The original mode in which the language was written having thus

fallen into disuse, it happened, at length, that the signification

of the characters, and even the nature of the system of writing

which they formed, became entirely lost; such notices on the subject

as existed in the early historians being either too imperfect,

or appearing too vague, to furnish a clue, although frequently

and carefully studied for the purpose. The repossession of this

knowledge will form, in literary history, one of the most remarkable

distinctions, if not the principal, of the age in which we live.

It is due primarily to the discovery by the French, during their

possession of Egypt, of the since well-known monument called the

Rosetta Stone, which, on their defeat and expulsion by the British

troops, remained in the hands of the victors, was conveyed to

England, and deposited in the British Museum. On this monument

the same inscription is repeated in the Greek and in the Egyptian

language, being written in the latter both in hieroglyphics and

in the demotic or enchorial character. The words Ptolemy and

Cleopatra, written in hieroglyphics, and recognized by means of

the corresponding Greek of the Rosetta inscription, and by a Greek

inscription on the base of an obelisk at Philæ, gave the phonetic

characters of the letters which form those words: by their means the

names were discovered, in hieroglyphic writing, on other monuments of

all the Grecian kings and Grecian queens of Egypt, and of fourteen

of the Roman emperors ending with Commodus; and by the comparison

of these names one with another, the value of all the phonetic

characters was finally ascertained.

The hieroglyphic alphabet thus made out has been subsequently

applied to the elucidation of the earlier periods of Egyptian

history, particularly in tracing the reigns and the succession of

the Pharaohs, those native princes who governed Egypt at the period

of its splendour; when its monarchy was the most powerful among the

nations of the earth; its people the most advanced in learning, and

in the cultivation of the arts and sciences; and which has left, as

its memorials, constructions more nearly approaching to imperishable,

than any other of the works of man, which have been the wonder of

every succeeding people, and which are now serving to re-establish,

at the expiration of above 3000 years, the details of [p179] its

long-forgotten history. To trace these stupendous monuments of art

to their respective founders, and thus to fix, approximatively, at

least, the epoch of their first existence, is a consequence of the

restoration of the knowledge of the alphabet and the language of the

inscriptions engraven on them. We propose to review, briefly as our

limits require, the principal and most important facts that have thus

recently been made known in regard to those early times; and shall

deem ourselves most fortunate if we can impart to our readers but

a small portion of the interest which we have ourselves derived in

watching their progressive discovery.

The following are the authors to whom we are chiefly indebted for

the few particulars we know of early Egyptian history. Herodotus

and Diodorus Siculus, Grecians, and foreigners in Egypt. Manetho, a

native; and Eratosthenes, by birth a Cyrenean, a province bordering

on Egypt, both residents. Josephus, a Jew, and Africanus, Eusebius,

and Syncellus, Christians, Greek authors. Herodotus visited Egypt

four centuries and a half before Christ, and within a century after

its conquest by the Persians. In his relation of the affairs of

the Greeks and Persians, he has introduced incidentally a sketch

of the early history of Egypt, such as he learnt it from popular

tradition, and from information obtained from the priests. It is,

however, merely a sketch, particularly of the earlier times; and

is further recorded by Josephus to have been censured by Manetho

for its incorrectness. Diodorus is also understood to have visited

Egypt about half a century before Christ; and from him we have a

similar sketch to that of Herodotus; a record of the names of the

most distinguished kings, and for what they were distinguished;

but with intervals, of many generations and of uncertain duration,

passed without notice. Manetho was a priest of Heliopolis in Lower

Egypt, a city of the first rank amongst the sacred cities of ancient

Egypt, and long the resort of foreigners as the seat of learning

and knowledge. He lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, two

centuries and a half before Christ, and wrote, by order of that

prince, the history of his own country in the Greek language,

translating it, as he states himself, out of the sacred records.

His work is, most unfortunately, lost; but the fragments which have

been preserved to us, by the writings [p180] of Josephus in the

first century of the Christian æra, and by the Greek authors above

named of the third and fourth centuries, contain matter, which, if

entitled to confidence, is of the highest historical value, _viz._,

a chronological list of the successive rulers of Egypt, from the

first foundation of monarchy, to Alexander of Macedon, who succeeded

the Persians. This list is divided into thirty dynasties, not all of

separate families; a memorable reign appearing in some instances to

commence a new dynasty, although happening in the regular succession.

It originally contained the length of reign as well as the name

of every king; but in consequence of successive transcriptions,

variations have crept in, and some few omissions also occur in

the record, as it has reached us through the medium of different

authors. The chronology of Manetho, adopted with confidence by some,

and rejected with equal confidence by others,—his name and his

information not being even noticed by some of the modern systematic

writers on Egyptian history,—has received the most unquestionable

and decisive testimony of its general fidelity by the interpretation

of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the existing monuments: so much

so, that by the accordance of the facts attested by these monuments

with the record of the historian, we have reason to expect the entire

restoration of the annals of the Egyptian monarchy antecedent to the

Persian conquest, and which, indeed, is already accomplished in part.

Before we pursue this part of our subject, we must conclude our

brief review of the original authorities in early Egyptian history,

by a notice of Eratosthenes. He was keeper of the Alexandrian

library in the reign of Ptolemy Evergetes, the successor to Ptolemy

Philadelphus, under whose reign Manetho wrote. Amongst the few

fragments of his works, which have reached us transmitted through

the Greek historians, is a catalogue of thirty-eight kings of

Thebes, commencing with Menes, (who is mentioned by the other

authorities also as the first monarch of Egypt,) and occupying by

their successive reigns 1055 years. These names are stated to have

been compiled from original records existing at Thebes, which city

Eratosthenes visited expressly to consult them. The names of the two

first kings in his catalogue are the same with the names of the two

first kings of the first dynasty of Manetho; but the [p181] remainder

of the catalogue presents no further accordance, either in the names

or in the duration of the reigns.

To return to Manetho:—amongst the monarchs of the original Egyptian

race there was one named by him Amenophis, (the eighth king of the

eighteenth dynasty,) of whom it is stated, in a note of Manetho’s

preserved by Syncellus, that he was the Egyptian king whom the Greeks

called Memnon. The statue of Memnon at Thebes, celebrated through

all antiquity for the melodious sounds which it was said to render

at sunrise, is identified in the present day by a multitude of Greek

inscriptions; one of which, in particular, records the attestation of

Publius Balbinus, who visited the ruins of Thebes in the suite of the

empress the wife of Adrian, to his having himself heard the “divine

sounds of Memnon or Phamenoph;” which latter name is Amenophis, with

the Egyptian masculine article φ prefixed, and omitting the Greek

termination. The hieroglyphics carved on the statue, and coeval

with its date, had been very carefully copied by the French whilst

in possession of Egypt, and were engraved in the splendid work, the

_Description de l’Egypte_, to which their researches had given rise.

These hieroglyphics contain the alphabetic characters Amnf (being the

initial vowel and all the consonants of the name Amenof) inclosed

within a ring; a distinction which had been previously observed to

take place with the names of the Roman emperors, and of the Grecian

kings and queens; and as the rings have hitherto been found to occur

in no other instance whatsoever than when containing the names and

titles of sovereigns, they are regarded as characteristic signs.

It should be remarked, that in the hieroglyphic writing, as in the

languages of other eastern nations most nearly connected with Egypt,

the vowels are often omitted, and when expressed, have not always a

fixed sound. The coincidence of the reading of the hieroglyphic name

with that recorded by Manetho, and with the Greek inscription on

the statue itself, was so far confirmatory of Manetho’s authority;

it was also highly interesting in the evidence it afforded of the

employment of the same hieroglyphic alphabet, that was in after

use in the times of the Ptolemies and the Cæsars, even in the very

early periods of the Egyptian monarchy; for the reign of Amenophis

was in the dynasty preceding that of Sesostris: it also indicated

the further [p182] advantage to be gained by the application of

the alphabet in decyphering other proper names, distinguished by

being inclosed in rings, existing on other statues, and in the more

ancient temples generally. Considerable progress had been made

in reading these, which in several instances had been found to

correspond with the names of the kings of the same and of subsequent

dynasties to Amenophis, as given by Manetho, when a most important

discovery was made of the existence of a genealogical record, in

hieroglyphics, of the titles of thirty-nine kings anterior to

Sesostris, chronologically arranged. We have already noticed that the

names and _titles_ of kings were distinguished by being inclosed in

rings; the ring containing the proper name being accompanied usually

by a second, inclosing certain other hieroglyphics, expressing the

title by which that particular king was designated; and it appears

probable that the kings of Egypt were distinguished by their titles

rather than by their names, since the same name recurs frequently

in different individuals, but the titles are all dissimilar; with

a single exception amongst the very many that have come under

observation, and in which the same title is common to two brothers.

The signification of the titles is yet obscure, except that they are

of the same general nature as is frequent in the East, such as “Sun

of the Universe,” &c.; but for the purpose of individualizing, the

sign is to us of the same value as the thing signified; and as other

monuments furnish the _names_ in connexion with the _titles_, we are

enabled to compare the succession evidenced by the titles with the

record of the historian, and thus to test the fidelity of the record.

The discovery of this hieroglyphic table was made by Mr. William

Banks in 1818, in excavating for the purpose of obtaining an accurate

ground-plan of the ruins of Abydus, near Thebes. On a side wall

of one of the innermost apartments, hieroglyphics were sculptured

inclosed in rings, ranged symmetrically in three horizontal rows,

each row having originally contained twenty rings, of which twelve

of the upper row, eighteen of the middle, and fourteen of the lower

row were still remaining, the others having been destroyed by the

breaking down of the wall. The hieroglyphics having been copied

and lithographed, it was speedily recognised that the rings in the

two upper rows consisted of titles only; with the exception of one

[p183] proper name, the last of the second row, since known to be

the name of the king whose title is the last in the succession, and

who was the fourth in reign and generation before Sesostris. The

third row was recognised to consist of one proper name and one title,

each repeated ten times, and alternating with each other: these are

since known to be the name and title of Sesostris, to whose reign

the construction of the table is with much probability ascribed. The

titles in the same row with that of the ancestor of Sesostris and

preceding it, have been identified on other monuments, coupled with

names which are those of the predecessors of the same king in the

list of Manetho.

It would exceed our limits, and it is not our purpose, to trace

in detail the successive steps by which the existence of each of

the kings of Manetho’s list, from the expulsion of the Phœnician

shepherds from Lower Egypt, and the consequent union of Upper and

Lower Egypt in a single monarchy, to the reign of Sesostris, has been

attested by the monuments. Suffice it to say, that the same number of

individuals as stated by Manetho, namely, eighteen, filling a space

of four centuries, are shown, by the monuments, to have reigned in

that interval, and to have borne the same relationship, as well as

succession, to each other, as is expressed by the historian: that,

of the eighteen names, eight in different parts of the list are read

on the monuments identically as in the historical record; and that

in regard to the names that are not identical, we have the testimony

of Manetho that some amongst the kings, Sesostris, for example, were

known by two and even by more names. The table of Abydus appears to

have been strictly a genealogical record; a record of generations, in

which view it is strictly accordant with the historian.

The period of the Egyptian annals on which this light has been

thrown, is precisely that which might have been selected in the

whole history of Egypt as the most desirable for such purpose.

Independently of its very high antiquity, it was the period of the

greatest splendour and power of the native Egyptian monarchy, and

of the highest (Egyptian) cultivation of the arts. The greater part

of the more ancient, and by far the most admirable in execution,

of the temples, palaces, and statues, which still attest by their

ruins their former magnificence, are the work of that age; and

the hieroglyphic inscriptions still [p184] extant on them, and

which, when not defaced by wanton injury, are almost as perfect

as when first executed, make known the reigns in which they were

respectively constructed, and frequently the purposes for which

they were designed. This is in itself no small achievement, when we

reflect that these extraordinary remains of ancient art were equally

the objects of vague wonderment in the times of the Roman emperors,

as they were in those of the generation preceding ourselves; but

that they are become to us objects of a more enlightened curiosity,

which they promise amply to repay, when the study that has already

made known their founders, shall reveal the signification of the

hieroglyphic histories, with which the walls of the palaces and

temples are covered. Already have we gained some very important

facts in regard to the condition, political and otherwise, of the

countries adjoining to Egypt at that early period. The monuments

of Nubia are covered with hieroglyphics, perfectly similar both in

form and disposition to those on the edifices at Thebes; the same

elements, the same formulæ, the same language; and the names of the

kings who elevated the most ancient amongst them, are those of the

princes who constructed the most ancient parts of the palace of

Karnac at Thebes. As far as Soleb on the Nile, 100 leagues to the

south of Philæ the extreme frontier of Egypt, are found constructions

bearing the inscriptions of an Egyptian king; evidencing that, during

the period of which we have been treating, Nubia was inhabited by

a people having the same language, the same belief, and the same

kings as Egypt. To the south of Soleb, and for more than 100 leagues

in ascending the Nile, in ancient Ethiopia, very recent travellers

have discovered the remains of temples, of the same general style

of architecture as those of Nubia and Egypt, decorated in the

same manner with hieroglyphics representing the same mythology,

and analogous to those of Egypt in the titles, and in the mode

of representing the names and titles, of the sovereigns. But the

proper names of the kings inscribed on the edifices of Ethiopia in

phonetic characters, have nothing in common with the proper names of

the Egyptian kings in the dynasties of Manetho; nor is one of the

Ethiopian names found either on the monuments of Nubia or of Egypt.

Thus there was a time when the civilized part of Ethiopia,—Meroe,

and the banks [p185] of the Nile between Dongola and Meroe,—were

inhabited by a people having language, writing, religion, and arts

similar to Egypt; but, in political dominion, independent of that

country, and ruled by kings of whom it does not appear that any

historical record whatsoever has come down to us.

The dates of the expulsion of the Phœnican shepherds from Egypt, and

of the reign of Sesostris, in years of the æra of our computation,

have been favourite subjects of discussion with chronologists:

Archbishop Usher fixed the former of these events in the year B. C.

1825; which would make the commencement of the reign of Sesostris

about B. C. 1483. The reign of Sesostris is connected with the

early Grecian chronology by the migration of Danaus, brother of

Sesostris, who, according to the Parian marbles, arrived in Greece

in 1485, which is a very few years earlier than the dates of Usher

would assign to that event. M. Champollion Figeac, brother of the M.

Champollion to whom the greater part of the discoveries made by the

interpretation of hieroglyphics are owing, himself a distinguished

chronologist, has assigned the year B.C. 1822 to the expulsion

of the Phœnicians, which Usher had placed in 1825: the date of

M. Champollion being derived from Manetho’s statement, that the

Phœnician invasion took place in the 700th year of the Sothiacal

period, _viz._, B.C. 2082, and that their dominion in Egypt continued

260 years. Historical accuracy may make it desirable, that the exact

year of the most ancient as well as of more modern events should be

determined, if it be possible: but for purposes of general interest,

and especially for comparison with the chronology of cotemporary

nations, which at that early period is in every case more unsettled

than the Egyptian, the period seems sufficiently determined. The

date before Christ 1822, pursued downwards through the dynasties

of Manetho, conducts with very close approximation to the known

period B.C. 525 of the conquest of Egypt by the Persians; and

intermediately, accords very satisfactorily with the dates, according

to the Bible chronology, of the conquest of Jerusalem in the reign of

Jeroboam by Shishak, king of Egypt, and of Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia

and Egypt, who made war against Sennacherib; these are the Sesonchis

of Manetho, and Sh.sh.n.k of hieroglyphic inscriptions on a temple at

Bubaste, and on one of the courts of the [p186] palace at Karnac,—and

the Taracus of Manetho, and T.h.r.k of hieroglyphic inscriptions

existing in Ethiopia and in Egypt[33].

In respect to the connexion of the events of the Jewish and Egyptian

histories, the period between the expulsion of the Phœnicians and the

reign of Sesostris possesses a peculiar interest, as being that of

the residence of the Israelites in Egypt, and of the Exodus. In the

history of Josephus, we have an extract from Manetho, in which this

latter event is expressly stated to have taken place under the father

of Sesostris, a king whose name, in Manetho’s list, is Amenophis,

(the third of that name,) and on the monuments Ramses. The date which

chronologists are generally agreed in assigning to the Exodus is

1491; that of the termination of the reign of Amenophis, according

to Champollion, is 1473, or, if the correction of his chronology

which we have suggested in a note be just, 1478: it is singular that

the difference of thirteen years (between 1491 and 1478) should be

precisely the duration of a very suspicious interval which Manetho

states to have taken place, after Amenophis had gone with his army

in pursuit of the Israelites; and during which interval neither the

king nor his army returned to [p187] Egypt, but are stated to have

been absent in Ethiopia. If the Exodus occurred during the reign of

any of the kings of the eighteenth dynasty, it could only have been

in the reign of the immediate predecessor of Sesostris; since his

conquests in Phœnicia, and his expeditions against the Assyrians and

Medes, must have brought him in contact with the Israelites, had they

been then residing in the Holy Land, so as at least to have caused

some mention to have been made in their history of the passages of so

great a conqueror. But presuming Amenophis, father and predecessor

of Sesostris, to have been the Pharaoh of the Exodus, the wandering

of the Israelites in the desert for forty of the fifty-five years

ascribed to the reign of Sesostris, is a sufficient explanation

of his being unnoticed in the Jewish history; whilst the fact of

that nation having been subject to the Egyptians during the reign

of Ousirei, commencing 124 years before the death of Amenophis, is

attested by the paintings on the wall of one of the chambers of the

tomb of that king, discovered by Belzoni, and with which we are so

well acquainted by means of the model exhibited in England.

Whilst recalling to recollection the peculiar physiognomy of the Jews

pourtrayed in that tomb,—and which is as characteristic of their

present physiognomy as if it had been painted in the present age,

instead of above 3000 years ago,—the equally well characterized, but

very different physiognomy of the Phœnician shepherds, represented

on the monuments of the same period, is decisive of the error of

Josephus, who imagined the Jews and the Shepherds to be the same

people. The Phœnician shepherds, long the inveterate enemy of the

Egyptians, form a leading feature as captives, in the representations

of the exploits of the monarchs who conducted the warfare against

them. These people are always painted with blue eyes and light

hair; and it is not a little curious to see assembled on the wall

of the same apartment, different races, so distinctly characterised

as the Jew, the Phœnician, the Egyptian, and the Negro; the latter

in colour, and in the outline of the features, in painting and in

sculpture, precisely as at present; all, moreover, inhabitants of

countries not very distant from each other, and at a period when not

more than twelve or thirteen centuries had passed since all these

races had descended from a single parent. In the writings which

attempt to explain from natural causes [p188] the diversity of race

amongst mankind, much power has been ascribed to the effects of time

and climate: but the facts with which we are now becoming better

acquainted than before, do not appear to admit of explanation from

those circumstances. It is worthy of notice that the negro, and the

light-haired and blue-eyed people, the two races who might be deemed

at the greatest distance apart amongst the varieties of man, are,

equally with the intermediate Egyptians, the descendants of Ham.

Of the succession of kings in Manetho’s chronology, from Sesostris to

the Persian conquest, a space of nine centuries and a half, about one

half the names have been already identified on different monuments:

four of the Persian monarchs, subsequent to the conquest, have also

been traced in inscriptions in phonetic characters; their names

are written, as nearly as can be spelt with our letters, Kamboth,

(Cambyses); Ntariousch, (Darius); Khschearscha, (Xerxes); and

Artakschessch, (Artaxerxes.)

The Quarterly Journal of Science, Literature and the Arts, July-December, 1827 · 第 17 / 51 段