enabled me to add somewhat to the imperfect
acquaintance that hath hitherto been acquired, with this part of the
globe.
Van Diemen's Land has been twice visited before. It was so named by
Tasman, who discovered it in November 1642. From that time it had
escaped all farther notice by European navigators, till Captain Furneaux
touched at it in March 1773.[134] I hardly need say, that it is the
southern point of New Holland, which, if it doth not deserve the name of
a continent, is by far the largest island in the world.
[Footnote 134: This is a mistake, though unintentional, no doubt, and
ignorantly on the part of Cook. Captain Marion, a French navigator, and
mentioned occasionally in these voyages, visited Van Diemen's Land about
a twelve-month before Captain Furneaux. The account of his voyage was
published at Paris in 1783, but is little known in England; for which
reason, and because of its possessing a considerable degree of interest,
Captain Flinders has given an abridgment of that portion of its contents
which respects the land in question. This the reader will find in his
introduction, p. 83, or he may content himself with being informed, that
the description it gives of the natives, &c, generally coincides with
what is furnished in the text. Subsequent to this voyage, it may be
remarked, Captain Bligh put into Adventure Bay with his majesty's ship
Bounty, viz. in 1788: and afterwards, viz. in 1792, the coast of Van
Diemen's Land was visited by the French Rear-Admiral D'Entrecasteaux.--E.]
The land is, for the most part, of a good height, diversified with hills
and valleys, and every where of a greenish hue. It is well wooded; and,
if one may judge from appearances, and from what we met with in
Adventure Bay, is not ill supplied with water. We found plenty of it in
three or four places in this bay. The best, or what is most convenient
for ships that touch here, is a rivulet, which is one of several that
fall into a pond, that lies behind the beach at the head of the bay. It
there mixes with the sea-water, so that it must be taken up above this
pond, which may be done without any great trouble. Fire-wood is to be
got, with great ease, in several places.
The only wind to which this bay is exposed, is the N.E. But as this wind
blows from Maria's Islands, it can bring no very great sea along with
it; and therefore, upon the whole, this may be accounted a very safe
road. The bottom is clean, good holding ground; and the depth of water
from twelve to five and four fathoms.
Captain Furneaux's sketch of Van Diemen's Land, published with the
narrative of my last voyage, appears to me to be without any material
error, except with regard to Maria's Islands, which have a different
situation from what is there represented.[135] The longitude was
determined by a great number of lunar observations, which we had before
we made the land, while we were in sight of it, and after we had left
it; and reduced to Adventure Bay, and the several principal points, by
the time-keeper. The following table will exhibit both the longitude and
latitude at one view:
Latitude South. Longitude East:
Adventure Bay, 43° 21' 20" 147° 29' 0"
Tasman's Head, 43 33 0 147 28 0
South Cape, 43 42 0 146 56 0
South-west Cape, 43 37 0 146 7 0
Swilly Isle, 43 55 0 147 6 0
Adventure { Variation of the compass 5° 15' E.
Bay, { Dip of the south end of the needle 70° 15 1/2'.
We had high-water on the 29th, being two days before the last quarter of
the moon, at nine in the morning. The perpendicular rise then was
eighteen inches, and there was no appearance of its ever having exceeded
two feet and a half. These are all the memorials useful to navigation,
which my short stay has enabled me to preserve, with respect to Van
Diemen's Land.
[Footnote 135: But Captain Flinders has pointed out some other mistakes,
especially as to the Storm and Frederik Hendrik's Bays of Tasman, in
which, says he, "He has been followed by all the succeeding navigators,
of the same nation, which has created not a little confusion in the
geography of this part of the world." Let us prevent the perpetuity of
errors, by quoting another passage from the same most accurate and
skilful navigator. "The bay supposed to have been Storm Bay, has no name
in Tasman's chart; though the particular plan shews that he noticed it,
as did Marion, more distinctly. The rocks marked at the east point of
this bay, and called the Friars, are the _Boreal's Eylanden_ of Tasman;
the true Storm Bay is the deep inlet, of which Adventure Bay is a cove.
Frederik Hendrik's Bay is not within this inlet, but lies to the
north-eastward, on the outer side of the land which Captain Furneaux, in
consequence of his first mistake, took to be Maria's Island, but which,
in fact, is a part of the main land." A copy of Tasman's charts is given
in the atlas to D'Entrecasteaux's voyage; it is taken from Valantyn, and
is conformable to the manuscript charts in the Dutch journal. But
according to Flinders, it has an error of one degree too much east, in
the scale of longitude. Besides, he informs us, "In the plan of Frederik
Hendrik's Bay, the name is placed _within_ the inner bay, instead of
being written, as in the original, on the point of land between the
inner and outer bays." He imagines the name was intended to comprise
both, and refers to vol. iii. of Captain Burney's History of Discoveries
in the South Sea, for a copy of Tasman's charts as they stand in the
original.--E.]
Mr Anderson, my surgeon, with his usual diligence, spent the few days we
remained in Adventure Bay, in examining the country. His account of its
natural productions, with which he favoured me, will more than
compensate for my silence about them: Some of his remarks on the
inhabitants will supply what I may have omitted, or represented
imperfectly; and his specimen of their language, however short, will be
thought worth attending to, by those who wish to collect materials for
tracing the origin of nations. I shall only premise, that the tall
strait forest trees, which Mr Anderson describes in the following
account, are of a different sort from those which are found in the more
northern parts of this coast. The wood is very long and close-grained,
extremely tough, fit for spars, oars, and many other uses; and would, on
occasion, make good masts, (perhaps none better,) if a method could be
found to lighten it.
"At the bottom of Adventure Bay is a beautiful sandy beach, which seems
to be wholly formed by the particles washed by the sea from a very fine
white sand-stone, that in many places bounds the shore, and of which
Fluted Cape, in the neighbourhood, from its appearance, seems to be
composed. This beach is about two miles long, and is excellently adapted
for hauling a seine, which both ships did repeatedly with success.
Behind this is a plain or flat, with a salt, or rather brackish lake
(running in length parallel with the beach), out of which we caught,
with angling rods, many whitish bream, and some small trout. The other
parts of the country adjoining the bay are quite hilly; and both those
and the flat are an entire forest of very tall trees, rendered almost
impassable by shrubs, brakes of fern, and fallen trees; except on the
sides of some of the hills, where the trees are but thin, and a coarse
grass is the only interruption."
"To the northward of the bay there is low land, stretching farther than
the eye can reach, which is only covered with wood in certain spots; but
we had no opportunity to examine in what respects it differed from the
hilly country. The soil on the flat land is either sandy, or consists of
a yellowish mould, and, in some places, of a reddish clay. The same is
found on the lower part of the hills; but farther up, especially where
there are few trees, it is of a grey tough cast, to appearance very
poor."
"In the valleys between the hills, the water drains down from their
sides; and at last, in some places, forms small brooks; such, indeed, as
were sufficient to supply us with water, but by no means of that size we
might expect in so extensive a country, especially as it is both hilly
and well wooded. Upon the whole, it has many marks of being naturally a
very dry country; and perhaps might (independent of its wood) be
compared to Africa, about the Cape of Good Hope, though that lies ten
degrees farther northward, rather than to New Zealand, on its other
side, in the same latitude, where we find every valley, however small,
furnished with a considerable stream of water. The heat, too, appears to
be great, as the thermometer stood at 64, 70, and once at 74. And it was
remarked, that birds were seldom killed an hour or two, before they were
almost covered with small maggots, which I would rather attribute merely
to the heat; as we had not any reason to suppose there is a peculiar
disposition in the climate to render substances soon putrid."
"No mineral bodies, nor indeed stones of any other sort but the white
sand one already mentioned, were observed.
"Amongst the vegetable productions, there is not one, that we could
find, which afforded the smallest subsistence for man."
"The forest trees are all of one sort, growing to a great height, and in
general quite straight, branching but little, till toward the top. The
bark is white, which makes them appear, at a distance, as if they had
been peeled; it is also thick; and within it are sometimes collected,
pieces of a reddish transparent gum or rosin, which has an astringent
taste. The leaves of this tree are long, narrow, and pointed; and it
bears clusters of small white flowers, whose cups were, at this time,
plentifully scattered about the ground, with another sort resembling
them somewhat in shape, but much larger; which makes it probable that
there are two _species_ of this tree. The bark of the smaller branches,
fruit, and leaves, have an agreeable pungent taste, and aromatic smell,
not unlike peppermint; and in its nature, it has some affinity to the
_myrtus_ of botanists."
"The most common tree, next to this, is a small one about ten feet high,
branching pretty much, with narrow leaves, and a large, yellow,
cylindrical flower, consisting only of a vast number of filaments;
which, being shed, leave a fruit like a pine-top. Both the
above-mentioned trees are unknown in Europe."
"The underwood consists chiefly of a shrub somewhat resembling a myrtle,
and which seems to be the _leptospermum scoparium_, mentioned in Dr
Foster's _Char. Gen. Plant._; and, in some places, of another, rather
smaller, which is a new _species_ of the _melaleuca_ of Linnaeus."
"Of other plants, which are by no means numerous, there is a _species_
of _gladiolus_, rush, bell-flower, samphire, a small sort of
wood-sorrel, milk-wort, cudweed, and Job's tears; with a few others,
peculiar to the place. There are several kinds of fern, as polypody,
spleenwort, female fern, and some mosses; but the _species_ are either
common, or at least found in some other countries, especially New
Zealand."
"The only animal of the quadruped kind we got, was a sort of _opossum_,
about twice the size of a large rat; and is, most probably, the male of
that _species_ found at Endeavour river, as mentioned in Cook's first
voyage. It is of a dusky colour above, tinged with a brown or rusty
cast, and whitish below. About a third of the tail, towards its tip, is
white, and bare underneath; by which it probably hangs on the branches
of trees, as it climbs these, and lives on berries. The _kangooroo_,
another animal found farther northward in New Holland, as described in
the same voyage, without all doubt also inhabits here, as the natives we
met with had some pieces of their skins; and we several times saw
animals, though indistinctly, run from the thickets when we walked in
the woods, which, from the size, could be no other. It should seem also,
that they are in considerable numbers, from the dung we saw almost every
where, and from the narrow tracks or paths they have made amongst the
shrubbery."
"There are several sorts of birds, but all so scarce and shy, that they
are evidently harrassed by the natives, who, perhaps, draw much of their
subsistence from them. In the woods, the principal sorts are large brown
hawks or eagles; crows, nearly the same as ours in England; yellowish
paroquets; and large pigeons. There are also three or four small birds,
one of which is of the thrush kind; and another small one, with a pretty
long tail, has part of the head and neck of a most beautiful azure
colour; from whence we named it _motacilla cyanea_. On the shore were
several common and sea gulls; a few black oyster-catchers, or sea-pies;
and a pretty plover of a stone colour, with a black hood. About the pond
or lake behind the beach, a few wild-ducks were seen; and some shags
used to perch upon the high leafless trees near the shore."
"Some pretty large blackish snakes were seen in the woods; and we killed
a large, hitherto unknown, lizard, fifteen inches long, and six round,
elegantly clouded with black and yellow; besides a small sort, of a
brown gilded colour above, and rusty below."
"The sea affords a much greater plenty, and at least as great a variety,
as the land. Of these the elephant fish, or _pejegallo_, mentioned in
Frezier's voyage,[136] are the most numerous; and though inferior to
many other fish, were very palatable food. Several large rays, nurses,
and small leather-jackets, were caught; with some small white bream,
which were firmer and better than those caught in the lake. We likewise
got a few soles and flounders; two sorts of gurnards, one of them a new
_species_; some small spotted mullet; and, very unexpectedly, the small
fish with a silver band on its side, called _atherina hipsetus_ by
Hasseiquist."[137]
[Footnote 136: Tom. ii. p. 211. 12mo. Planche XVII.]
[Footnote 137: _Iter Palastinum_.]
"But that next in number, and superior in goodness, to the elephant
fish, was a sort none of us recollected to have seen before. It partakes
of the nature both of a round and of a flat fish, having the eyes placed
very near each other; the fore-part of the body much flattened or
depressed, and the rest rounded. It is of a brownish sandy colour, with
rusty spots on the upper part, and whitish below. From the quantity of
slime it was always covered with, it seems to live after the manner of
flat fish, at the bottom."
"Upon the rocks are plenty of muscles, and some other small shell-fish.
There are also great numbers of sea-stars; some small limpets; and large
quantities of sponge; one sort of which, that is thrown on shore by the
sea, but not very common, has a most delicate texture; and another, is
the _spongia dichotoma_."
"Many pretty _Medusa's heads_ were found upon the beach; and the
stinking _laplysia_ or sea-hare, which, as mentioned by some authors,
has the property of taking off the hair by the acrimony of its juice;
but this sort was deficient in this respect."
"Insects, though not numerous, are here in considerable variety. Amongst
them are grasshoppers, butterflies, and several sorts of small moths,
finely variegated. There are two sorts of dragon-flies, gad-flies,
camel-flies; several sorts of spiders; and some scorpions; but the last
are rather rare. The most troublesome, though not very numerous tribe of
insects, are the musquitoes; and a large black ant, the pain of whose
bite is almost intolerable, during the short time it lasts. The
musquitoes, also, make up the deficiency of their number, by the
severity of their venomous _proboscis_."
"The inhabitants whom we met with here, had little of that fierce or
wild appearance common to people in their situation; but, on the
contrary, seemed mild and cheerful, without reserve or jealousy of
strangers. This, however, may arise from their having little to lose or
care for."
"With respect to personal activity or genius, we can say but little of
either. They do not seem to possess the first in any remarkable degree;
and as for the last, they have, to appearance, less than even the
half-animated inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, who have not invention
sufficient to make clothing for defending themselves from the rigour of
their climate, though furnished with the materials. The small stick,
rudely pointed, which one of them carried in his hand, was the only
thing we saw that required any mechanical exertion, if we except the
fixing on the feet of some of them pieces of _kangooroo_ skin, tied with
thongs; though it could not be learnt whether these were in use as
shoes, or only to defend some sore. It must be owned, however, they are
masters of some contrivance in the manner of cutting their arms and
bodies in lines of different lengths and directions, which are raised
considerably above the surface of the skin, so that it is difficult to
guess the method they use in executing this embroidery of their persons.
Their not expressing that surprise which one might have expected from
their seeing men so much unlike themselves, and things, to which, we
were well assured, they had been hitherto utter strangers; their
indifference for our presents; and their general inattention; were
sufficient proofs of their not possessing any acuteness of
understanding."
"Their colour is a dull black, and not quite so deep as that of the
African negroes. It should seem also, that they sometimes heightened
their black colour, by smutting their bodies; as a mark was left behind
on any clean substance, such as white paper, when they handled it. Their
hair, however, is perfectly woolly, and it is clotted or divided into
small parcels, like that of the Hottentots, with the use of some sort of
grease, mixed with a red paint or ochre, which they smear in great
abundance over their heads. This practice, as some might imagine, has
not the effect of changing their hair into the frizzling texture we
observed; for, on examining the head of a boy, which appeared never to
have been smeared, I found the hair to be of the same kind. Their noses,
though not flat, are broad and full. The lower part of the face projects
a good deal, as is the case of more Indians I have seen; so that a line
let fall from the forehead would cut off a much larger portion, than it
would in Europeans. Their eyes are of a middling size, with the white
less clear than in us; and though not remarkably quick or piercing, such
as give a frank cheerful cast to the whole countenance. Their teeth are
broad, but not equal, nor well set; and, either from nature or from
dirt, not of so true a white as is usual among people of a black colour.
Their mouths are rather wide; but this appearance seems heightened by
wearing their beards long, and clotted with paint, in the same manner as
the hair on their heads. In other respects, they are well-proportioned;
though the belly seems rather projecting. This may be owing to the want
of compression there, which few nations do not use, more or less. The
posture of which they seem fondest, is to stand with one side forward,
or the upper part of the body gently reclined, and one hand grasping
(across the back) the opposite arm, which hangs down by the projecting
side."
"What the ancient poets tell us of _Fauns_ and _Satyrs_ living in hollow
trees, is here realized. Some wretched constructions of sticks, covered
with bark, which do not even deserve the name of huts, were indeed found
near the shore in the bay; but these seemed only to have been erected
for temporary purposes; and many of their largest trees were converted
into more comfortable habitations. These had their trunks hollowed out
by fire, to the height of six or seven feet; and that they take up their
abode in them sometimes, was evident from the hearths, made of clay, to
contain the fire in the middle, leaving room for four or five persons to
sit round it.[138] At the same time, these places of shelter are
durable; for they take care to leave one side of the tree sound, which
is sufficient to keep it growing as luxuriantly as those which remain
untouched."
[Footnote 138: Tasman, when in the bay of Frederick Henry, adjoining to
Adventure Bay, found two trees, one of which was two fathoms, and the
other two fathoms and a half in girth, and sixty or sixty-five feet
high, from the root to the branches.--See his Voyage, in Harris's
Collection, Campbell's Edition, vol. i. p. 326.--D.]
"The inhabitants of this place are, doubtless, from the same stock with
those of the northern parts of New Holland. Though some of the
circumstances mentioned by Dampier, relative to those he met with on the
western coast of this country, such as their defective sight, and want
of fore-teeth, are not found here; and though Hawkesworth's account of
those met with by Captain Cook on the east side, shews also that they
differ in many respects; yet still, upon the whole, I am persuaded that
distance of place, entire separation, diversity of climate, and length
of time, all concurring to operate, will account for greater
differences, both as to their persons and as to their customs, than
really exist between our Van Diemen's Land natives, and those described
by Dampier, and in Captain Cook's first voyage. This is certain, that
the figure of one of those seen in Endeavour River, and represented in
Sidney Parkinson's Journal of that voyage, very much resembles our
visitors in Adventure Bay. That there is not the like resemblance in
their language, is a circumstance that need not create any difficulty.
For though the agreement of the languages of people living distant from
each other, may be assumed as a strong argument for their having sprung
from one common source, disagreement of language is by no means a proof
of the contrary."[139]
[Footnote 139: The ingenious author of _Récherches sur les Americains_
illustrates the grounds of this assertion in the following satisfactory
manner: "C'est quelque chose de surprenant, que la foule des idiomes,
tous variés entr'eux, que parlent les naturels de l'Amérique
Septentrionale. Qu'on reduise ces idiomes à des racines qu'on les
simplifie, qu'on en separe les dialectes et les jargons derivés, il en
resulte toujours cinq ou six languesmeres, respectivement
incomprehensibles. On a observé la même singularité dans la Siberie et
la Tartarie, où le nombre des idiomes, et les dialectes, est également
multiplié; et rien n'est plus commun, que d'y voir deux hordes voisines
qui ne se comprennent point. On rétrouve cette même multiplicité de
jargons dans toutes les Provinces de l'Amérique Méridionale." [He might
also have included Africa.] "Il y a beaucoup d'apparence que _la vie
sauvage, en dispersant les hommes par petites troupes isolées dans des
bois épais, occasione nécessairement cette grande diversité des
langues_, dont le nombre diminue à mésure que la société, en rassemblant
les barbares vagabonds, en forme un corps de nation. Alors l'idiome le
plus riche, ou le moins panvre en mots, devient dominant, et absorbe les
autres." Tom. i. p. 159, 160.--D.]
"However, we must have a far more intimate acquaintance with the
languages spoken here, and in the more northern parts of New Holland,
before we can be warranted to pronounce that they are totally different.
Nay, we have good grounds for the opposite opinion; for we found that
the animal called _kangooroo_ at Endeavour river, was known under the
same name here; and I need not observe, that it is scarcely possible to
suppose that this was not transmitted from one another, but accidentally
adopted by two nations, differing in language and extraction. Besides,
as it seems very improbable that the Van Diemen's Land inhabitants
should have ever lost the use of canoes or sailing vessels, if they had
been originally conveyed thither by sea, we must necessarily admit that
they, as well as the _kangooroo_ itself, have been stragglers by land
from the more northern parts of the country. And if there be any force
in this observation, while it traces the origin of the people, it will,
at the same time, serve to fix another point, if Captain Cook and
Captain Furneaux have not already decided it, that New Holland is no
where totally divided by the sea into islands, as some have
imagined."[140]
[Footnote 140: The reader is aware of the erroneous opinion generally
entertained at this time, of Van Diemen's Land being connected with the
continent of New Holland. He will therefore modify the remark above
given, as to its inhabitants being stragglers by land from the more
northern parts of the country. It is of some consequence also to inform
him, that in the visit of D'Entrecasteaux, it was found that the people
who inhabited the shores of the channel were in possession of bark
canoes.--E.]
"As the New Hollanders seem all to be of the same extraction, so neither
do I think there is any thing peculiar in them. On the contrary, they
much resemble many of the inhabitants whom I have seen at the islands
Tanna and Mallicolla. Nay, there is even some foundation for hazarding a
supposition, that they may have originally come from the same place with
all the inhabitants of the South Sea. For, of only about ten words which
we could get from them, that which expresses _cold_, differs little from
that of New Zealand and Otaheite; the first being _Mallareede_, the
second _Makkareede_, and the third _Mareede_. The rest of our very
scanty Van Diemen's Land Vocabulary is as follows:
Quadne, _A woman._
Everai, _The eye._
Muidje, _The nose._
Kamy, _The teeth, mouth, or tongue_.
Laerenne, _A small bird, a native of the woods here_.
Koygee, _The ear_.
Noonga, _Elevated scars on the body_.
Teegera, _To eat_.
Togarago, _I must begone,_ or, _I will go_.
"Their pronunciation is not disagreeable; but rather quick; though not
more so than is that of other nations of the South Sea; and, if we may
depend upon the affinity of languages as a clue to guide us in
discovering the origin of nations, I have no doubt but we shall find, on
a diligent enquiry, and when opportunities offer to collect accurately a
sufficient number of these words, and to compare them, that all the
people from New Holland, eastward to Easter Island, have been derived
from the same common root."[141]
[Footnote 141: We find Mr Anderson's notions on this subject conformable
to those of Mr Marsden, who has remarked, "that one general language
prevailed (however mutilated and changed in the course of time)
throughout all this portion of the world, from Madagascar to the most
distant discoveries eastward; of which the Malay is a dialect, much
corrupted or refined by a mixture of other tongues. This very extensive
similarity of language indicates a common origin of the inhabitants; but
the circumstances and progress of their separation are wrapped in the
darkest veil of obscurity."--_History of Sumatra_, p. 35.
See also his very curious paper, read before the Society of Antiquaries,
and published in their _Archaeologia_, vol. vi, p. 155; where his
sentiments on this subject are explained more at large, and illustrated
by two Tables of corresponding Words.--D.]
SECTION VII.
_The Passage from Van Diemen's Land to New Zealand.--Employments in
Queen Charlotte's Sound.--Transactions with the Natives
there.--Intelligence about the Massacre of the Adventure's Boat's
Crew.--Account of the Chief who headed the Party on that occasion.--Of
the two young Men who embark to attend Omai.--Various Remarks on the
Inhabitants.--Astronomical and Nautical Observations._
At eight o'clock in the morning of the 30th of January, a light breeze
springing up at W., we weighed anchor, and put to sea from Adventure
Bay. Soon after, the wind veered to the southward, and increased to a
perfect storm. Its fury abated in the evening, when it veered to the E,
and N.E.
This gale was indicated by the barometer, for the wind no sooner began
to blow, than the mercury in the tube began to fall. Another remarkable
thing attended the coming on of this wind, which was very faint at
first. It brought with it a degree of heat that was almost intolerable.
The mercury in the thermometer rose, as it were instantaneously, from
about 70° to near 90°. This heat was of so short a continuance, that it
seemed to be wafted away before the breeze that brought it; so that some
on board did not perceive it.
We pursued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thing
worthy of note, till the night between the 6th and 7th of February, when
a marine belonging to the Discovery fell over-board, and was never seen
afterward. This was the second misfortune of the kind that had happened
to Captain Clerke since he left England.
On the 10th, at four in the afternoon, we discovered the land of New
Zealand. The part we saw proved to be Rock's Point, and bore S.E. by S.,
about eight or nine leagues distant. During this run from Van Diemen's
Land, the wind, for the first four or five days, was at N.E., N., and
N.N.W., and blew, for the most part, a gentle breeze. It afterward
veered to S.E., where it remained twenty-four hours. It then came to W.
and S.W.; in which points it continued, with very little deviation, till
we reached New Zealand.
After making the land, I steered for Cape Farewell, which at day-break
the next morning bore S. by W., distant about four leagues. At eight
o'clock, it bore S.W. by S., about five leagues distant; and, in this
situation, we had forty-five fathoms water over a sandy bottom. In
rounding the Cape we had fifty fathoms, and the same sort of bottom.
I now steered for Stephens's Island, which we came up with at nine
o'clock at night; and at ten, next morning, anchored in our old station,
in Queen Charlotte's Sound. Unwilling to lose any time, our operations
commenced that very afternoon, when we landed a number of empty
water-casks, and began to clear a place where we might set up the two
observatories, and tents for the reception of a guard, and of such of
our people whose business might make it necessary for them to remain on
shore.
We had not been long at anchor before several canoes, filled-with
natives, came along-side of the ships; but very few of them would
venture on board; which appeared the more extraordinary, as I was well
known to them all. There w as one man in particular amongst them, whom I
had treated with remarkable kindness, during the whole of my stay when I
was last here. Yet now, neither professions of friendship, nor presents,
could prevail upon him to come into the ship. This shyness was to be
accounted for only upon this supposition, that they were apprehensive we
had revisited their country, in order to revenge the death of Captain
Furneaux's people. Seeing Omai on board my ship now, whom they must have
remembered to have seen on board the Adventure when the melancholy
affair happened, and whose first conversation with them, as they
approached, generally turned on that subject, they must be well assured
that I was no longer a stranger to it. I thought it necessary,
therefore, to use every endeavour to assure them of the continuance of
my friendship, and that I should not disturb them on that account. I do
not know whether this had any weight with them; but certain it is, that
they very soon laid aside all manner of restraint and distrust.
On the 13th we set up two tents, one from each ship, on the same spot
where we had pitched them formerly. The observatories were at the same
time erected; and Messrs King and Bayly began their operations
immediately, to find the rate of the time-keeper, and to make other
observations. The remainder of the empty water-casks were also sent on
shore, with the cooper to trim, and a sufficient number of sailors to
fill them. Two men were appointed to brew spruce beer; and the carpenter
and his crew were ordered to cut wood. A boat, with a party of men,
under the direction of one of the mates, was sent to collect grass for
our cattle; and the people that remained on board were employed in
refitting the ship, and arranging the provisions. In this manner we were
all profitably busied during our stay. For the protection of the party
on shore, I appointed a guard of ten marines, and ordered arms for all
the workmen; and Mr King, and two or three petty officers, constantly
remained with them. A boat was never sent to any considerable distance
from the ships without being armed, and under direction of such officers
as I could depend upon, and who were well acquainted with the natives.
During my former visits to this country, I had never taken some of these
precautions; nor were they, I firmly believe, more necessary now than
they had been formerly. But after the tragical fate of the Adventure's
boat's crew in this sound, and of Captain Marion du Fresne, and of some
of his people, in the Bay of Islands (in 1772), it was impossible
totally to divest ourselves of all apprehension of experiencing a
similar calamity.
If the natives entertained any suspicion of our revenging these acts of
barbarity, they very soon laid it aside. For, during the course of this
day, a great number of families came from different parts or the coast,
and took up their residence close to us; so that there was not a spot in
the cove where a hut could be put up, that was not occupied by them,
except the place where we had fixed our little encampment. This they
left us in quiet possession of; but they came and took away the ruins of
some old huts that were there, as materials for their new erections.
It is curious to observe with what facility they build these occasional
places of abode. I have seen above twenty of them erected on a spot of
ground, that, not an hour before, was covered with shrubs and plants.
They generally bring some part of the materials with them; the rest they
find upon the premises. I was present when a number of people landed,
and built one of these villages. The moment the canoes reached the
shore, the men leaped out, and at once took possession of a piece of
ground, by tearing up the plants and shrubs, or sticking up some part of
the framing of a hut. They then returned to their canoes, and secured
their weapons, by setting them up against a tree, or placing them in
such a position, that they could be laid hold of in an instant. I took
particular notice that no one neglected this precaution. While the men
were employed in raising the huts, the women were not idle. Some were
stationed to take care of the canoes; others to secure the provisions,
and the few utensils in their possession; and the rest went to gather
dry sticks, that a fire might be prepared for dressing their victuals.
As to the children, I kept them, as also some of the more aged,
sufficiently occupied in scrambling for beads, till I had emptied my
pockets, and then I left them.
These temporary habitations are abundantly sufficient to afford shelter
from the wind and rain, which is the only purpose they are meant to
answer. I observed that, generally, if not always, the same tribe or
family, though it were ever so large, associated and built together; so
that we frequently saw a village, as well as their larger towns, divided
into different districts, by low pallisades, or some similar mode of
separation.
The advantage we received from the natives coming to live with us, was
not inconsiderable. For, every day, when the weather would permit, some
of them went out to catch fish; and we generally got, by exchanges, a
good share of the produce of their labours. This supply, and what our
own nets and lines afforded us, was so ample, that we seldom were in
want of fish. Nor was there any deficiency of other refreshments.
Celery, scurvy-grass, and portable soup were boiled with the pease and
wheat, for both ships' companies, every day daring our whole stay; and
they had spruce-beer for their drink. So that, if any of our people had
contracted the seeds of the scurvy, such a regimen soon removed them.
But the truth is, when we arrived here, there were only two invalids
(and these on board the Resolution) upon the sick lists in both ships.
Besides the natives who took up their abode close to us, we were
occasionally visited by others of them, whose residence was not far off;
and by some who lived more remote. Their articles of commerce were,
curiosities, fish, and women. The two first always came to a good
market, which the latter did not. The seamen had taken a kind of dislike
to these people, and were either unwilling, or afraid, to associate with
them; which produced this good effect, that I knew no instance of a
man's quitting his station, to go to their habitations.
A connection with women I allow, because I cannot prevent it; but never
encourage, because I always dread its consequences. I know, indeed, that
many men are of opinion, that such an intercourse is one of our greatest
securities amongst savages; and perhaps they who, either from necessity
or choice, are to remain and settle with them, may find it so. But with
travellers and transient visitors, such as we were, it is generally
otherwise; and, in our situation, a connection with their women betrays
more men than it saves. What else can be reasonably expected, since all
their views are selfish, without the least mixture of regard or
attachment? My own experience, at least, which hath been pretty
extensive, hath not pointed out to me one instance to the contrary.[142]
[Footnote 142: We ought to distinguish betwixt the affection of the
sexes, and those gross physical principles which lead to their temporary
intercourse. The latter exist, in some degree or other, wherever the
difference of sex is found; but the former is the result of refinement
in feeling, and a habit of reflection on objects of common interest,
which civilization alone can produce. This is with respect to members
of the same community; much more does the rule hold where strangers are
concerned. It is positively absurd for them to expect affection, where
the lawful and accustomed possessors of the she-savage have never yet
been fortunate enough to elicit its display. Well, therefore, has
Captain Cook remarked, that the motives which lead to their occasional
connexion are selfish, by which must be understood, the mercenary nature
of the principle which actuates the female.--E.]
Amongst our occasional visitors was a chief named Kahoora, who, as I was
informed, headed the party that cut off Captain Furneaux's people, and
himself killed Mr Howe, the officer who commanded. To judge of the
character of Kahoora, by what I heard from many of his countrymen, he
seemed to be more feared than beloved amongst them. Not satisfied with
telling me that he was a very bad man, some of them even importuned me
to kill him; and, I believe, they were not a little surprised that I did
not listen to them; for, according to their ideas of equity, this ought
to have been done. But if I had followed the advice of all our pretended
friends, I might have extirpated the whole race; for the people of each
hamlet, or village, by turns, applied to me to destroy the other. One
would have almost thought it impossible, that so striking a proof of the
divided state in which this miserable people live, could have been
assigned. And yet I was sure that I did not misconceive the meaning of
those who made these strange applications to me; for Omai, whose
language was a dialect of their own, and perfectly understood all that
they said, was our interpreter.
On the 15th, I made an excursion in my boat to look for grass, and
visited the Hippah, or fortified village at the S.W. point of Motuara,
and the places where our gardens had been planted on that island. There
were no people at the former; but the houses and pallisades had been
rebuilt, and were now in a state of good repair; and there were other
evident marks of its having been inhabited not long before. It would be
unnecessary, at present, to give a particular account of this Hippah,
sufficient notice having been taken of it in the account of my first
voyage.
When the Adventure arrived first at Queen Charlotte's Sound, in 1773, Mr
Bayly fixed upon this place for making his observations; and he, and the
people with him, at their leisure hours, planted several spots with
English garden seeds. Not the least vestige of these now remained. It is
probable that they had been all rooted out to make room for buildings,
when the village was re-inhabited; for, at all the other gardens then
planted by Captain Furneaux, although now wholly over-run with the weeds
of the country, we found cabbages, onions, leeks, purslain, radishes,
mustard, &c. and a few potatoes. These potatoes, which were first
brought from the Cape of Good Hope, had been greatly improved by change
of soil; and, with proper cultivation, would be superior to those
produced in most other countries. Though the New Zealanders are fond of
this root, it was evident that they had not taken the trouble to plant a
single one (much less any other of the articles which we had
introduced); and if it were not for the difficulty of clearing ground
where potatoes had been once planted, there would not have been any now
remaining.
On the 16th, at day-break, I set out with a party of men, in five boats,
to collect food for our cattle. Captain Clerke, and several of the
officers, Omai, and two of the natives, accompanied me. We proceeded
about three leagues up the sound, and then landed on the east side, at a
place where I had formerly been. Here we cut as much grass as loaded the
two launches.
As we returned down the sound, we visited Grass Cove, the memorable
scene of the massacre of Captain Furneaux's people. Here I met with my
old friend Pedro, who was almost continually with me the last time I was
in this sound, and is mentioned in my History of that Voyage. He, and
another of his countrymen, received us on the beach, armed with the
pa-too and spear. Whether this form of reception was a mark of their
courtesy or of their fear, I cannot say; but I thought they betrayed
manifest signs of the latter. However, if they had any apprehensions, a
few presents soon removed them, and brought down to the beach two or
three more of the family; but the greatest part of them remained out of
sight.
Whilst we were at this place, our curiosity prompted us to enquire into
the circumstances attending the melancholy fate of our countrymen; and
Omai was made use of as our interpreter for this purpose. Pedro, and the
rest of the natives present, answered all the questions that were put to
them on the subject, without reserve, and like men who are under no
dread of punishment for a crime of which they are not guilty. For we
already knew that none of them had been concerned in the unhappy
transaction. They told us, that while our people were sitting at dinner,
surrounded by several of the natives, some of the latter stole, or
snatched from them, some bread and fish, for which they were beat. This
being resented, a quarrel ensued, and two New Zealanders were shot dead,
by the only two musquets that were fired. For before our people had time
to discharge a third, or to load again those that had been fired, the
natives rushed in upon them, overpowered them with their numbers, and
put them all to death. Pedro and his companions, besides relating the
history of the massacre, made us acquainted with the very spot that was
the scene of it. It is at the corner of the cove on the right hand. They
pointed to the place of the sun, to mark to us at what hour of the day
it happened; and, according to this, it must have been late in the
afternoon. They also shewed us the place where the boat lay; and it
appeared to be about two hundred yards distant from that where the crew
were seated. One of their number, a black servant of Captain Furneaux,
was left in the boat to take care of her.
We were afterward told that this black was the cause of the quarrel,
which was said to have happened thus: One of the natives stealing
something out of the boat, the Negro gave him a severe blow with a
stick. The cries of the fellow being heard by his countrymen at a
distance, they imagined he was killed, and immediately began the attack
on our people; who, before they had time to reach the boat, or to arm
themselves against the unexpected impending danger, fell a sacrifice to
the fury of their savage assailants.
The first of these accounts was confirmed by the testimony of many of
the natives whom we conversed with at different times, and who, I think,
could have no interest in deceiving us. The second manner of relating
the transaction, rests upon the authority of the young New Zealander,
who chose to abandon his country and go away with us, and who,
consequently, could have no possible view in disguising the truth. All
agreeing that the quarrel happened when the boat's crew were sitting at
their meal, it is highly probable that both accounts are true, as they
perfectly coincide. For we may very naturally suppose, that while some
of the natives were stealing from the man who had been left in the boat,
others of them might take the same liberties with the property of our
people who were on shore.
Be this as it will, all agree that the quarrel first took its rise from
some thefts, in the commission of which the natives were detected. All
agree, also, that there was no premeditated plan of bloodshed, and that,
if these thefts had not been unfortunately too hastily resented no
mischief would have happened. For Kahoora's greatest enemies, those who
solicited his destruction most earnestly, at the same time confessed
that he had no intention to quarrel, much less to kill, till the fray
had actually commenced. It also appears that the unhappy victims were
under no sort of apprehension of their fate, otherwise they never would
have ventured to sit down to a repast at so considerable a distance from
their boat, amongst people who were the next moment to be their
murderers. What became of the boat I never could learn. Some said she
was pulled to pieces and burnt, others told us that she was carried,
they knew not whither, by a party of strangers.
We stayed here till the evening, when, having loaded the rest of the
boats with grass, celery, scurvy-grass, &c. we embarked to return to the
ships. We had prevailed upon Pedro to launch his canoe, and accompany
us; but we had scarcely put off from the shore when the wind began to
blow very hard at N.W., which obliged him to put back, We proceeded
ourselves, but it was with a good deal of difficulty that we could reach
the ships, where some of the boats did not arrive till one o'clock the
next morning; and it was fortunate that they got on board then, for it
afterward blew a perfect storm, with abundance of rain, so that no
manner of work could go forward that day. In the evening the gale
ceased, and the wind, having veered to the E., brought with it fair
weather.
The next day we resumed our works; the natives ventured out to catch
fish; and Pedro, with all his family, came and took up his abode near
us. The chief's proper name is Matahouah; the other being given him by
some of my people during my last voyage, which I did not know till now.
He was, however, equally well known amongst his countrymen by both
names.
On the 20th, in the forenoon, we had another storm from, the N.W. Though
this was not of so long continuance as the former, the gusts of wind
from the hills were far more violent, insomuch that we were obliged to
strike the yards and top-masts to the very utmost; and, even with all
this precaution, it was with difficulty that we rode it out. These
storms are very frequent here, and sometimes violent and troublesome.
The neighbouring mountains, which at these times are always loaded with
vapours, not only increase the force of the wind, but alter its
direction in such a manner, that no two blasts follow each other from
the same quarter; and the nearer the shore, the more their effects are
felt.
The next day we were visited by a tribe or family, consisting of about
thirty persons, men, women and children, who came from the upper part of
the Sound. I had never seen them before. The name of their chief was
Tomatongeauooranuc, a man of about forty-five years of age, with a
cheerful open countenance; and, indeed, the rest of his tribe were, in
general, the handsomest of the New Zealand race I had ever met with.
By this time more than two-thirds of the inhabitants, of the Sound had
settled themselves about us. Great numbers of them daily frequented the
ships, and the encampment on shore; but the latter became, by far, the
most favourite place of resort, while our people there were melting some
seal blubber. No Greenlander was ever fonder of train-oil than our
friends here seemed to be. They relished the very skimmings of the
kettle, and dregs of the casks; but a little of the pure stinking oil
was a delicious feast, so eagerly desired, that I suppose it is seldom
enjoyed.
Having got on board as much hay and grass as we judged sufficient to
serve the cattle till our arrival at Otaheite, and having completed the
wood and water of both ships, on the 23d we struck our tents, and
carried every thing off from the shore, and next morning we weighed
anchor, and stood out of the cove. But the wind not being very fair, and
finding that the tide of ebb would be spent before we could get out of
the Sound, we cast anchor again a little without the island Motuara, to
wait for a more favourable opportunity of putting into the strait.
While we were unmooring and getting under sail, Tomatongeauooranuc,
Matahouah, and many more of the natives, came to take their leave of us,
or rather to obtain, if they could, some additional presents from us
before we left them. These two chiefs became suitors to me for some
goats and hogs. Accordingly, I gave to Matahouah two goats, a male, and
female with kid; and to Tomatongeauooranuc two pigs, a boar and a sow.
They made me a promise not to kill them; though, I must own, I put no
great faith in this. The animals which Captain Furneaux sent on shore
here, and which soon after fell into the hands of the natives, I was now
told were all dead; but I could get no intelligence about the fate of
those I had left in West Bay, and in Cannibal Cove, when I was here in
the course of my last voyage. However, all the natives whom I conversed
with, agreed, that poultry are now to be met with wild in the woods
behind Ship Cove; and I was afterward informed, by the two youths who
went away with us, that Tiratou, a popular chief amongst them, had a
great many cocks and hens in his separate possession, and one of the
sows.
On my present arrival at this place, I fully intended to have left not
only goats and hogs, but sheep, and a young bull, with two heifers, if I
could have found either a chief powerful enough to protect and keep
them, or a place where there might be a probability of their being
concealed from those who would ignorantly attempt to destroy them. But
neither the one nor the other presented itself to me. Tiratou was now
absent; and Tringoboohee, whom I had met with during my last voyage, and
who seemed to be a person of much consequence at that time, had been
killed five months ago, with about seventy persons of his tribe; and I
could not learn that there now remained in our neighbourhood any tribe,
whose numbers could secure to them a superiority of power over the rest
of their countrymen. To have given the animals to any of the natives who
possessed no such power, would not have answered the intention; for in a
country like this, where no man's property is secure, they would soon
have fallen a prey to different parties, and been either separated or
killed, but most likely both. This was so evident, from what we had
observed since our arrival, that I had resolved to leave no kind of
animal till Matahouah and the other chief solicited me for the hogs and
goats. As I could spare them, I let them go, to take their chance. I
have at different times, left in New Zealand not less than ten or a
dozen hogs, besides those put on shore by Captain Furneaux. It will be a
little extraordinary, therefore, if this race should not increase and be
preserved here, either in a wild or in a domestic state, or in both.
We had not been long at anchor near Motuara, before three or four
canoes, filled with natives, came off to us from the S.E. side of the
sound; and a brisk trade was carried on with them for the curiosities of
this place. In one of these canoes was Kahoora, whom I have already
mentioned as the leader of the party who cut off the crew of the
Adventure's boat. This was the third time he had visited us, without
betraying the smallest appearance of fear. I was ashore when he now
arrived, but had got on board just as he was going away. Omai, who had
returned with me, presently pointed him out, and solicited me to shoot
him. Not satisfied with this, he addressed himself to Kahoora,
threatening to be his executioner if ever he presumed to visit us
again.
The New Zealander paid so little regard to these threats, that he
returned the next morning with his whole family, men, women, and
children, to the number of twenty and upward. Omai was the first who
acquainted me with his being along-side the ship, and desired to know if
he should ask him to come on board. I told him he might; and accordingly
he introduced the chief into the cabin, saying, "There is Kahoora, kill
him!" But, as if he had forgot his former threats, or were afraid that I
should call upon him to perform them, he immediately retired. In a short
time, however, he returned; and seeing the chief unhurt, he expostulated
with me very earnestly, saying, "Why do you not kill him? You tell me,
if a man kills another in England that he is hanged for it. This man has
killed ten, and yet you will not kill him, though many of his countrymen
desire it, and it would be very good." Omai's arguments, though specious
enough, having no weight with me, I desired him to ask the chief why he
had killed Captain Furneaux's people? At this question, Kahoora folded
his arms, hung down his head, and looked like one caught in a trap; and
I firmly believe he expected instant death. But no sooner was he assured
of his safety, than he became cheerful. He did not, however, seem
willing to give me an answer to the question that had been put to him,
till I had, again and again, repeated my promise that he should not be
hurt. Then he ventured to tell us, "That one of his countrymen having
brought a stone hatchet to barter, the man, to whom it was offered, took
it, and would neither return it, nor give any thing for it; on which the
owner of it snatched up the bread as an equivalent, and then the quarrel
began."
The remainder of Kahoora's account of this unhappy affair, differed very
little from what we had before learnt from the rest of his countrymen.
He mentioned the narrow escape he had during the fray; a musquet being
levelled at him, which he avoided by skulking behind the boat; and
another man, who stood close to him, was shot dead. As soon as the
musquet was discharged, he instantly seized the opportunity to attack Mr
Rowe, who commanded the party, and who defended himself with his hanger,
(with which he wounded Kahoora in the arm,) till he was overpowered by
numbers.
Mr Burney, who was sent by Captain Furneaux the next day, with an armed
party, to look for his missing people, upon discovering the horrid
proofs of their shocking fate, had fired several vollies amongst the
crowds of natives who still remained assembled on the spot, and were
probably partaking of the detestable banquet. It was natural to suppose
that he had not fired in vain; and that, therefore, some of the
murderers and devourers of our unhappy countrymen had suffered under our
just resentment. Upon enquiry, however, into this matter, not only from
Kahoora, but from others who had opportunities of knowing, it appeared
that our supposition was groundless, and that not one of the shot fired
by Mr Burney's people had taken effect, so as to kill, or even to hurt,
a single person.[143]
[Footnote 143: Mr Burney was not warranted in firing. It was not
possible for him, at the time, to know whether or not his comrades had
been justly punished for aggressions on the savages. He acted,
therefore, from the impulse of blind revenge. But such a motive, though
natural enough it may be, must, nevertheless, be condemned by every law
recognised among civilized nations. Even his observing these people
engaged in feasting on the victims of their fury, much indeed as it
would necessarily augment his abhorrence, could not be allowed a
sufficient plea for his attacking them; because the principles which
ought to govern the conduct of a member of such a society as he belonged
to, are indiscriminately imperative in their nature, and do not allow
any latitude of dispensation to an individual. The only thing that
warrants the violation of them, is the necessity imposed by a still
higher law,--that of preserving his own existence. But, in the present
instance, it does not appear that he was in any danger.--E.]
It was evident, that most of the natives we had met with since our
arrival, as they knew I was fully acquainted with the history of the
massacre, expected I should avenge it with the death of Kahoora. And
many of them seemed not only to wish it, but expressed their surprise at
my forbearance. As he could not be ignorant of this, it was a matter of
wonder to me that he put himself so often in my power. When he visited
us while the ships lay in the cove, confiding in the number of his
friends that accompanied him, he might think himself safe; but his two
last visits had been made under such circumstances, that he could no
longer rely upon this. We were then at anchor in the entrance of the
sound, and at some distance from any shore; so that he could not have
any assistance from thence, nor flatter himself he could have the means
of making his escape, had I determined to detain him. And yet, after his
first fears, on being interrogated, were over, he was so far from
entertaining any uneasy sensations, that, on seeing a portrait of one of
his countrymen hanging up in the cabin, he desired to have his own
portrait drawn; and sat till Mr Webber had finished it, without marking
the least impatience. I must confess I admired his courage, and was not
a little pleased to observe the extent of the confidence he put in me;
for he placed his whole safety in the declarations I had uniformly made
to those who solicited his death, That I had always been a friend to
them all, and would continue so, unless they gave me cause to act
otherwise; that as to their inhuman treatment of our people, I should
think no more of it, the transaction having happened long ago, and when
I was not present; but that, if ever they made a second attempt of that
kind, they might rest assured of feeling the weight of my
resentment.[144]
[Footnote 144: Here Captain Cook acted wisely; and, indeed, throughout
the whole transaction, his conduct merits the highest applause. To
resist the solicitations of envy and revenge, where acquiescence would
have proved so availing to his reputation, and so secure in its display,
implied a conscientious regard to an invisible authority, which must
ever be allowed to constitute a feature of excellence in any man to whom
power is committed. His threatening is not to be considered as any
exception to what is now said in his praise, being, in fact, a
beneficial intimation calculated to secure subjection to a necessary
law. Here it may not be amiss to remark, that savages, little as some
men think of them, are possessed of all the faculties of human nature;
and that conscience, that principle, which, more than reason,
characterizes our species, has as true and as efficient an existence in
their breasts. Now this always respects a superior power, and is the
source of that indescribable dread of some opposing and awful agency,
which never fails to visit the transgressor of its dictates. We must
not, however, ascribe to it every apprehension of danger with which the
mind is occasionally disturbed. There is a sort of fear of evil which
seems common to us with the lower animals, and which cannot therefore be
imagined to have any connection with moral delinquency. This latter, it
is probable, was all that Kahoora experienced in his first interview
with Cook after the massacre; and hence his apprehensions would easily
be subdued by the assurances which that gentleman made him. In fact,
from the facility of his confidence, we may almost certainly infer his
consciousness of innocence, notwithstanding his share in the commission
of the deed. This implies no inconsistency, as every thinking person
will at once perceive; for it must be remembered, that there is no
evidence whatever as to any design or premeditated plan on the part of
the savages. Had his dread been of the former kind, it is scarcely
conceivable that the utmost assurances of indemnity which Cook could
give, would have produced so unaffected a manifestation of ease as is
described.--E.]
For some time before we arrived at New Zealand, Omai had expressed a
desire to take one of the natives with him to his own country. We had
not been there many days before he had an opportunity of being gratified
in this; for a youth, about seventeen or eighteen years of age, named
Taweiharooa, offered to accompany him, and took up his residence on
board. I paid little attention to this at first, imagining that he would
leave us when we were about to depart, and after he had got what he
could from Omai. At length, finding that he was fixed in his resolution
to go with us, and having learnt that he was the only son of a deceased
chief, and that his mother, still living, was a woman much respected
here, I was apprehensive that Omai had deceived him and his friends, by
giving them hopes and assurances of his being sent back. I therefore
caused it to be made known to them all, that if the young man went away
with us he would never return. But this declaration seemed to make no
sort of impression. The afternoon before we left the cove, Tiratoutou,
his mother, came on board, to receive her last present from Omai. The
same evening she and Taweiharooa parted, with all the marks of tender
affection that might be expected between a parent and a child, who were
never to meet again. But she said she would cry no more; and, sure
enough, she kept her word. For when she returned the next morning, to
take her last farewell of him, all the time she was on board she
remained quite cheerful, and went away wholly unconcerned.
That Taweiharooa might be sent away in a manner becoming his birth,
another youth was to have gone with him as his servant; and, with this
view, as we supposed, he remained on board till we were about to sail,
when his friends took him ashore. However, his place was supplied next
morning by another, a boy of about nine or ten years of age, named
Kokoa. He was presented to me by his own father, who, I believe, would
have parted with his dog with far less indifference. The very little
clothing the boy had he stript him of, and left him as naked as he was
born. It was to no purpose that I endeavoured to convince these people
of the improbability, or rather of the impossibility, of these youths
ever returning home. Not one, not even their nearest relations, seemed
to trouble themselves about their future fate. Since this was the case,
and I was well satisfied that the boys would be no losers by exchange of
place, I the more readily gave my consent to their going.
From my own observations, and from the information of Taweiharooa and
others, it appears to me that the New Zealanders must live under
perpetual apprehensions of being destroyed by each other; there being
few of their tribes that have not, as they think, sustained wrongs from
some other tribe, which they are continually upon the watch to revenge.
And, perhaps, the desire of a good meal may be no small incitement. I am
told that many years sometimes elapse before a favourable opportunity
happens, and that the son never loses sight of an injury that has been
done to his father.[145] Their method of executing their horrible
designs, is by stealing upon the adverse party in the night; and if they
find them unguarded, (which, however, I believe, is very seldom the
case,) they kill every one indiscriminately; not even sparing the women
and children. When the massacre is completed, they either feast and
gorge themselves on the spot, or carry off as many of the dead bodies as
they can, and devour them at home, with acts of brutality too shocking
to be described. If they are discovered before they can execute their
bloody purpose, they generally steal off again, and sometimes are
pursued and attacked by the other party in their turn. To give quarter,
or to take prisoners, makes no part of their military law; so that the
vanquished can only save their lives by flight. This perpetual state of
war, and destructive method of conducting it, operates so strongly in
producing habitual circumspection, that one hardly ever finds a New
Zealander off his guard either by night or by day. Indeed, no other man
can have such powerful motives to be vigilant, as the preservation both
of body and of soul depends upon it; for, according to their system of
belief, the soul of the man whose flesh is devoured by the enemy, is
doomed to a perpetual fire, while the soul of the man whose body has
been rescued from those who killed him, as well as the souls of all who
die a natural death, ascend to the habitations of the gods. I asked,
Whether they eat the flesh of such of their friends as had been killed
in war, but whose bodies were saved from falling into the enemy's hands?
They seemed surprised at the question, which they answered in the
negative, expressing some abhorrence at the very idea. Their common
method of disposing of their dead, is by depositing their bodies in the
earth; but if they have more of their slaughtered enemies than they can
eat, they throw them into the sea.
[Footnote 145: Every reader almost will here recollect, that a similar
disposition to perpetuate grievances has been found to operate in all
barbarous nations, and indeed amongst many people who lay great claims
to refinement in civilization. It will be found, in truth, too strong an
effort for most men's charity, to regard with perfect impartiality
either a person or a nation whom their fathers had pointed out as an
enemy. On the great scale of the world, we see it is the nearly
inevitable consequence of war to generate malicious feelings. In
addition, then, to some contrariety of interest, to some real or
imaginary aggression, or even a bare possibility of being injured, it is
almost enough, at any time, for the commencement of a new struggle
betwixt rival nations, that one, or both of them, remember they were
formerly at variance. Nor is it at all requisite for due rancour in such
cases, that politicians explain the grounds of the quarrel, and
aggravate the enormous injustice of the opponent, or prove his readiness
to do mischief. The animosity is already conceived, and waits only the
removal of the gauze-like partition, to be able, with greater certainty
of effect, to guide its instruments of destruction. "Hear," says Mr
Ferguson, in his essay on this subject, "hear the peasants on different
sides of the Alps, and the Pyrenees, the Rhyne, or the British channel,
give vent to their prejudices and national passions; it is among them
that we find the materials of war and dissension laid without the
direction of government, and sparks ready to kindle into a flame, which
the statesman is frequently disposed to extinguish. The fire will not
always catch where his reasons of state would direct, nor stop where the
concurrence of interest has produced an alliance. 'My father,' said a
Spanish peasant, 'would rise from his grave if he could foresee a war
with France.' What interest had he, or the bones of his father, in the
quarrels of princes?" The answer might easily be given by another
anecdote. During a parley betwixt the leaders of two rival Highland
clans, which had for its object the peaceable termination of their
differences, a subordinate officer, not relishing the unusual homily,
went up to his chief in a rage, and upbraided him for delaying the
combat. "Don't you see," says he, brandishing his claymore, "that the
sun is almost set?--we'll no hae half time to kill thae rascals!" The
peasant naturally enough wished that his father might rise again to take
his share in the delightful work of slaughter. Pray, what childish
scruples withhold persons of such keen appetites from occasionally
taking a belly-full of their enemy's flesh?--E.]
They have no such thing as _morais_, or other places of public worship;
nor do they ever assemble together with this view. But they have
priests, who alone address the gods in prayer for the prosperity of
their temporal affairs, such as an enterprise against a hostile tribe, a
fishing party, or the like.
Whatever the principles of their religion may be, of which we remain
very ignorant, its instructions are very strongly inculcated into them
from their very infancy. Of this I saw a remarkable instance, in the
youth who was first destined to accompany Taweiharooa. He refrained from
eating the greatest part of the day, on account of his hair being cut,
though every method was tried to induce him to break his resolution, and
he was tempted with the offer of such victuals as he was known to esteem
the most. He said, if he eat any thing that day the _Eatooa_ would kill
him. However, toward evening, the cravings of nature got the better of
the precepts of his religion, and he ate, though but sparingly. I had
often conjectured, before this, that they had some superstitious notions
about their hair, having frequently observed quantities of it tied to
the branches of trees near some of their habitations; but what these
notions are I could never learn.
Notwithstanding the divided and hostile state in which the New
Zealanders live, travelling strangers, who come with no ill design, are
well received and entertained during their stay; which, however, it is
expected will be no longer than is requisite to transact the business
they come upon. Thus it is that a trade for _poenammoo_, or green talc,
is carried on throughout the whole northern island. For they tell us,
that there is none of this stone to be found but at a place which bears
its name, somewhere about the head of Queen Charlotte's Sound, and not
above one or two days journey, at most, from the station of our ships. I
regretted much that I could not spare time sufficient for paying a visit
to the place; as we were told a hundred fabulous stories about this
stone, not one of which carried with it the least probability of truth,
though some of their most sensible men would have us believe them. One
of these stories is, that this stone is originally a fish, which they
strike with a gig in the water, tie a rope to it, and drag it to the
shore, to which they fasten it, and it afterwards becomes stone. As they
all agree that it is fished out of a large lake, or collection of
waters, the most probable conjecture is, that it is brought from the
mountains, and deposited in the water by the torrents. This lake is
called by the natives Tavai Poenammoo, that is, the Water of Green Talc;
and it is only the adjoining part of the country, and not the whole
southern island of New Zealand, that is known to them by the name which
hath been given to it on my chart.
Polygamy is allowed amongst these people; and it is not uncommon for a
man to have two or three wives. The women are marriageable at a very
early age; and it should seem, that one who is unmarried, is but in a
forlorn state. She can with difficulty get a subsistence; at least she
is, in a great measure, without a protector, though in constant want of
a powerful one.
The New Zealanders seem to be a people perfectly satisfied with the
little knowledge they are masters of, without attempting, in the least,
to improve it. Nor are they remarkably curious, either in their
observations or their enquiries. New objects do not strike them with
such a degree of surprise as one would naturally expect; nor do they
even fix their attention for a moment. Omai, indeed, who was a great
favourite with them, would sometimes attract a circle about him; but
they seemed to listen to his speeches like persons who neither
understood, nor wished to understand, what they heard.
One day, on our enquiring of Taweiharooa, how many ships, such as ours,
had ever arrived in Queen Charlotte's Sound, or in any part of its
neighbourhood? he began with giving an account of one absolutely unknown
to us. This, he said, had put into a port on the N.W. coast of
Teerawitte, but a very few years before I arrived in the Sound in the
Endeavour, which the New Zealanders distinguish by calling it Tupia's
ship. At first, I thought he might have been mistaken as to the time and
place; and that the ship in question might be either Monsieur
Surville's, who is said to have touched upon the N.E. coast of
Eaheinomauwe, the same year I was there in the Endeavour; or else
Monsieur Marion du Fresne's, who was in the Bay of Islands, on the same
coast, a few years after. But he assured us that he was not mistaken,
either as to the time, or as to the place of this ship's arrival, and
that it was well known to every body about Queen Charlotte's Sound and
Teerawitte. He said, that the captain of her, during his stay here,
cohabited with a woman of the country; and that she had a son by him
still living, about the age of Kokoa, who, though not born then, seemed
to be equally well acquainted with the story. We were also informed by
Taweiharooa, that this ship first introduced the venereal disease
amongst the New Zealanders. I wish that subsequent visitors from Europe
may not have their share of guilt in leaving so dreadful a remembrance
of them amongst this unhappy race. The disorder now is but too common
here, though they do not seem to regard it, saying, that its effects are
not near so pernicious at present as they were at its first appearance.
The only method, as far as I ever heard, that they make use of as a
remedy, is by giving the patient the use of a sort of hot bath, which
they produce by the steam of certain green plants laid over hot stones.
I regretted much that we did not hear of this ship while we were in the
sound; as, by means of Omai, we might have had full and correct
information about her from eyewitnesses. For Taweiharooa's account was
only from what he had been told, and therefore liable to many mistakes.
I have not the least doubt, however, that his testimony may so far be
depended upon, as to induce us to believe that a ship really had been at
Teerawitte prior to my arrival in the Endeavour, as it corresponds with
what I had formerly heard. For in the latter end of 1773, the second
time I visited New Zealand, during my late voyage, when we were
continually making enquiries about the Adventure, after our separation,
some of the natives informed us of a ship's having been in a port on the
coast of Teerawitte. But, at this time, we thought we must have
misunderstood them, and took no notice of the intelligence.
The arrival of this unknown ship has been marked by the New Zealanders
with more causes of remembrance than the unhappy one just mentioned.
Taweiharooa told us their country was indebted to her people for the
present of an animal, which they left behind them. But as he had not
seen it himself, no sort of judgment could be formed from his
description of what kind it was.
We had another piece of intelligence from him, more correctly given,
though not confirmed by our own observations, that there are snakes and
lizards there of an enormous size. He described the latter as being
eight feet in length, and as big round as a man's body. He said they
sometimes seize and devour men; that they burrow in the ground; and that
they are killed by making fires at the mouths of the holes. We could not
be mistaken as to the animal; for, with his own hand, he drew a very
good representation of a lizard on a piece of paper, as also of a snake,
in order to shew what he meant.[146]
[Footnote 146: There can be little doubt that the animal here called a
lizard is an alligator.--E.]
Though much has been said, in the narratives of my two former voyages,
about this country and its inhabitants, Mr Anderson's remarks, as
serving either to confirm or to correct our former accounts, may not be
superfluous. He had been three times with me to Queen Charlotte's Sound
during my last voyage; and, after this fourth visit, what he thought
proper to record, may be considered as the result of sufficient
observation. The reader will find it in the next section; and I have
nothing farther to add, before I quit New Zealand, but to give some
account of the astronomical and nautical observations made during our
stay there.
The longitude of the observatory in Ship
Cove, by a mean of 103 sets of observations,
each set consisting of six or
more observed distances, was 174° 25' 15" E.
By the time-keeper, at Greenwich rate, it
was 175 26 30
By ditto, at the Cape rate, it was 174 56 12
Variation of the compass, being the mean
of six needles, observed on board the
ship 12 40 0 E.
By the same needles on shore, it was 13 53 0
The dip of the south end, observed on
shore was 63 42 0
By a mean of the results of eleven days observations, the time-keeper
was too slow for mean time on February 22, at noon, by 11h 50' 37",396;
and she was found to be losing on mean time at the rate of 2",913 per
day. From this rate the longitude will be computed, till some other
opportunity offers to ascertain her rate anew. The astronomical clock,
with the same length of pendulum as at Greenwich, was found to be losing
on sidereal time 40",239 per day.
It will not be amiss to mention, that the longitude, by lunar
observations, as above, differs only 6' 45" from what Mr Wales made it
during my last voyage; his being so much more to the W. or 174° 18' 30".
The latitude of Ship Cove is 41° 6' 0", as found by Mr Wales.
SECTION VIII.
_Mr Anderson's Remarks on the Country near Queen Charlotte's Sound.--The
Soil.--Climate.--Weather.--Winds.--Trees.--Plants.--Birds.--Fish.--Other
Animals.--Of the Inhabitants.--Description of their Persons.--Their
Dress.--Ornaments.--Habitations.--Boats.--Food and Cookery,--Arts.--Weapons
--Cruelty to Prisoners.--Various Customs.--Specimen of their Language._
The land every where about Queen Charlotte's Sound is uncommonly
mountainous, rising immediately from the sea into large hills, with
blunted tops. At considerable distances are valleys, or rather
impressions on the sides of the hills, which are not deep, each
terminating toward the sea in a small cove, with a pebbly or sandy
beach; behind which are small flats, where the natives generally build
their huts, at the same time hauling their canoes upon the beaches. This
situation is the more convenient, as in every cove a brook of very fine
water (in which are some small trout) empties itself into the sea.
The bases of these mountains, at least toward the shore, are constituted
of a brittle, yellowish sand-stone, which acquires a bluish cast where
the sea washes it. It runs, at some places, in horizontal, and, at
other-places, in oblique strata, being frequently divided, at small
distances, by thin veins of coarse quartz, which commonly follow the
direction of the other, though they sometimes intersect it. The mould,
or soil, which covers this, is also of a yellowish cast, not unlike
marl; and is commonly from a foot to two, or more, in thickness.
The quality of this soil is best indicated by the luxuriant growth of
its productions. For the hills (except a few toward the sea, which are
covered with smaller bushes) are one continued forest of lofty trees,
flourishing with a vigour almost superior to anything that imagination
can conceive, and affording an august prospect to those who are
delighted with the grand and beautiful works of nature.
The agreeable temperature of the climate, no doubt, contributes much to
this uncommon strength in vegetation. For, at this time, though
answering to our month of August, the weather was never disagreeably
warm, nor did it raise the thermometer higher than 60°. The winter,
also, seems equally mild with respect to cold; for in June, 1773, which
corresponds to our December, the mercury never fell lower than 48°; and
the trees, at that time, retained their verdure, as if in the summer
season; so that, I believe, their foliage is never shed, till pushed off
by the succeeding leaves in spring.
The weather, in general, is good, but sometimes windy, with heavy rain,
which, however, never lasts above a day; nor does it appear that it is
ever excessive. For there are no marks of torrents rushing down the
hills, as in many countries; and the brooks, if we may judge from their
channels, seem never to be greatly increased. I have observed, in the
four different times of my being here, that the winds from the
south-eastward are commonly moderate, but attended with cloudy weather,
or rain. The S.W. winds blow very strong, and are also attended with
rain, but they seldom last long. The N.W. winds are the most prevailing;
and though often pretty strong, are almost constantly connected with
fine weather. In short, the only obstacle to this being one of the
finest countries upon earth, is its great hillyness; which, allowing the
woods to be cleared away, would leave it less proper for pasturage than
flat land, and still more improper for cultivation, which could never be
effected here by the plough.
The large trees which cover the hills are chiefly of two sorts. One of
them, of the size of our largest firs, grows much after their manner,
but the leaves, and small berries on their points, are much liker the
yew. It was this which supplied the place of spruce in making beer;
which we did with a strong decoction of its leaves, fermented with
treacle or sugar. And this liquor, when well prepared, was acknowledged
to be little inferior to the American spruce beer, by those who had
experience of both. The other sort of tree is not unlike a maple, and
grows often to a great size; but it only served for fuel, as the wood,
both of this and of the preceding, was found to be rather too heavy for
masts, yards, and other similar repairs.
There is a greater variety of trees on the small flat spots behind the
beaches. Amongst these are two that bear a kind of plum of the size of
prunes, the one yellow, called _karraca_, and the other black, called
_maituo_, but neither of them of a very agreeable taste, though the
natives eat both, and our people did the same. Those of the first sort
grow on small trees, always facing the sea; but the others belong to
larger trees that stand farther within the wood, and which we frequently
cut down for fuel.
A species of _philadelphus_ grows on the eminences which jut out into
the sea; and also a tree bearing flowers almost like myrtle, with
roundish spotted leaves of a disagreeable smell. We drank the leaves of
the _philadelphus_ as tea, and found that they had a pleasant taste and
smell, and might make an excellent substitute for the oriental sort.
Among other plants that were useful to us, may be reckoned wild celery,
which grows plentifully in almost every cove, especially if the natives
have ever resided there before; and one that we used to call
scurvy-grass, though entirely different from the plant to which we give
that name. This, however, is far preferable to ours for common use, and
may be known by its jagged leaves, and small clusters of white flowers
on the top. Both sorts were boiled every morning, with wheat ground in a
mill, and with portable soup, for the people's breakfast, and also
amongst their pease-soup for dinner. Sometimes they were used as sallad,
or dressed as greens. In all which ways they are good; and, together
with the fish, with which we were constantly supplied, they formed a
sort of refreshment, perhaps little inferior to what is to be met with
in places most noted by navigators for plentiful supplies of animal and
vegetable food.
Amongst the known kinds of plants met with here, are common and rough
bindweed; night-shade and nettles, both which grow to the size of small
trees; a shrubby speedwell, found near all the beaches, sow-thistles,
virgin's bower, vanelloe, French willow, euphorbia, and crane's-bill;
also cudweed, rushes, bull-rushes, flax, all-heal, American nightshade,
knot-grass, brambles, eye-bright, and groundsel; but the species of each
are different from any we have in Europe. There is also polypody,
spleenwort, and about twenty other different sort of ferns, entirely
peculiar to the place, with several sorts of mosses, either rare, or
produced only here; besides a great number of other plants, whose uses
are not yet known, and subjects fit only for botanical books.
Of these, however, there is one which deserves particular notice here,
as the natives make their garments of it, and it produces a fine silky
flax, superior in appearance to any thing we have, and probably, at
least, as strong. It grows every where near the sea, and in some places
a considerable way up the hills, in bunches or tufts, with sedge-like
leaves, bearing, on a long stalk, yellowish flowers, which are succeeded
by a long roundish pod, filled with very thin shining black seeds. A
species of long pepper is found in great plenty, but it has little of
the aromatic flavour that makes spices valuable; and a tree, much like a
palm at a distance, is pretty frequent in the woods, though the deceit
appears as you come near it. It is remarkable, that as the greatest part
of the trees and plants had at this time lost their flowers, we
perceived they were generally of the berry-bearing kind; of which, and
other seeds, I brought away about thirty different sorts. Of these, one
in particular, which bears a red berry, is much like the supple-jack,
and grows about the trees, stretching from one to another, in such a
manner as to render the woods almost wholly impassable.
The birds, of which there is a tolerable stock, as well as the vegetable
productions, are almost entirely peculiar to the place. And though it be
difficult to follow them, on account of the quantity of underwood, and
the climbing plants, that render travelling, for pleasure alone,
uncommonly fatiguing, yet a person, by remaining in one place, may shoot
as many in a day as would serve six or eight others. The principal sorts
are large brown parrots, with white or greyish heads; green parroquets,
with red foreheads; large wood pigeons, brown above, with white bellies,
the rest green, and the bill and feet red; two sorts of cuckoos, one as
large as our common sort, of a brown colour, variegated with black, the
other not larger than a sparrow, of a splendid green cast above, and
elegantly varied with waves of golden, green, brown, and white colours
below. Both these are scarce, but several others are in greater plenty;
one of which, of a black colour, with a greenish cast, is remarkable for
having a tuft of white curled feathers hanging under the throat, and was
called the _poy_ bird[147] by our people. Another sort, rather smaller,
is black, with a brown back and wings, and two small gills under the
root of the bill. This we called the small wattle bird, to distinguish
it from another, which we called the large one, of the size of a common
pigeon, with two large yellow and purple membranes also at the root of
the bill. It is black, or rather blue, and has no resemblance of the
other but in name, for the bill is thick, short, and crooked, and has
all together an uncommon appearance. A gross-beak, about the size of a
thrush, of a brown colour, with a reddish tail, is frequent; as is also
a small greenish bird, which is almost the only musical one here, but is
sufficient by itself to fill the woods with a melody that is not only
sweet, but so varied, that one would imagine he was surrounded by a
hundred different sorts of birds when the little warbler is near. From
these circumstances we named it the mocking bird. There are likewise
three or four sorts of smaller birds; one of which, in figure and
lameness, exactly resembles our robin, but is black where that is brown,
and white where that is red. Another differs but little from this,
except in being smaller; and a third sort has a long tail, which it
expands as a fan on coming near, and makes a chirping noise when it
perches. King-fishers are seen, though rare, and are about the size of
our English ones, but with an inferior plumage.
[Footnote 147: It had this name from its tuft of feathers, resembling
the white flowers used as ornaments in the ears at Otaheite, and called
there Poowa.--D.]
About the rocks are seen black sea-pies with red bills; and crested
shags of a leaden colour, with small black spots on the wings and
shoulders, and the rest of the upper part of a velvet black tinged with
green. We frequently shot both these, and also a more common sort of
shags, black above and white underneath, that build their nests upon
trees, on which sometimes a dozen or more sit at once. There are also,
about the shore, a few sea-gulls, some blue herons, and sometimes,
though very rarely, wild-ducks, a small sandy-coloured plover, and some
sand-larks. And small penguins, black above, with a white belly, as well
as numbers of little black divers, swim often about the sound. We
likewise killed two or three rails, of a brown or yellowish colour,
variegated with black, which feed about the small brooks, and are nearly
as large as a common fowl. No other sort of game was seen, except a
single snipe, which was shot, and differs but little from that of
Europe.
The principal fish we caught by the seine were mullets and elephant
fish, with a few soles and flounders; but those that the natives mostly
supplied us with were a sort of sea-bream, of a silver colour, with a
black spot on the neck, large conger eels, and a fish in shape much like
the bream, but so large as to weigh five, six, or seven pounds. It is
blackish with thick lips, and called _Mogge_ by the natives. With hook
and line we caught chiefly a blackish fish of the size of a haddock,
called cole-fish by the seamen, but differing much from that known by
the same name in Europe; and another of the same size, of a reddish
colour, with a little beard, which we called night-walkers, from the
greatest number being caught in the night. Sometimes we got a sort of
small salmon, gurnards, skate, and nurses; and the natives now and then
brought hake, paracutas, a small sort of mackerel, parrot-fish, and
leather-jackets; besides another fish, which is very rare, shaped almost
like a dolphin, of a black colour, with strong bony jaws, and the back
fin, as well as those opposite to it, much lengthened at the end. All
these sorts, except the last, which we did not try, are excellent to
eat; but the _Mogge_, small salmon, and cole-fish, are superior to the
rest.
The rocks are abundantly furnished with great quantities of excellent
muscles; one sort of which, that is not very common, measures above a
foot in length. There are also cockles buried in the sand of the small
beaches; and in some places oysters, which, though very small, are well
tasted. Of other shell-fish there are ten or twelve sorts, such as
periwinkles, wilks, limpets, and some very beautiful sea-ears, also
another sort which stick to the weeds; with some other things, as
sea-eggs, star-fish, &c. several of which are peculiar to the place. The
natives likewise sometimes brought us very fine cray-fish, equal to our
largest lobsters, and cuttle-fish, which they eat themselves.
Insects are very rare. Of these we only saw two sorts of dragon-flies,
some butterflies, small grasshoppers, several sorts of spiders, some
small black ants, and vast numbers of scorpion-flies, with whose
chirping the woods resound. The only noxious one is the sand-fly, very
numerous here, and almost as troublesome as the musquitoe; for we found
no reptile here, except two or three sorts of small harmless
lizards.[148]
[Footnote 148: In a separate memorandum-book, Mr Anderson mentions the
monstrous animal of the lizard kind, described by the two boys after
they left the island.--D.]
It is remarkable, that, in this extensive land, there should not even be
the traces of any quadruped, only excepting a few rats, and a sort of
fox-dog, which is a domestic animal with the natives.
Neither is there any mineral worth notice, but a green, jasper or
serpent-stone, of which the New Zealanders make their tools and
ornaments. This is esteemed a precious article by them; and they have
some superstitious notions about the method of its generation, which we
could not perfectly understand. It is plain, however, that wherever it
may be found, (which, they say, is in the channel of a large river far
to the southward,) it is disposed in the earth, in thin layers, or
perhaps in detached pieces, like our flints; for the edges of those
pieces, which have not been cut, are covered with a whitish crust like
these. A piece of this sort was purchased, about eighteen inches long, a
foot broad, and near two inches thick, which yet seemed to be only the
fragment of a larger piece.
The natives do not exceed the common stature of Europeans; and, in
general, are not so well made, especially about the limbs. This is,
perhaps, the effect of sitting, for the most part, on their hams, and of
being confined, by the hilly disposition of the country, from using that
sort of exercise which contributes to render the body straight and
well-proportioned. There are, however, several exceptions to this; and
some are remarkable for their large bones and muscles, but few that I
have seen are corpulent.
Their colour is of different casts, from a pretty deep black to a
yellowish or olive tinge, and their features also are various, some
resembling Europeans. But, in general, their faces are round, with their
lips full, and also their noses toward the point; though the first are
not uncommonly thick, nor the last flat. I do not, however, recollect to
have seen an instance of the true aquiline nose amongst them. Their
teeth are commonly broad, white, and well set; and their eyes large,
with a very free motion, which seems the effect of habit. Their hair is
black, straight, and strong, commonly cut short on the hind part, with
the rest tied on the crown of the head: but some have it of a curling
disposition, or of a brown colour. In the young, the countenance is
generally free or open; but in many of the men it has a serious cast,
and sometimes a sullenness or reserve, especially if they are strangers.
The women are, in general, smaller than the men; but have few peculiar
graces, either in form or features, to distinguish them.
The dress of both sexes is alike; and consists of an oblong garment
about five feet long, and four broad, made from the silky flax already
mentioned. This seems to be their most material and complex manufacture,
which is executed by knotting; and their work is often ornamented with
pieces of dog-skin, or chequered at the corners. They bring two corners
of this garment over the shoulders, and fasten it on the breast with the
other part, which covers the body; and about the belly, it is again tied
with a girdle made of mat. Sometimes they cover it with large feathers
of birds (which seem to be wrought into the piece of cloth when it is
made), or with dog-skin; and that alone we have seen worn as a covering.
Over this garment many of them wear mats, which reach from the shoulders
to near the heels. But the most common outer-covering is a quantity of
the above sedgy plant, badly dressed, which they fasten on a string to
a considerable length, and, throwing it about the shoulders, let it fall
down on all sides, as far as the middle of the thighs. When they sit
down with this upon them, either in their boats, or upon the shore, it
would be difficult to distinguish them from large grey stones, if their
black heads, projecting beyond their coverings, did not engage one to a
stricter examination.
By way of ornament, they fix in their heads feathers, or combs of bone,
or wood, adorned with pearl shell, or the thin inner skin of some leaf.
And in the ears, both of men and women, which are pierced, or rather
slit, are hung small pieces of jasper, bits of cloth, or beads when they
can get them. A few also have the _septum_ of the nose bored in its
lower part; but no ornament was worn there that we saw; though one man
passed a twig through it, to shew us that it was sometimes used for that
purpose. They wear long beards, but are fond of having them shaved.
Some are punctured or stained in the face with curious spiral and other
figures, of a black or deep blue colour; but it is doubtful whether this
be ornamental, or intended as a mark of particular distinction; and the
women, who are marked so, have the puncture only on their lips, or a
small spot on their chins. Both sexes often besmear their faces and
heads with a red paint, which seems to be a martial ochre mixed with
grease; and the women sometimes wear necklaces of shark's teeth, or
bunches of long beads, which seem to be made of the leg-bones of small
birds, or a particular shell. A few also have small triangular aprons
adorned with the feathers of parrots, or bits of pearl shells, furnished
with a double or treble set of cords to fasten them, about the waist. I
have sometimes seen caps or bonnets made of the feathers of birds, which
may be reckoned as ornaments; for it is not their custom to wear any
covering on their heads.
They live in the small coves formerly described, in companies of forty
or fifty, or more; and sometimes in single families, building their huts
contiguous to each other; which, in general, are miserable
lodging-places. The best I ever saw was about thirty feet long, fifteen
broad, and six high, built exactly in the manner of one of our country
barns. The inside was both strong and regularly made of supporters at
the sides, alternately large and small, well fastened by means of
withes, and painted red and black. The ridge pole was strong; and the
large bull-rushes, which composed the inner part of the thatching, were
laid with great exactness parallel to each other. At one end was a small
square hole, which served as a door to creep in at; and near, another
much smaller, seemingly for letting out the smoke, as no other vent for
it could be seen. This, however, ought to be considered as one of the
best, and the residence of some principal person; for the greatest part
of them are not half the above size, and seldom exceed four feet in
height; being, besides, indifferently built, though proof against wind
and rain.
No other furniture is to be seen in them, than a few small baskets or
bags, in which they put their fishing-hooks, and other trifles; and they
sit down in the middle round a small fire, where they also probably
sleep, without any other covering than what they wear in the day, or
perhaps without that; as such confined places must be very warm, though
inhabited but by a few persons.
They live chiefly by fishing, making use either of nets of different
kinds, or of wooden fish-hooks pointed with bone; but so oddly made,
that a stranger is at a loss to know how they can answer such a purpose.
It also appears, that they remove their habitations from one place to
another when the fish grow scarce, or for some other reason; for we
found houses now built in several parts, where there had been none when
we were here during our last voyage, and even these have been already
deserted.
Their boats are well built, of planks raised upon each other, and
fastened with strong withes, which also bind a long narrow piece on the
outside of the seams to prevent their leaking. Some are fifty feet long,
and so broad as to be able to sail without an outrigger; but the smaller
sort commonly have one; and they often fasten two together by rafters,
which we then call a double canoe. They carry from five to thirty men or
more; and have often a large head ingeniously carved, and painted with a
figure at the point, which seems intended to represent a man, with his
features distorted by rage. Their paddles are about four or five feet
long, narrow, and pointed; with which, when they keep time, the boat is
pushed along pretty swiftly. Their sail, which is seldom used, is made
of a mat of a triangular shape, having the broadest part above.
The only method of dressing their fish, is by roasting, or rather
baking; for they are entirely ignorant of the art of boiling. In the
same manner they dress the root, and part of the stalk, of the large
fern-tree, in a great hole dug for that purpose, which serves as an
oven. After which they split it, and find, within, a fine gelatinous
substance, like boiled sago powder, but firmer. They also use another
smaller fern root, which seems to be their substitute for bread, as it
is dried and carried about with them, together with dried fish in great
quantities, when they remove their families, or go far from home. This
they beat with a stick till it becomes pretty soft, when they chew it
sufficiently, and spit out the hard fibrous part, the other having a
sweetish mealy taste, not at all disagreeable.
When they dare not venture to sea, or perhaps from choice, they supply
the place of other fish with muscles and sea-ears; great quantities of
the shells of which lie in heaps near their houses. And they sometimes,
though rarely, find means to kill rails, penguins, and shags, which help
to vary their diet They also breed considerable numbers of the dogs,
mentioned before, for food; but these cannot be considered as a
principal article of diet. From whence we we may conclude, that, as
there is not the least sign of cultivation of land, they depend
principally for their subsistence on the sea, which, indeed, is very
bountiful in its supply.
Their method of feeding corresponds with the nastiness of their persons,
which often smell disagreeably from the quantity of grease about them,
and their clothes never being washed. We have seen them eat the vermin,
with which their heads are sufficiently stocked.
They also used to devour, with the greatest eagerness, large quantities
of stinking train oil, and blubber of seals, which we were melting at
the tent, and had kept near two months; and, on board the ships, they
were not satisfied with emptying the lamps, but actually swallowed the
cotton, and fragrant wick, with equal voracity. It is worthy of notice,
that though the inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land appear to have but a
scanty subsistence, they would not even taste our bread, though they saw
us eat it; whereas these people devoured it greedily, when both mouldy
and rotten. But this must not be imputed to any defect in their
sensations; for I have observed them throw away things which we eat,
with evident disgust, after only smelling to them.
They shew as much ingenuity, both in invention and execution, as any
uncivilized nations under similar circumstances. For, without the use of
any metal tools, they make every thing by which they procure their
subsistence, clothing, and warlike weapons, with a degree of neatness,
strength, and convenience for accomplishing their several purposes.
Their chief mechanical tool is formed exactly after the manner of our
adzes; and is made, as are also the chisel and goudge, of the green
serpent-stone or jasper, already mentioned; though sometimes they are
composed of a black, smooth, and very solid stone. But their masterpiece
seems to be carving, which is found upon the most trifling things; and,
in particular, the heads of their canoes are sometimes ornamented with
it in such a manner, as not only shews much design, but is also an
example of their great labour and patience in execution. Their cordage
for fishing-lines is equal, in strength and evenness, to that made by
us; and their nets not at all inferior. But what must cost them more
labour than any other article, is the making the tools we have
mentioned; for the stone is exceedingly hard, and the only method of
fashioning it, we can guess at, is by rubbing one stone upon another,
which can have but a slow effect. Their substitute for a knife is a
shell, a bit of flint, or jasper. And, as an auger to bore holes, they
fix a shark's tooth in the end of a small piece of wood. It is true,
they have a small saw made of some jagged fishes teeth, fixed on the
convex edge of a piece of wood nicely carved. But this, they say, is
only used to cut up the bodies of their enemies whom they kill in
battle.
No people can have a quicker sense of an injury done to them, and none
are more ready to resent it. But, at the same time, they will take an
opportunity of being insolent when they think there is no danger of
punishment; which is so contrary to the spirit of genuine bravery, that,
perhaps, their eagerness to resent injuries is to be looked upon rather
as an effect of a furious disposition than of great courage. They also
appear to be of a suspicious or mistrustful temper (which, however, may
rather be acquired than natural), for strangers never came to our ships
immediately, but lay in their boats at a small distance, either to
observe our motions, or consult whether or no they should risk their
safety with us. To this they join a great degree of dishonesty; for they
steal every thing they can lay their hands on, if there be the least
hope of not being detected; and, in trading, I have little doubt but
they would take advantages, if they thought it could be done with
safety; as they not only refuse to trust a thing in one's hand for
examination, but exult if they think they have tricked you in the
bargain.
Such conduct, however, is, in some measure, to be expected where there
appears to be but little subordination, and consequently few, if any,
laws, to punish transgressions. For no man's authority seems to extend
farther than his own family; and when, at any time, they join for mutual
defence, or any other purpose, those amongst them who are eminent for
courage or prudence, are directors. How their private quarrels are
terminated is uncertain; but, in the few we saw, which were of little
consequence, the parties concerned were clamorous and disorderly.
Their public contentions are frequent, or rather perpetual; for it
appears, from their number of weapons, and dexterity in using them, that
war is their principal profession. These weapons are spears, _patoos_
and halberts, or sometimes stones. The first are made of hard wood
pointed, of different lengths, from five, to twenty, or even thirty feet
long. The short ones are used for throwing as darts. The _patoo_ or
_emeete_ is of an elliptical shape, about eighteen inches long, with a
handle made of wood, stone, the bone of some sea animal, or green
jasper, and seems to be their principal dependence in battle. The
halbert, or long club, is about five or six feet long, tapering at one
end with a carved head, and at the other, broad or flat, with sharp
edges.
Before they begin the onset, they join in a war-song, to which they all
keep the exactest time, and soon raise their passion to a degree of
frantic fury, attended with the most horrid distortion of their eyes,
mouths, and tongues, to strike terror into their enemies; which, to
those who have not been accustomed to such a practice, makes them appear
more like demons than men, and would almost chill the boldest with fear.
To this succeeds a circumstance, almost foretold in their fierce
demeanour, horrid, cruel, and disgraceful to human nature; which is,
cutting in pieces, even before being perfectly dead, the bodies of their
enemies, and, after dressing them on a fire, devouring the flesh, not
only without reluctance, but with peculiar satisfaction.
One might be apt to suppose, that people, capable of such excess of
cruelty, must be destitute of every human feeling, even amongst their
own party; and yet we find them lamenting the loss of their friends,
with a violence of expression which argues the most tender remembrance
of them. For both men and women, upon the death of those connected with
them, whether in battle or otherwise, bewail them with the most doleful
cries; at the same time cutting their foreheads and cheeks, with shells
or pieces of flint, in large gashes, until the blood flows plentifully
and mixes with their tears. They also carve pieces of their green stone,
rudely shaped, as human figures, which they ornament with bright eyes of
pearl-shell, and hang them about their necks, as memorials of those whom
they held most dear; and their affections of this kind are so strong,
that they even perform the ceremony of cutting, and lamenting for joy,
at the return of any of their friends, who have been absent but for a
short time.
The children are initiated, at a very early age, into all the practices,
good or bad, of their fathers; so that you find a boy or girl, nine or
ten years old, able to perform all the motions, and to imitate the
frightful gestures, by which the more aged use to inspire their enemies
with terror, keeping the strictest time in their song. They likewise
sing, with some degree of melody, the traditions of their forefathers,
their actions in war, and other indifferent subjects; of all which they
are immoderately fond, and spend much of their time, in these
amusements, and in playing on a sort of flute.
Their language is far from being harsh or disagreeable, though the
pronunciation is frequently guttural; and whatever qualities are
requisite in any other language to make it musical, certainly obtain to
a considerable degree here, if we may judge from the melody of some
sorts of their songs. It is also sufficiently comprehensive, though, in
many respects, deficient, if compared with our European languages, which
owe their perfection to long improvement. But a small specimen is here
subjoined, from which some judgment may be formed. I collected a great
many of their words, both now and in the course of our former voyage;
and being equally attentive, in my enquiries, about the languages of the
other islands throughout the South Sea, I have the amplest proof of
their wonderful agreement, or rather identity. This general observation
has, indeed, been already made in the accounts of the former voyages. I
shall be enabled, however, to confirm and strengthen it, by a fresh
list of words, selected from a large vocabulary in my possession; and by
placing, in the opposite column, the corresponding words as used at
Otaheite, the curious reader will, at one view, be furnished with
sufficient materials for judging by what subordinate changes the
difference of dialect has been effected.
English New Zealand. Otahaita.
_Water_, Ewy, Evy.
_A tail of a dog_, Wyeroo, Ero.
_Death, dead_, Kaoo, matte, matte, roa.
_To fly_, Ererre, Eraire.
_A house_, Ewharre, Ewharre.
_To sleep_, Moea, Moe.
_A fish-hook_, Makoee, Matou.
_Shut_, Opanee, Opanee.
_A bed_, Moenga Moera.
_A butterfly_, Epaipe, Pepe.
_To chew_, or _eat_, Hekaee, Ey.
_Cold_, Makkareede, Mareede.
_To-day_, Agooanai, Aooanai.
_The hand_, Reenga, Ereema.
_Large_, Keeerahoi, Erahoi.
_Red_, Whairo, Oora, oora.
_We_, Taooa, Taooa.
_Where is it_? Kahaia, Tehaia.
_A stone_, Powhy, Owhy.
_A man_, Tangata, Taata.
_Black_, Purra, purra, Ere, ere.
_White_, Ema, Ooama.
_To reside_, or _dwell_, Nohoanna, Nohonoa,
_Out, not within_, Woho, Woho.
_Male kind_ (of any animal), Toa, Etoa.
_Female_, Eoowha, Eooha.
_A shark_, Mango, Mao.
_To understand_, Geetaia, Eetea.
_Forgot_, Warre, Ooaro.
_Yesterday_, Taeninnahoi, Ninnahoi.
_One_, Tahaee, Atahay.
_Two_, Rooa, Erooa.
_Three_, Toroo, Toroo.
_Four_, Faa, Ahaa.
_Five_, Reema, Ereema.
_Six_, Ono, Aono.
_Seven_, Heetoo, Aheitoo.
_Eight_, Waroo, Awaroo.
_Nine_, Eeva, Aeeva.
_Ten_, Angahoora, Ahooroo.
The New Zealanders to these numerals prefix _Ma_; as,
English. _New Zealand_.
Eleven, Matahee.
Twelve, &c &c. Marooa, &c. &c.
Twenty, Maogahoora.
CHAPTER II.
FROM LEAVING NEW ZEALAND TO OUR ARRIVAL AT OTAHEITE, OR THE SOCIETY
ISLANDS.
* * * * *
SECTION I.
_Prosecution of the Voyage.--Behaviour of the Two New Zealanders on
board.--Unfavourable Winds.--An Island called Mangeea discovered.--The
Coast of it examined.--Transactions with the Natives,--An Account of
their Persons, Dress, and Canoe.--Description of the Island.--A Specimen
of the Language.--Disposition of the Inhabitants_.
On the 25th of February, at ten o'clock in the morning, a light breeze
springing up at N.W. by W., we weighed, stood out of the Sound, and made
sail through the strait, with the Discovery in company. We had hardly
got the length of Cape Teerawitte, when the wind took us aback at S.E.
It continued in this quarter till two o'clock the next morning, when we
had a few hours calm. After which we had a breeze at north; but here it
fixed not long, before it veered to the east, and after that to the
south. At length on the 27th, at eight o'clock in the morning, we took
our departure from Cape Palliser, which, at this time, bore W., seven
or eight leagues distant. We had a fine gale, and I steered E. by N.
We had no sooner lost sight of the land, than our two New Zealand
adventurers, the sea sickness they now experienced giving a turn to
their reflections, repented heartily of the step they had taken. All the
soothing encouragement we could think of availed but little. They wept,
both in public and in private, and made their lamentations in a kind of
song, which, as far as we could comprehend the meaning of the words, was
expressive of their praises of their country and people, from which they
were to be separated for ever. Thus they continued for many days, till
their sea sickness wore off, and the tumult of their minds began to
subside. Then these fits of lamentation became less and less frequent,
and at length entirely ceased. Their native country and their friends
were, by degrees, forgot, and they appeared to be as firmly attached to
us, as if they had been born amongst us.
The wind had not remained many hours at S., before it veered to S.E. and
E.; and, with this, we stood to the N., till the 28th at noon. Being
then in the latitude of 41° 17', and in the longitude of 177° 17' E., we
tacked and stood to the S.E., with a gentle breeze at E.N.E. It
afterward freshened, and came about to N.E.; in which quarter it
continued two days, and sometimes blew a fresh gale with squalls,
accompanied with showers of rain.
On the 2d of March at noon, being in the latitude of 42° 35' 30",
longitude 180° 8' E., the wind shifted to N.W.; afterward to S.W.; and
between this point and north it continued to blow, sometimes a strong
gale with hard squalls, and at other times very moderate. With this wind
we steered N.E. by E. and E., under all the sail we could carry, till
the 11th at noon, at which time we were in the latitude of 39° 29',
longitude 196° 4' E.
The wind now veered to N.E. and S.E., and I stood to the N., and to the
N.E., as the wind would admit, till one o'clock in the morning on the
16th, when having a more favourable gale from the north, I tacked and
stood to the east; the latitude being 33° 40', and the longitude 198°
50' E. We had light airs and calms by turns, till noon the next day,
when the wind began to freshen at E.S.E., and I again stood to the N.E.
But as the wind often veered to E. and E.N.E., we frequently made no
better than a northerly course; nay sometimes to the westward of north.
But the hopes of the wind coming more southerly, or of meeting with it
from the westward, a little without the Tropic, as I had experienced in
my former visits to this ocean, encouraged me to continue this course.
Indeed it was necessary that I should run all risks, as my proceeding to
the north this year, in prosecution of the principal object of the
voyage, depended entirely on my making a quick passage to Otaheite, or
the Society Islands.
The wind continued invariably fixed at E.S.E., or seldom shifting above
two points on either side. It also blew very faint, so that it was the
27th before we crossed the Tropic, and then we were only in the
longitude of 201° 25' E., which was nine degrees to the westward of our
intended port. In all this run we saw nothing, except now and then a
Tropic bird, that could induce us to think that we had sailed near any
land. In the latitude of 34° 20', longitude 199° we passed the trunk of
a large tree, which was covered with barnacles; a sign that it had been
long at sea.
On the 29th, at ten in the morning, as we were standing to the N.E., the
Discovery made the signal of seeing land. We saw it from the mast-head
almost the same moment, bearing N.E. by E. by compass. We soon
discovered it to be an island of no great extent, and stood for it till
sunset, when it bore N.N.E., distant about two or three leagues.
The night was spent in standing off and on, and at daybreak the next
morning, I bore up for the lee or west side of the island, as neither
anchorage nor landing appeared to be practicable on the south side, on
account of a great surf,[149] which broke every where with violence
against the shore, or against the reef that surrounded it.
[Footnote 149: A very ingenious and satisfactory account of the cause of
the surf, is to be met with in Marsden'a History of Sumatra, p.
29-32.--D.]
We presently found that the island was inhabited, and saw several
people, on a point of the land we had passed, wading to the reef, where,
as they found the ship leaving them quickly, they remained. But others,
who soon appeared in different parts, followed her course; and sometimes
several of them collected into small bodies, who made a shouting noise
all together, nearly after the manner of the inhabitants of New Zealand.
Between seven and eight o'clock, we were at the W.N.W. part of the
island, and, being near the shore, we could perceive with our glasses,
that several of the natives, who appeared upon a sandy beach, were all
armed with long spears and clubs, which they brandished in the air with
signs of threatening, or, as some on board interpreted their attitudes,
with invitations to land. Most of them appeared naked, except having a
sort of girdle, which, being brought up between the thighs, covered that
part of the body. But some of them had pieces of cloth of different
colours, white, striped, or chequered, which they wore as a garment,
thrown about their shoulders. And almost all of them had a white wrapper
about their heads, not much unlike a turban; or, in some instances, like
a high conical cap. We could also perceive that they were of a tawny
colour, and, in general, of a middling stature, but robust, and
inclining to corpulence.
At this time, a small canoe was launched in a great hurry from the
further end of the beach, and a man getting into it, put off, as with a
view to reach the ship. On perceiving this, I brought-to, that we might
receive the visit; but the man's resolution failing, he soon returned
toward the beach, where, after some time, another man joined him in the
canoe; and then they both paddled toward us. They stopt short, however,
as if afraid to approach, until Omai, who addressed them in the Otaheite
language, in some measure quieted their apprehensions. They then came
near enough, to take some beads and nails, which were tied to a piece of
wood, and thrown into the canoe. They seemed afraid to touch these
things, and put the piece of wood aside without untying them. This,
however, might arise from superstition; for Omai told us, that when they
saw us offering them presents, they asked something for their _Eatooa_,
or god. He also, perhaps improperly, put the question to them, Whether,
they ever ate human flesh? which they answered in the negative, with a
mixture of indignation and abhorrence. One of them, whose name was
Mourooa, being asked how he came by a scar on his forehead, told us that
it was the consequence of a wound he had got in fighting with the people
of an island, which lies to the north-eastward, who, sometimes came to
invade them. They afterward took hold of a rope. Still, however, they
would not venture on board; but told Omai, who understood them pretty
well, that their countrymen on shore had given them, this caution, at
the same time directing them to enquire, from whence our ship came, and
to learn the name of the captain. On our part, we enquired the name of
the island, which they called _Mangya_ or _Mangeea_; and sometimes added
to it _Nooe, nai, naiwa_. The name of their chief, they said, was
Orooaeeka.
Mourooa was lusty and well-made, but not very tall. His features were
agreeable, and his disposition seemingly no less so; for he made several
droll gesticulations, which indicated both good-nature and a share of
humour. He also made others which seemed of a serious kind, and repeated
some words with a devout air, before he ventured to lay hold of the rope
at the ship's stern; which was probably to recommend himself to the
protection of some Divinity. His colour was nearly of the same cast with
that common to the most southern Europeans. The other man was not so
handsome. Both of them had strong, straight hair, of a jet colour, tied
together on the crown of the head with a bit of cloth. They wore such
girdles as we had perceived about those on shore, and we found they were
a substance made from the _Morus papyrifera_, in the same manner as at
the other islands of this ocean. It was glazed like the sort used by the
natives of the Friendly Islands; but the cloth, on their heads was
white, like that which is found at Otaheite. They had on a kind of
sandals, made of a grassy substance interwoven, which we also observed
were worn by those who stood upon the beach; and, as we supposed,
intended to defend their feet against the rough coral rock. Their beards
were long; and the inside of their arms, from the shoulder to the elbow,
and some other parts, were punctured or _tatooed_, after the manner of
the inhabitants of almost all the other islands in the South Sea. The
lobe of their ears was pierced, or rather slit, and to such a length,
that one of them stuck there a knife and some beads, which he had
received from us; and the same person had two polished pearl-shells, and
a bunch of human hair, loosely twisted, hanging about his neck, which
was the only ornament we observed. The canoe they came in (which was the
only one we saw), was not above ten feet long, and very narrow; but both
strong and neatly made. The fore part had a flat board fastened over it,
and projecting out, to prevent the sea getting in on plunging, like the
small _Evaas_ at Otaheite; but it had an upright stern, about five feet
high, like some in New Zealand; and the upper end of this stern-post
was forked. The lower part of the canoe was of white wood, but the upper
was black, and their paddles, made of wood of the same colour, not above
three feet long, broad at one end, and blunted. They paddled either end
of the canoe forward indifferently; and only turned about their faces to
paddle the contrary way.
We now stood off and on; and as soon as the ships were in a proper
station, about ten o'clock I ordered two boats, one of them from the
Discovery, to sound the coast, and to endeavour to find a landing-place.
With this view, I went in one of them myself, taking with me such
articles to give the natives, as I thought might serve to gain their
good-will. I had no sooner put off from the ship, than the canoe, with
the two men, which had left us not long before, paddled toward my boat;
and, having come along-side, Mourooa stept into her, without being
asked, and without a moment's hesitation.
Omai, who was with me, was ordered to enquire of him where we could
land; and he directed us to two different places. But I saw, with
regret, that the attempt could not be made at either place, unless at
the risk of having our boats filled with water, or even staved to
pieces. Nor were we more fortunate in our search for anchorage; for we
could find no bottom, till within a cable's length of the breakers.
There we met with from forty to twenty fathoms depth, over sharp coral
rocks; so that anchoring would have been attended with much more danger
than landing.
While we were thus employed in reconnoitring the shore, great numbers of
the natives thronged down upon the reef, all armed as above mentioned.
Mourooa, who was now in my boat, probably thinking that this warlike
appearance hindered us from landing, ordered them to retire back. As
many of them complied, I judged he must be a person of some consequence
among them. Indeed, if we understood him right, he was the king's
brother. So great was the curiosity of several of them, that they took
to the water, and, swimming off to the boats, came on board them without
reserve. Nay, we found it difficult to keep them out; and still more
difficult to prevent their carrying off every thing they could lay their
hands upon. At length, when they perceived that we were returning to the
ships, they all left us, except our original visitor Mourooa. He, though
not without evident signs of fear, kept his place in my boat, and
accompanied me on board the ship.
The cattle, and other new objects, that presented themselves to him
there, did not strike him with so much surprise as one might have
expected. Perhaps his mind was too much taken up about his own safety,
to allow him to attend to other things. It is certain, that he seemed
very uneasy; and the ship, on our getting on board, happening to be
standing off shore, this circumstance made him the more so. I could get
but little new information from him; and therefore, after he had made a
short stay, I ordered a boat to carry him in toward the land. As soon as
he got out of the cabin, he happened to stumble over one of the goats.
His curiosity now overcoming his fear, he stopped, looked at it, and
asked Omai, what bird this was? and not receiving an immediate answer
from him, he repeated the question to some of the people upon deck. The
boat having conveyed him pretty near to the surf, he leaped into the
sea, and swam ashore. He had no sooner landed, than the multitude of his
countrymen gathered round him, as if with an eager curiosity to learn
from him what he had seen; and in this situation they remained, when we
lost sight of them. As soon as the boat returned, we hoisted her in, and
made sail from the land to the northward.
Thus were we obliged to leave, unvisited, this fine island, which seemed
capable of supplying all our wants. It lies in the latitude of 21° 57'
S., and in the longitude of 201° 53' E. Such parts of the coast as fell
under our observation, are guarded by a reef of coral rock, on the
outside of which the sea is of an unfathomable depth. It is full five
leagues in circuit, and of a moderate and pretty equal height; though,
in clear weather, it may be certainly seen at the distance of ten
leagues; for we had not lost sight of it at night, when we had run above
seven leagues, and the weather was cloudy. In the middle, it rises into
little hills, from whence there is a gentle descent to the shore, which,
at the S.W. part, is steep, though not above ten or twelve feet high;
and has several excavations made by the beating of the waves against a
brownish sand-stone of which it is composed. The descent here is covered
with trees of a deep green colour, very thick, but not high, which seem
all of one sort, unless nearest the shore, where there are great numbers
of that species of _dracaena_ found in the woods of New Zealand, which
are also scattered in some other places. On the N.W. part, the shore, as
we mentioned above, ends in a sandy beach; beyond which the land is
broken down into small chasms or gullies, and has a broad border of
trees resembling tall willows; which, from its regularity, might be
supposed a work of art, did not its extent forbid us to think so.
Farther up on the ascent, the trees were of the deep green mentioned
before. Some of us supposed these to be the _rima_, intermixed with low
cocoa palms; and a few of some other sorts. They seemed not so thick as
on the S.W. part, and higher; which appearance might be owing to our
nearer approach to the shore. On the little hills were some trees of a
taller sort, thinly scattered; but the other parts of them were either
bare, and of a reddish colour, or covered with something like fern. Upon
the whole, the island has a pretty aspect, and might be made a beautiful
spot by cultivation.
As the inhabitants seemed to be both numerous and well fed, such
articles of provision as the island produces must be in great plenty. It
might, however, be a matter of curiosity to know, particularly, their
method of subsistence; for our friend Mourooa told us, that they had no
animals, as hogs and dogs, both which, however, they had heard of; but
acknowledged they had plantains, bread-fruit, and taro. The only birds
we saw, were some white egg-birds, terns, and noddies; and one white
heron, on the shore.
The language of the inhabitants of Mangeea is a dialect of that spoken
at Otaheite; though their pronunciation, as that of the New Zealanders,
be more guttural. Some of their words, of which two or three are perhaps
peculiar to this island, are here subjoined, as taken, by Mr Anderson,
from Omai, who had learnt them in his conversations with Mourooa. The
Otaheite words, where there is any resemblance, are placed opposite.
English. _Mangeea._ _Otaheite._
_A cocoa nut_, Eakkaree, Aree.
_Bread-fruit_, Kooroo, Ooroo.
_A canoe_, Ewakka, Evaa.
_Friend_, Naoo, mou.
_A man_, Taata, or Tangata, Taata.
_Cloth_, or _cloth plant_, Taia, taia aoutee, Eoute.
_Good_, Mata, Myty.
_A club_, Pooroohee.
_Yes_, Aee, Ai.
_No_, Aoure, Aoure.
_A spear_, Heyhey.
A_fight, or battle_, Etamagee, Tamaee.
_A woman_, Waheine, Waheine.
_A daughter_, Maheine, Maheine.
_The sun_, Heetaia matooa.
_I_, Ou, Wou.
_The shore_, Euta, Euta.
_What is that?_ Ehataieee? Owytaieeoa?
_There_, Oo.
English. _Mangeea_. _Otaheite_.
_A chief_, Ereekee, Eree.
_Great_, or _powerful_, Manna (_an adjunct to
the last_.)
_To kiss_, Ooma.
The natives of Mangeea seem to resemble those of Otaheite and the
Marquesas in the beauty of their persons, more than any other nation I
have seen in these seas; having a smooth skin, and not being muscular.
Their general disposition also corresponds, as far as we had
opportunities of judging, with that which distinguishes the
first-mentioned people. For they are not only cheerful, but, as Mourooa
shewed us, are acquainted with all the lascivious gesticulations which
the Otaheitans practise in their dances. It may also be supposed, that
their method of living is similar. For, though the nature of the country
prevented our seeing many of their habitations, we observed one house
near the beach, which much resembled, in its mode of construction, those
of Otaheite. It was pleasantly situated in a grove of trees, and
appeared to be about thirty feet long, and seven or eight high, with an
open end, which represented an ellipse divided transversely. Before it,
was spread something white on a few bushes; which we conjectured to be a
fishing net, and, to appearance, of a very delicate texture.
They salute strangers much after the manner of the New Zealanders, by
joining noses; adding, however, the additional ceremony of taking the
hand of the person to whom they are paying civilities, and rubbing it
with a degree of force upon their nose and mouth.[150]
[Footnote 150: The inhabitants of the Palaos, New Philippine, or rather
Caroline Islands, at the distance of almost fifteen hundred leagues from
Mangeea, have the same mode of salutation. "Leur civilitié, et la marque
de leur respect, consiste à prendre la main ou la pied de celui à qui
ils veulent faire honneur, et s'en frotter doucement toute le
visage."--_Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 208. _Edit_.
1781.--- D.]