RETALIATION.
During the period from 1885 to 1888 the ill feeling growing out of
Canada's treatment of the fisheries question increased; and began to
assume proportions which indicated a possible outbreak of hostilities
between the two countries.
A temporary arrangement was entered into between the then American
Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, and the British
Minister; and President Cleveland recommended the appointment of a
commission to negotiate a new treaty. Congress, however, refused to
authorize such a commission, but in March, 1887, passed a joint
resolution authorizing the President in case vessels of the United
States were, or then lately had been denied or abridged in the rights
secured to them by treaty or law; or any rights secured by Canada to
the most favored nations, whether vessels licensed for trading or
other vessels, or have been unjustly vexed, to close our ports to
vessels of the British Dominion of North America, "and also to deny
entry into any port or place of the United States of fresh fish or
salt fish, or any other product of said Dominion, or other goods
coming from said Dominion to the United States."
President Cleveland, however, did not avail himself of the powers
granted by this resolution; but being apparently desirous of securing
a permanent settlement of the question by a new treaty, he appointed
three commissioners to meet an equal number appointed on behalf of
Great Britain, notwithstanding the fact that Congress had expressly
disapproved of such a settlement. The commissioners, thus appointed,
recommended a treaty, which was in August, 1888, rejected by the
United States Senate, by a strict party vote--the Republicans still
having control of that body.
Probably, the Republican Senators were largely influenced in their
action, by the fact that a Presidential election was then pending;
and Mr. Cleveland being a candidate for re-election, they were
unwilling that his administration should have the prestige which
might accompany the successful settlement of this great controversy.
Whatever their motives may have been, the ultimate results of their
narrow-minded partisanship--as will be seen in the sequel--were most
disastrous to the country. For the first time in its history, the
Senate had discussed this treaty in open session. Diplomatic
discussions of this kind had previously always taken place in
executive session, with closed doors. But a movement had been made
to supercede what some demagogues of that day called the "Star
Chamber" system of executive sessions, and this treaty happening to
come up for discussion at the time when this agitation was at its
height, the Senate, by a close vote, decided that the discussion of
it should be held with open doors. Much partisan feeling was
exhibited on both sides during the debates. The Republicans took
very strong ground against the treaty; claiming that it surrendered
valuable rights which had always been conceded to the United States;
and gravely charged the President and Secretary Bayard with being
desirous of fostering British interests, at the expense of their own
countrymen. The Republican press throughout the country took up this
cry; the President was roundly denounced as an English sympathizer;
and the rejection of the treaty by the Senate was hailed by these
party organs as a well-deserved rebuke to a President and a Secretary
of State who were willing to make such disgraceful concessions to
England.
A few days after the rejection of the treaty, President Cleveland
astonished the country, and especially the Republican Senators, by a
special message, in which he requested greater powers to inflict
retaliatory measures upon Canada, than had been given him by the
joint resolution of Congress passed in 1887.
This message, as a matter of course, created a profound sensation in
Canada and Great Britain, as well as throughout the United States.
The President was charged by his political opponents with
inconsistency; in that he had not attempted to use the retaliatory
powers already given him, and proved their insufficiency, before
asking for additional ones; but after considerable wrangling and
debate, Congress passed an act, giving him the power he asked for. A
strict enforcement of this would give almost a deathblow to the
Canadian Railway lines; as a very large proportion of their traffic
was American business, without which most of them could scarcely
expect to pay running expenses. The finances of the Dominion were
also in a very bad way, owing to the large subsidies paid these
railways, and to indebtedness contracted for canals, and other public
improvements; so that practical non-intercourse with the United
States meant practical bankruptcy for Canada. And now, the most
curious phase of the whole controversy developed itself. The
Canadians were divided into two parties; one favorable to continued
English rule; and the other desirous of commercial, and if necessary,
political union with the United States. Strange to say, both these
parties conceived it to be to their interest to increase the tension
between the two Governments, even to the point of war; but for
reasons which were diametrically opposed to each other. The British
sympathizers supposed that a war between England and the United
States in the then unquestionably defenseless condition of the latter
power, could not fail to result favorably to England, and that the
latter's hold upon Canada would thereby become stronger and more
direct than before. The other party desired war, because they felt
confident that no matter how successful England might be at the
outset, in bombarding and destroying the seaport cities of the United
States, yet she could never establish a foothold on shore, and that
the United States would inevitably take possession of Canada, and
thus bring about the union of American and Canadian interests which
they so much desired.
In consequence of these two sets of opinions among the Canadian
politicians, the Canadian Government adopted a plan of conduct
towards Americans which soon became utterly unbearable. American
fishing boats were seized and condemned on the most flimsy pretexts.
American tourists were stopped at the Canadian frontier, and
subjected to the most humiliating and rude treatment, under the
pretense of custom-house examination. The mails to and from the
United States were delayed and tampered with by Canadian officials,
and every possible means of annoyance and insult which Canadian
ingenuity could conceive of, was put in operation against the persons
and property of such Americans as happened to come under Canadian
jurisdiction. Concurrently with this, the newspapers on both sides
were full of denunciatory and inflammatory articles, and the old
Irish fenian party in the United States came to the front once more,
as a disturbing element.
A small body of these men established a so-called "camp of
observation," at a point on the Canada boundary line near Rouse's
Point; and with the usual flourish and bluster which characterize the
race, announced their intention to march on Montreal, as soon as
their ranks should be recruited to a certain number. The Governor of
the state of New York called out a regiment of militia to hold these
fellows in check temporarily, until a detachment of United States
troops, which had been ordered to the scene of trouble by the
President, could reach there. Meanwhile the Canadian authorities had
ordered troops to the scene of action, who encamped on the Canadian
side of the boundary line, in plain sight of the American militia and
the Irish fenians. The Canadian newspapers went into spasms of
indignant protest at what they called this "barefaced threat to
invade Canada," and altogether affairs had gotten into such a
condition that the merest spark was certain to produce an explosion.
This was in the autumn of 1889. In November of that year, the long
expected spark made its appearance, and produced the long dreaded
explosion. Several of the fenians had left their camp one afternoon,
and had visited a drinking saloon on Canadian territory, just over
the boundary line.
Meeting some Canadian soldiers there, both parties got drunk, and a
quarrel ensued, during which pistol shots were freely exchanged, and
numerous bayonet and sabre cuts were given and received. The
Irishmen being outnumbered, were gradually driven towards the
boundary line, whore they were met by a large party of their friends,
who hearing the noise of the fighting, had rushed to the assistance
of their companions. Thus reënforced, they beat the Canadians back
to their own side of the line, but not being satisfied with this,
pursued them for some distance on Canadian territory. Here meeting
further Canadian troops, the tide of battle was reversed again, and
the Irishmen were driven back to their camp. The American militia
regiment was under arms and in line, on the American side of the
boundary, having been called to arms at the commencement of the
disturbance; and as they marched towards the boundary, with the idea
of capturing the Irish men and holding them for punishment, they were
fired upon by the Canadian troops, either by mistake or designedly,
and several were killed and wounded.
They returned the volley (it is claimed, without orders) and several
Canadians were also killed and wounded.
At length, in obedience to the arduous efforts of the officers on
both sides, the fighting ceased; but not until there had been six
killed and thirty-three wounded among the Irish and Americans, and
four killed and twenty-one wounded among the Canadians.
From testimony taken in a subsequent investigation, it seems that
both commanders claimed to be on their own territory; and the burden
of evidence would seem to confirm their claims that there had been no
actual technical violation of territory on either side; but that the
two parties had simply stood each on their own ground, and shot at
each other across the boundary line.
This outbreak, however, afforded the Canadian politicians the
opportunity they had long been waiting for, and a resolution passed
both branches of the Dominion parliament, by an almost unanimous
vote, declaring war against the United States, subject to the
approval of the Imperial Government.
It being just the commencement of the winter season, and therefore a
most unfavorable time to undertake hostilities, both sides sought to
gain time, and a voluminous diplomatic correspondence ensued; during
which both the United States and England were exerting every effort
to prepare for the struggle which was considered to be inevitable as
soon as spring opened. Work was pushed night and day on the
unfinished war vessels; and a large force of men were placed at work
upon the sea-coast forts to try and strengthen them as much as
possible. Additional guns were brought from the interior and mounted
in the forts as rapidly as practicable; and the hurry and bustle of
preparation was noticeable from one end of the country to the other.
As yet, war had not been definitely declared, except by Canada, and
the President had issued no call for troops; but everybody knew that
the call could not be long delayed; and the "Grand Army Men," as the
veterans of the War of the Rebellion styled themselves, organized
themselves into battalions and regiments, and met and drilled two or
three times a week, and were ready to respond instantly to the call
of the President, as soon as it should be issued. An enrollment of
these volunteer associations, taken on January 1, 1890, showed a
total of over 300,000 veterans ready and anxious to go to the front
once more.
Besides these, there were enthusiastic young men by the million, who
had been children during the War of the Rebellion, but who were fired
with a patriotic desire to resent the outrages and insults which they
thought their country had received at the hands of Canada.
As far as the land forces were concerned, nothing more could be
desired. The Government, it was evident, would be embarrassed by a
superabundance of force, rather than a lack of it; and the
indications were that within thirty days after war was declared, a
thoroughly well drilled, well equipped, well armed, and well
officered army of at least half a million of men, would be ready to
overrun Canada in the shortest possible space of time. The more
enthusiastic ones, claimed that the campaign would be over in thirty
days after the boundary line was crossed. Others said that the war
might last sixty days, and here and there one or two might be found
who thought that possibly it might take all summer. There was no
difference of opinion as to the result. The only differences were as
to the time it would require to bring it about. The idea that this
over-whelming and magnificent force could receive anything
approaching a defeat, or even a check, in its victorious career
through Canada, never entered anybody's head. But there were
numerous bets made on the exchanges and elsewhere, as to the number
of days the campaign would last. The whole country seemed to be in a
blaze of military enthusiasm, and it became all the rage for young
men to chaff each other about "spending next summer in Canada." On
the surface, therefore, everything appeared satisfactory, and the
only apparent drawback was a feeling that Canada couldn't offer
resistance enough to make the struggle even an interesting one.
Under this apparent confidence, however, there was a vast amount of
anxious foreboding in the minds of a few of the more thoughtful
residents of our seaboard cities.
These men knew the utterly defenseless condition of our coasts. They
knew how absurdly inadequate our Navy was to cope with that of
England. They had seen the fast passenger steamships of the Cunard
and other English lines, (two of which, belonging to the Inman line,
the "City of New York," and the "City of Paris," were owned by
Americans) withdrawn from the passenger service, and transformed into
armed cruisers in accordance with the terms of the contracts by which
the English Government paid them an annual subsidy or rental,
amounting to about four per cent. of their cost. The cable had
brought news of the feverish activity which reigned in all the
English dockyards and arsenals.
Of course, details of these preparations were not forthcoming; but
the utmost reticence of the officials could not conceal the fact that
war preparations on an immense scale were being pushed forward with
the utmost rapidity.
Meanwhile the Americans were not idle. Congress had been called in
special session by the President, in view of the gravity of the
situation, and immense appropriations, aggregating between
$200,000,000 and $300,000,000 were rushed through both houses in
frantic haste; and a tremendous effort was made at a vast expense, to
lock the stable door, which had so long been invitingly left open.
There was no time to build large vessels or heavy guns; so the
greatest efforts were made to perfect a system of harbor obstructions
and torpedoes. All sorts of experiments were tried in this
direction; and the whole inventive genius of the country seemed to be
puzzling itself over the problem of self-defense.
Of course it goes without saying that the newspapers in all three
countries reaped a rich harvest. No rumor was too absurd or
sensational to find believers, and the public mind was wrought up to
an intensity of feeling on both sides, that was almost inconceivable
in its bitterness and rancor.
In March, 1890, the excitement was, if possible, intensified by a
remarkable speech delivered in the British House of Commons by Lord
Randolph Churchill. This nobleman had been a prominent figure in
English politics for several years, and had held numerous Government
positions--among them Chancellor of the Exchequer, and leader of the
House of Commons. He was a man of unquestioned ability, but had come
to be regarded by the older and more conservative public men, as too
eccentric and too unmanageable for a leader.
He had, therefore, been reduced to the ranks--so to speak--in
Parliament, and had been chafing for two or three years in what
seemed to him to be a position utterly unworthy of his talents and
experience as a parliamentarian and debater. The present occasion
afforded him an opportunity, which he was not slow to embrace, of
putting himself once more in a prominent position before the English
public.
His speech was entirely unexpected, and created the utmost excitement
on both sides of the ocean. It was during a debate on a bill
authorizing some of the extraordinary expenditures for arming and
preparing war ships, etc., which the Admiralty were then making. The
debate had gone on sleepily and stupidly, as such debates usually do,
until one evening in March, Lord Churchill threw what proved to be a
veritable bombshell into the discussion. In this remarkable speech,
his Lordship traced the whole history of the differences between the
United States and Canada, from 1783 to 1889. His point of view, of
course, was an intensely English one, and he justified Canada
entirely in the course she had thus far seen fit to pursue.
And then, as his listeners were expecting him to announce himself as
heartily in favor of the pending bill, he suddenly changed the whole
aspect of the debate by asking: "But what has Canada ever done for
England, that we should make these enormous expenditures of money,
and risk a war with such a powerful nation as the United States,
merely for her benefit? Has she ever contributed a penny to the
Imperial treasury? Never! Has she even paid the expenses of troops
and vessels sent out by the Imperial Government to protect her
interests? Never! Has she admitted the products of the Mother
Country to her ports free of duty; or, failing in that, has she ever
made any discrimination, however small, in favor of our products, as
against those of the United States, or any other country? Never!
She taxes our products, and while claiming our protection whenever
she gets into difficulty, utterly refuses to contribute anything to
our treasury. I fail, Sir, to see anything like reciprocity here.
To use a homely American comparison, 'It is like the handle of a
jug--all on one side.' If Imperial protection is worth having, it is
worth paying for; and if Canada or any other outlying portion of this
great British Empire, is not willing to contribute its share of
taxation to the Imperial treasury, I am distinctly and decidedly in
favor of having Imperial protection withdrawn."
At this point of his lordship's address, the interruptions were so
numerous and persistent, that he was obliged to suspend his remarks
for a few moments. After a semblance of order had been restored, the
Premier arose and begged the privilege of asking his Lordship one
question.
"Do I understand his Lordship to say that he is in favor of our
permitting the United States to overrun and annex Canada, without
lifting a hand or firing a gun in her behalf?"
As soon as the applause which greeted this question had subsided,
Lord Churchill said he "thanked his Lordship for having put the
question to him in that categorical manner, because it enabled him to
be equally specific and explicit in his reply."
He then went on, and in a most impassioned manner attacked the United
States as a great, overgrown, bullying and conceited nation. He
traced our wonderful growth and material prosperity, and
characterized it as a standing menace to every monarchical Government
in the world. Then suddenly changing his tone, he called attention
to our absolutely helpless condition to resist the attacks of a well
equipped fleet of modern vessels of war; and waving in the air over
his head a copy of the _New York Herald_ of some date in 1887, he
exclaimed:
"Here are the figures which prove that property amounting in value to
$10,000,000,000 or £2,000,000,000 sterling is absolutely defenseless,
and open to attack by any power which possesses one or more modern
vessels of war."
And then he continued as follows:
"His Lordship asks me what I would do. I will tell him. I would
equip one, two or three powerful fleets, and send them to bombard the
principal seaboard cities of the United States. I would give these
arrogant and conceited Americans their choice between bombardment and
ransom, and I would take good care that the ransom should be a good
liberal one. I should be inclined to put the figure at, say
£400,000,000 to £500,000,000 sterling. The Americans are wealthy,
and could well afford to pay it."
"But," interrupted the Premier, "what would become of Canada?"
"Oh! Let the United States have Canada; and much good may she do
them! I cannot see where she has ever done us much. What I would
propose in brief, is a "forced sale" of Canada to the United States;
but it will be a novelty in forced sales, in that the sale will be
forced by the seller upon the buyer."
The effect of this speech was marvelous. What was then known as the
"Jingo" element in England, cheered it to the echo; and a popular
demand sprung up for war, which was so universal and overwhelming
that the Government found it impossible to resist it, and
consequently war was formally declared in April, 1890. The words
"Ransom or bombardment" were in everybody's mouth, and Lord Randolph
Churchill became the idol of the populace. His wife, who was an
American lady, lost much of her former popularity, and with her
sister-in-law, the Duchess of Marlborough (also an American) made a
prolonged visit to the Continent, to avoid the unpleasant attentions
of the riotous London mobs.