age, in whose education I take a lively interest.
*****
I am not a friend to placing young men in populous cities, because they
acquire there habits and partialities which do not contribute to the
happiness of their after life. But there are particular branches of
science, which are not so advantageously taught any where else in
the United States as in Philadelphia. The garden at the Woodlands for
Botany, Mr. Peale’s Museum for Natural History, your Medical School for
Anatomy, and the able professors in all of them, give advantages not to
be found elsewhere. We propose, therefore, to send him to Philadelphia
to attend the schools of Botany, Natural History, Anatomy, and perhaps
Surgery; but not of Medicine. And why not of Medicine, you will ask?
Being led to the subject, I will avail myself of the occasion to express
my opinions on that science, and the extent of my medical creed. But, to
finish first with respect to my grandson, I will state the favor I ask
of you, and which is the object of this letter.
*****
This subject dismissed, I may now take up that which it led to, and
further tax your patience with unlearned views of medicine; which, as in
most cases, are, perhaps, the more confident in proportion as they are
less enlightened.
We know, from what we see and feel, that the animal body is in its
organs and functions subject to derangement, inducing pain, and
tending to its destruction. In this disordered state, we observe nature
providing for the re-establishment of order, by exciting some salutary
evacuation of the morbific matter, or by some other operation which
escapes our imperfect senses and researches. She brings on a crisis, by
stools, vomiting, sweat, urine, expectoration, bleeding, &c, which, for
the most part, ends in the restoration of healthy action. Experience has
taught us also, that there are certain substances, by which, applied to
the living body, internally or externally, we can at will produce these
same evacuations, and thus do, in a short time, what nature would do but
slowly, and do effectually, what perhaps she would not have strength
to accomplish. Where, then, we have seen a disease, characterized
by specific signs or phenomena, and relieved by a certain natural
evacuation or process, whenever that disease recurs under the same
appearances, we may reasonably count on producing a solution of it, by
the use of such substances as we have found produce the same evacuation
or movement. Thus, fulness of the stomach we can relieve by emetics;
diseases of the bowels, by purgatives; inflammatory cases, by bleeding;
intermittents, by the Peruvian bark; syphilis, by mercury; watchfulness,
by opium; &c. So far, I bow to the utility of medicine. It goes to the
well defined forms of disease, and happily, to those the most frequent.
But the disorders of the animal body, and the symptoms indicating
them, are as various as the elements of which the body is composed. The
combinations, too, of these symptoms are so infinitely diversified,
that many associations of them appear too rarely to establish a definite
disease: and to an unknown disease, there cannot be a known remedy.
Here, then, the judicious, the moral, the humane physician should stop.
Having been so often a witness to the salutary efforts which nature
makes to re-establish the disordered functions, he should rather trust
to their action, than hazard the interruption of that, and a greater
derangement of the system, by conjectural experiments on a machine so
complicated and so unknown as the human body, and a subject so sacred
as human life. Or, if the appearance of doing something be necessary to
keep alive the hope and spirits of the patient, it should be of the most
innocent character. One of the most successful physicians I have ever
known, has assured me, that he used more bread pills, drops of colored
water, and powders of hickory ashes, than of all other medicines put
together. It was certainly a pious fraud. But the adventurous physician
goes on, and substitutes presumption for knowledge. From the scanty
field of what is known, he launches into the boundless region of what
is unknown. He establishes for his guide some fanciful theory of
corpuscular attraction, of chemical agency, of mechanical powers, of
stimuli, of irritability accumulated or exhausted, of depletion by the
lancet, and repletion by mercury, or some other ingenious dream, which
lets him into all nature’s secrets at short hand. On the principle which
he thus assumes, he forms his table of nosology, arrays his diseases
into families, and extends his curative treatment, by analogy, to all
the cases he has thus arbitrarily marshaled together. I have lived
myself to see the disciples of Hoffman, Boerhaave, Stahl, Cullen, Brown,
succeed one another like the shifting figures of a magic-lanthern, and
their fancies like the dresses of the annual doll-babies from Paris,
becoming, from their novelty, the vogue of the day, and yielding to
the next novelty their ephemeral favor. The patient, treated on the
fashionable theory, sometimes gets well in spite of the medicine. The
medicine therefore restored him, and the young doctor receives new
courage to proceed in his bold experiments on the lives of his fellow
creatures. I believe we may safely affirm, that the inexperienced and
presumptuous band of medical tyros let loose upon the world, destroys
more of human life in one year, than all the Robin-hoods, Cartouches,
and Macheaths do in a century. It is in this part of medicine that I
wish to see a reform, an abandonment of hypothesis for sober facts, the
first degree of value set on clinical observation, and the lowest on
visionary theories. I would wish the young practitioner, especially, to
have deeply impressed on his mind the real limits of his art, and that
when the state of his patient gets beyond these, his office is to be a
watchful, but quiet spectator of the operations of nature, giving them
fair play by a well regulated regimen, and by all the aid they can
derive from the excitement of good spirits and hope in the patient.
I have no doubt, that some diseases not yet understood may in time be
transferred to the table of those known. But, were I a physician, I
would rather leave the transfer to the slow hand of accident, than
hasten it by guilty experiments on those who put their lives into my
hands. The only sure foundations of medicine are, an intimate knowledge
of the human body, and observation on the effects of medicinal
substances on that. The anatomical and clinical schools, therefore, are
those in which the young physician should be formed. If he enters with
innocence that of the theory of medicine, it is scarcely possible he
should come out untainted with error. His mind must be strong indeed,
if, rising above juvenile credulity, it can maintain a wise infidelity
against the authority of his instructers, and the bewitching delusions
of their theories. You see that I estimate justly that portion of
instruction, which our medical students derive from your labors; and,
associating with it one of the chairs which my old and able friend,
Doctor Rush, so honorably fills, I consider them as the two fundamental
pillars of the edifice. Indeed, I have such an opinion of the talents
of the professors in the other branches which constitute the school of
medicine with you, as to hope and believe, that it is from this side
of the Atlantic, that Europe, which has taught us so many other things,
will at length be led into sound principles in this branch of science,
the most important of all others, being that to which we commit the care
of health and life.
I dare say, that by this time you are sufficiently sensible that old
heads, as well as young, may sometimes be charged with ignorance and
presumption. The natural course of the human mind is certainly from
credulity to scepticism: and this is perhaps the most favorable apology
I can make for venturing so far out of my depth, and to one, too,
to whom the strong as well as the weak points of this science are so
familiar. But having stumbled on the subject in my way, I wished to give
a confession of my faith to a friend; and the rather, as I had perhaps,
at times, to him as well as others, expressed my scepticism in medicine,
without defining its extent or foundation. At any rate, it has permitted
me, for a moment, to abstract myself from the dry and dreary waste
of politics, into which I have been impressed by the times on which I
happened, and to indulge in the rich fields of nature, where alone I
should have served as a volunteer, if left to my natural inclinations
and partialities.
I salute you at all times with affection and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LVI.--TO MR. BOWDOIN, July 10, 1807
TO MR. BOWDOIN.
Washington, July 10, 1807.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you on the 10th of July, 1806; but supposing, from your not
acknowledging the receipt of the letter, that it had miscarried, I sent
a duplicate with my subsequent one of April the 2nd. These having gone
by the Wasp, you will doubtless have received them. Since that, yours
of May the 1st has come to hand. You will see by the despatches from the
department of State, carried by the armed vessel the Revenge, into what
a critical state our peace with Great Britain is suddenly brought, by
their armed vessels in our waters. Four vessels of war (three of them
two-deckers) closely blockade Norfolk at this instant. Of the authority
under which this aggression is committed, their minister here is
unapprized. You will see by the proclamation of July the 2nd, that
(while we are not omitting such measures of force as are immediately
necessary) we propose to give Great Britain an opportunity of disavowal
and reparation, and to leave the question of war, non-intercourse, or
other measures, uncommitted, to the legislature. This country has never
been in such a state of excitement since the battle of Lexington. In
this state of things, cordial friendship with France, and peace at
least with Spain, become more interesting. You know the circumstances
respecting this last power, which have rendered it ineligible that you
should have proceeded heretofore to your destination. But this obstacle
is now removed by their recall of Yrujo, and appointment of another
minister, and, in the mean time, of a _chargé des affaires_, who has
been received. The way being now open for taking your station at Madrid,
it is certainly our wish you should do so, and that this may be more
agreeable to you than your return home, as is solicited in yours of May
the 1st. It is with real unwillingness we should relinquish the benefit
of your services. Nevertheless, if your mind is decidedly bent on that,
we shall regret, but not oppose your return. The choice, therefore,
remains with yourself. In the mean time, your place in the joint
commission being vacated by either event, we shall take the measures
rendered necessary by that. We have seen, with real grief, the
misunderstanding which has taken place between yourself and General
Armstrong. We are neither qualified nor disposed to form an opinion
between you. We regret the pain which must have been felt by persons,
both of whom hold so high a place in our esteem, and we have not been
without fear that the public interest might suffer by it. It has seemed,
however, that the state of Europe has been such as to admit little to be
done, in matters so distant from them.
The present alarm has had the effect of suspending our foreign commerce.
No merchant ventures to send out a single vessel; and I think it
probable this will continue very much the case till we get an answer
from England. Our crops are uncommonly plentiful. That of small grain is
now secured south of this, and the harvest is advancing here.
Accept my salutations, and assurances of affectionate esteem and
respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LVII.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 14, 1807
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
Washington, July 14, 1807.
My Dear Friend,
I received last night your letters of February the 20th and April the
29th, and a vessel just sailing from Baltimore enables me hastily to
acknowledge them; to assure you of the welcome with which I receive
whatever comes from you, and the continuance of my affectionate esteem
for yourself and family. I learn with much concern, indeed, the state of
Madame de la Fayette’s health. I hope I have the pleasure yet to come of
learning its entire re-establishment. She is too young not to give great
confidence to that hope.
Measuring happiness by the American scale, and sincerely wishing that of
yourself and family, we had been anxious to see them established on this
side of the great water. But I am not certain that any equivalent can be
found for the loss of that species of society, to which our habits have
been formed from infancy. Certainly had you been, as I wished, at the
head of the government of Orleans, Burr would never have given me one
moment’s uneasiness. His conspiracy has been one of the most flagitious
of which history will ever furnish an example. He meant to separate the
western States from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself at their
head, establish what he would deem an energetic government, and thus
provide an example and an instrument for the subversion of our freedom.
The man who could expect to effect this, with American materials, must
be a fit subject for Bedlam. The seriousness of the crime, however,
demands more serious punishment. Yet, although there is not a man in the
United States who doubts his guilt, such are the jealous provisions of
our laws in favor of the accused against the accuser, that I question
if he is convicted. Out of forty-eight jurors to be summoned, he is to
select the twelve who are to try him, and if there be any one who will
not concur in finding him guilty, he is discharged of course. I am sorry
to tell you that Bollman was Burr’s right hand man in all his guilty
schemes. On being brought to prison here, he communicated to Mr. Madison
and myself the whole of the plans, always, however, apologetically for
Burr as far as they would bear. But his subsequent tergiversations
have proved him conspicuously base. I gave him a pardon, however, which
covers him from every thing but infamy. I was the more astonished at his
engaging in this business, from the peculiar motives he should have
felt for fidelity. When I came into the government, I sought him out on
account of the services he has rendered you, cherished him, offered
him two different appointments of value, which, after keeping them long
under consideration, he declined for commercial views, and would have
given him any thing for which he was fit. Be assured he is unworthy of
ever occupying again the care of any honest man. Nothing has ever so
strongly proved the innate force of our form of government, as this
conspiracy. Burr had probably engaged one thousand men to follow his
fortunes, without letting them know his projects, otherwise than by
assuring them the government approved of them. The moment a proclamation
was issued, undeceiving them, he found himself left with about thirty
desperadoes only. The people rose in mass wherever he was or was
suspected to be, and by their own energy the thing was crushed in
one instant, without its having been necessary to employ a man of
the military but to take care of their respective stations. His first
enterprise was to have been to seize New Orleans, which he supposed
would powerfully bridle the upper country, and place him at the door
of Mexico. It is with pleasure I inform you that not a single native
Creole, and but one American of those settled there before we received
the place, took any part with him. His partisans were the new emigrants
from the United States and elsewhere, fugitives from justice or debt,
and adventurers and speculators of all descriptions.
I enclose you a proclamation, which will show you the critical footing
on which we stand, at present, with England. Never, since the battle of
Lexington, have I seen this country in such a state of exasperation
as at present. And even that did not produce such unanimity. The
federalists themselves coalesce with us as to the object, although they
will return to their old trade of condemning every step we take towards
obtaining it. ‘Reparation for the past, and security for the future,’ is
our motto. Whether these will be yielded freely, or will require resort
to non-intercourse, or to war, is yet to be seen. We have actually near
two thousand men in the field, covering the exposed parts of the coast,
and cutting off supplies from the British vessels.
I am afraid I have been very unsuccessful in my endeavors to serve
Madame de Tesse in her taste for planting. A box of seeds, &c. which I
sent her in the close of 1805, was carried with the vessel into England,
and discharged so late that I fear she lost their benefit, for that
season. Another box, which I prepared in the autumn of 1806, has,
I fear, been equally delayed from other accidents. However, I will
persevere in my endeavors.
Present me respectfully to her, M. de Tesse, Madame de la Fayette, and
your family, and accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of
constant esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LVIII.--TO JOHN PAGE, July 17, 1807
TO JOHN PAGE.
Washington, July 17, 1807.
My Dear Friend,
Yours of the 11th is received. In appointments to public offices of mere
profit, I have ever considered faithful service in either our first or
second revolution as giving preference of claim, and that appointments
on that principle would gratify the public, and strengthen that
confidence so necessary to enable the executive to direct the whole
public force to the best, advantage of the nation. Of Mr. Boiling
Robertson’s talents and integrity I have long been apprized, and would
gladly use them where talents and integrity are wanting. I had thought
of him for the vacant place of secretary of the Orleans territory, but
supposing the salary of two thousand dollars not more than he makes
by his profession, and while remaining with his friends, I have, in
despair, not proposed it to him. If he would accept it, I should name
him instantly with the greatest satisfaction. Perhaps you could inform
me on this point.
With respect to Major Gibbons, I do indeed recollect, that in some
casual conversation, it was said that the most conspicuous accomplices
of Burr were at home at his house; but it made so little impression on
me, that neither the occasion nor the person is now recollected. On this
subject, I have often expressed the principles on which I act, with a
wish they might be understood by the federalists in office. I have never
removed a man merely because he was a federalist: I have never wished
them to give a vote at an election, but according to their own wishes.
But as no government could discharge its duties to the best advantage
of its citizens, if its agents were in a regular course of thwarting
instead of executing all its measures, and were employing the patronage
and influence of their offices against the government and its measures,
I have only requested they would be quiet, and they should be safe: and
if their conscience urges them to take an active and zealous part in
opposition, it ought also to urge them to retire from a post which they
could not conscientiously conduct with fidelity to the trust reposed
in them; and on failure to retire, I have removed them; that is to say,
those who maintained an active and zealous opposition to the government.
Nothing which I have yet heard of Major Gibbons places him in danger
from these principles.
I am much pleased with the ardor displayed by our countrymen on the
late British outrage. It gives us the more confidence of support in the
demand of reparation for the past, and security for the future, that is
to say, an end of impressments. If motives of either justice or interest
should produce this from Great Britain, it will save a war: but if they
are refused, we shall have gained time for getting in our ships and
property, and at least twenty thousand seamen now afloat on the ocean,
and who may man two hundred and fifty privateers. The loss of these
to us would be worth to Great Britain many victories of the Nile
and Trafalgar. The mean time may also be importantly employed in
preparations to enable us to give quick and deep blows.
Present to Mrs. Page, and receive yourself my affectionate and
respectful salutations.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LIX.--TO WILLIAM DUANE, July 20, 1807
TO WILLIAM DUANE.
Washington, July 20, 1807.
Sir,
Although I cannot always acknowledge the receipt of communications, yet
I merit their continuance by making all the use of them of which they
are susceptible. Some of your suggestions had occurred, and others will
be considered. The time is coming when our friends must enable us to
hear every thing, and expect us to say nothing; when we shall need all
their confidence that every thing is doing which can be done, and when
our greatest praise shall be, that we appear to be doing nothing. The
law for detaching one hundred thousand militia, and the appropriation
for it, and that for fortifications, enable us to do every thing for
land service, as well as if Congress were here; and as to naval matters,
their opinion is known. The course we have pursued, has gained for our
merchants a precious interval to call in their property and our seamen,
and the postponing the summons of Congress will aid in avoiding to give
too quick an alarm to the adversary. They will be called, however,
in good time. Although we demand of England what is merely of right,
reparation for the past, security for the future, yet as their pride
will possibly, nay probably, prevent their yielding them to the extent
we shall require, my opinion is, that the public mind, which I believe
is made up for war, should maintain itself at that point. They have
often enough, God knows, given us cause of war before; but it has been
on points which would not have united the nation. But now they have
touched a chord which vibrates in every heart. Now then is the time to
settle the old and the new.
I have often wished for an occasion of saying a word to you on the
subject of the Emperor of Russia, of whose character and value to us, I
suspect you are not apprized correctly. A more virtuous man, I believe,
does not exist, nor one who is more enthusiastically devoted to better
the condition of mankind. He will probably, one day, fall a victim to
it, as a monarch of that principle does not suit a Russian noblesse.
He is not of the very first order of understanding, but he is of a
high one. He has taken a peculiar affection to this country and its
government, of which he has given me public as well as personal proofs.
Our nation being like his, habitually neutral, our interests as to
neutral rights, and our sentiments, agree. And whenever conferences
for peace shall take place, we are assured of a friend in him. In fact,
although in questions of restitution he will be with England, in those
of neutral rights he will be with Bonaparte and every other power in
the world, except England: and I do presume that England will never have
peace until she subscribes to a just code of marine law. I have gone
into this subject, because I am confident that Russia (while her present
monarch lives) is the most cordially friendly to us of any power on
earth, will go furthest to serve us, and is most worthy of conciliation.
And although the source of this information must be a matter of
confidence with you, yet it is desirable that the sentiments should
become those of the nation. I salute you with esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LX.--TO GEORGE HAY, August 20, 1807
TO GEORGE HAY.
Monticello, August 20, 1807.
Dear Sir,