CHAPTER XVII

BACK TO VOODOOISM

The average master and mistress of the old South were missionaries without

the name. Religious instruction was a feature of the negro quarters on the

Southern plantation--the social settlements for Africans in America.

Masters and mistresses, if themselves religious, usually held Sabbath

services and Sunday schools for blacks. Some delegated this task,

employing preachers and teachers. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was the

first rice planter to introduce systematic religious instruction among

negroes on the Santee, influenced thereto by Bishop Capers. He subscribed

to the Methodist Episcopal Mission for them, and a minister came every

week to catechise the children and every Sabbath to preach at the negro

church which Mr. Pinckney, with the assistance of his neighbours,

established for the blacks on his own and neighbouring plantations. Soon

fifty chapels on his model sprang up along the seaboard. In the Methodist

churchyard in Columbia, a modest monument marks the grave of Bishop

Capers, "Founder of the Mission to the Slaves." Nearby sleeps Rev. William

Martin, who was a distinguished preacher to whites and a faithful

missionary to blacks. In Zion Presbyterian Church, Charleston, built

largely through the efforts of Mr. Robert Adger, no less a preacher than

Rev. Dr. Girardeau ministered to negroes. The South entrusted the

spiritual care of her negroes to her best and ablest, and what she did for

them is interwoven with all her history. You will hear to-day how the

great clock on top of the church on Mr. Plowden Weston's plantation kept

time for plantations up and down the Waccamaw. In that chapel, Rev. Mr.

Glenrie and an English catechist diligently taught the blacks. After

Sherman's visit to Columbia, Trinity (Episcopal) Church had no Communion

service; the sacred vessels of precious metals belonging to the negro

chapel on the Hampton place were borrowed for Trinity's white

congregation.

The rule where negroes were not so numerous as to require separate

churches was for both races to worship in one building. Slavery usages

were modelled on manorial customs in England, where a section of church or

chapel is set apart for the peasantry, another for gentry and nobility.

The gallery, or some other section of our churches, was reserved for

servants, who thus had the same religious teaching we had; there being

more of them, they were often in larger evidence than whites at worship.

After whites communed, they received the Sacrament from the same hands at

the same altar. Their names were on our church rolls. Our pastors often

officiated at their funerals; sometimes an old "exhorter" of their own

colour did this; sometimes our pastors married them, but this ceremony was

not infrequently performed by their masters.

The Old African Church, of Richmond, was once that city's largest

auditorium. In it great meetings were held by whites, and famous speakers

and artists (Adelina Patti for one) were heard. One of Mr. Davis' last

addresses as President was made there. The regular congregation was black

and their pastor was Rev. Robert Ryland, D. D., President of Richmond

College; "Brother Ryland," they called him. He taught them with utmost

conscientiousness; they loved him and he them. When called upon for the

marriage ceremony, he would go to the home of their owners, and marry them

in the "white folks' house" or on the lawn before a company of whites and

blacks. Then, as fee, a large iced cake would be presented to him by a

groomsman with great pomp.

After the war, the old church was pulled down, and a new one erected by

the negroes with assistance of whites North and South. Then they wrote Dr.

Ryland, who had gone to Kentucky, asking him to return and dedicate it. He

answered affectionately, saying he appreciated greatly this evidence of

their regard and that nothing would give him greater pleasure, but he was

too poor to come; he would be with them in spirit. They replied that the

question of expense was none of his business; it was theirs. He wrote that

they must apply the sum thus set aside to current expenses, to meet which

it would be needed. They answered that they would be hurt if he did not

come; they wanted no one else to dedicate their church. So he came,

stopping at Mr. Maury's.

He was greatly touched when he met his old friends, the congregation

receiving him standing. So much feeling was displayed on their part, such

deep emotion experienced on his, that he had to retire to the study before

he could command himself sufficiently to preach.

In religious life, after the war, the negro's and the white man's path

parted quickly. Negro galleries in white churches soon stood empty.

Negroes were being taught that they ought to sit cheek by jowl in the same

pews with whites or stay away from white churches.

With freedom, the negro, _en masse_, relapsed promptly into the voodooism

of Africa. Emotional extravaganzas, which for the sake of his health and

sanity, if for nothing else, had been held in check by his owners, were

indulged without restraint. It was as if a force long repressed burst

forth. "Moans," "shouts" and "trance meetings" could be heard for miles.

It was weird. I have sat many a night in the window of our house on the

big plantation and listened to shouting, jumping, stamping, dancing, in a

cabin over a mile distant; in the gray dawn, negroes would come creeping

back, exhausted, and unfit for duty.

In some localities, devil-dancing, as imported from Africa centuries ago,

still continues. I have heard of one place in South Carolina where

worshippers throw the trance-smitten into a creek, as the only measure

sufficiently heroic to bring them out of coma. Devil-worship was rife in

Louisiana just after the war.

One of my negro friends tells me: "Soon atter de war, dar wuz a

trance-meetin' in dis neighbourhood dat lasted a week. De cook at

marster's would git a answer jes befo' dinner dat ef he didn' bring a part

uv evvything he cooked to de meetin', 'de Lawd would snatch de breath

outen his body.' He brung it. Young gals dee'd be layin' 'roun' in

trances. A gal would come to meetin' w'arin' a jacket a white lady gin

'er. One uh de gals in a trance would say: 'De Lawd say if sich an' sich a

one don' pull dat jacket off, he gwi snatch de breath out dar body.' One

ole man broke dat meetin' up. Two uv his gran'sons was lyin' out in a

trance. He come down dar, wid a han'-full uh hickory switches an' laid de

licks on dem gran'chillun. Evvybody took out an' run. Dat broke de meetin'

up.

"Endurin' slavery, dar marsters wouldn' 'low niggers tuh do all dat

foolishness. When freedom come, dee lis'n to bad advice an' lef' de white

folks' chu'ches an' go to doin' all sorts uh nawnsense. Now dee done

learnt better again. Dee goin' back sorter to de white folks' chu'ches.

Heap uh Pristopals lak dar use tuh be. In Furginny, Bishop Randolph come

'roun' an' confirm all our classes. An' de Baptis'es dee talk 'bout takin'

de cullud Baptis'es under dar watch-keer. An' all our folks dee done

learnt heap better an' all what I been tellin' you. I don' want you tuh

put dat in no book lessen you say we-all done improved."

Southern men who stand at the head of educational movements for negroes,

state that they have advanced greatly in a religious sense, their own

educated ministry contributing to this end. Among those old half-voodoo

shouters and dreamers of dreams were negroes of exalted Christian

character and true piety, and, industrially, of far more worth to society

than the average educated product. I have known sensible negroes who

believed that they "travelled" to heaven and to hell.[15]

It has been urged that darkness would have been quickly turned to light

had Southern masters and mistresses performed their full duty in the

spiritual instruction of their slaves. To change the fibre of a race is

not a thing quickly done even where undivided and intense effort is bent

in this direction. The negro, as he came here from Africa, changed much

more quickly for the better in every respect than under freedom he could

have done. It has been charged that we had laws against teaching negroes

to read. I never heard of them until after the war. All of us tried to

teach darkeys to read, and nothing was ever done to anybody about it. If

there were such laws, we paid no attention to them, and they were framed

for the negroes' and our protection against fanatics.[16]

I have treated this subject to show the swing back to savagery the instant

the master-hand was removed; one cause of demoralisation in field and

kitchen; the superstitious, volatile, inflammable material upon which

political sharpers played without scruple.

THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU

Dixie After the War An Exposition of Social Conditions Existing in the South, During the Twelve Years Succeeding the Fall of Richmond · 第 17 / 33 章