9th instant. About the same time, I received the Enquirer in which
Decius was so judiciously answered. The writer of that paper observed,
that the matter of Decius consisted, first of facts; secondly, of
inferences from these facts: that he was not well enough informed to
affirm or deny his facts, and he therefore examines his inferences,
and in a very masterly manner shows that even were his facts true, the
reasonable inferences from them are very different from those drawn by
Decius. But his facts are far from truth, and should be corrected. It
happened that Mr. Madison and General Dearborn were here when I received
your letter. I therefore, with them, took up Decius and read him
deliberately; and our memories aided one another in correcting his bold
and unauthorized assertions. I shall note the most material of them in
the order of the paper.
1. It is grossly false that our ministers, as is said in a note,
had proposed to surrender our claims to compensation for Spanish
spoliations, or even for French. Their instructions were to make no
treaty in which Spanish spoliations were not provided for; and although
they were permitted to be silent as to French spoliations carried into
Spanish ports, they were not expressly to abandon even them. 2. It is
not true that our ministers, in agreeing to establish the Colorado as
our western boundary, had been obliged to exceed the authority of their
instructions. Although we considered our title good as far as the
Rio Bravo, yet in proportion to what they could obtain east of the
Mississippi, they were to relinquish to the westward, and successive
sacrifices were marked out, of which even the Colorado was not the last.
3. It is not true that the Louisiana treaty was antedated, lest Great
Britain should consider our supplying her enemies with money as a breach
of neutrality. After the very words of the treaty were finally agreed
to, it took some time, perhaps some days, to make out all the copies in
the very splendid manner of Bonaparte’s treaties. Whether the 30th of
April, 1803, the date expressed, was the day of the actual compact, or
that on which it was signed, our memories do not enable us to say. If
the former, then it is strictly conformable to the day of the compact;
if the latter, then it was postdated, instead of being antedated. The
motive assigned, too, is as incorrect as the fact. It was so far from
being thought, by any party, a breach of neutrality, that the British
minister congratulated Mr. King on the acquisition, and declared that
the King had learned it with great pleasure: and when Baring, the
British banker, asked leave of the minister to purchase the debt and
furnish the money to France, the minister declared to him, that so far
from throwing obstacles in the way, if there were any difficulty in the
payment of the money, it was the interest of Great Britain to aid it.
4. He speaks of a double set of opinions and principles; the one
ostensible, to go on the journals and before the public, the other
efficient, and the real motives to action. But where are these double
opinions and principles? The executive informed the legislature of the
wrongs of Spain, and that preparation should be made to repel them, by
force, if necessary. But as it might still be possible to negotiate
a settlement, they asked such means as might enable them to meet the
negotiation, whatever form it might take. The first part of this system
was communicated publicly, the second, privately; but both were equally
official, equally involved the responsibility of the executive, and were
equally to go on the journals. 5. That the purchase of the Floridas was
in direct opposition to the views of the executive, as expressed in the
President’s official communication. It was not in opposition even to the
public part of the communication, which did not recommend war, but only
to be prepared for it. It perfectly harmonized with the private part,
which asked the means of negotiation in such terms as covered the
purchase of Florida as evidently as it was proper to speak it out. He
speaks of secret communications between the executive and members, of
backstairs influence, &tc.. But he never spoke of this while he and
Mr. Nicholson enjoyed it almost solely. But when he differed from the
executive in a leading measure, and the executive, not submitting to
him, expressed their sentiments to others, the very sentiments (to wit,
for the purchase of Florida), which he acknowledges they expressed to
him, then he roars out upon backstairs influence. 6. The committee, he
says, forbore to recommend offensive measures. Is this true? Did not
they recommend the raising ------- regiments? Besides, if it was proper
for the committee to forbear recommending offensive measures, was it
not proper for the executive and legislature to exercise the same
forbearance? 7. He says Monroe’s letter had a most important bearing on
our Spanish relations. Monroe’s letter related, almost entirely, to our
British relations. Of those with Spain he knew nothing particular since
he left that country. Accordingly, in his letter he simply expressed
an opinion on our affairs with Spain, of which he knew we had better
information than he could possess. His opinion was no more than that
of any other sensible man; and his letter was proper to be communicated
with the English papers, and with them only. That the executive did not
hold it up on account of any bearing on Spanish affairs, is evident from
the fact, that it was communicated when the Senate had not yet entered
on the Spanish affairs, and had not yet received the papers relating to
them from the other House. The moment the Representatives were ready to
enter on the British affairs, Monroe’s letter, which peculiarly related
to them, and was official solely as to them, was communicated to both
Houses, the Senate being then about entering on the Spanish affairs.
*****
These, my dear Sir, are the principal facts worth correction. Make any
use of them you think best, without letting your source of information
be known. Can you send me some cones or seeds of the cucumber-tree?
Accept affectionate salutations, and assurances of great esteem and
respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXXVII.--TO ALBERT GALLATIN, October 12, 1806
TO ALBERT GALLATIN.
Washington, October 12, 1806.
Dear Sir,
You witnessed, in the earlier part of the administration, the malignant
and long continued efforts which the federalists exerted in their
newspapers, to produce misunderstanding between Mr. Madison and myself.
These failed completely. A like attempt was afterwards made, through
other channels, to effect a similar purpose between General Dearborn and
myself, but with no more success. The machinations of the last session
to put you at cross questions with us all, were so obvious as to be seen
at the first glance of every eye. In order to destroy one member of the
administration, the whole were to be set to loggerheads to destroy one
another. I observe in the papers lately, new attempts to revive this
stale artifice, and that they squint more directly towards you and
myself. I cannot, therefore, be satisfied, till I declare to you
explicitly, that my affections and confidence in you are nothing
impaired, and that they cannot be impaired by means so unworthy the
notice of candid and honorable minds. I make the declaration, that no
doubts or jealousies, which often beget the facts they fear, may find a
moment’s harbor in either of our minds. I have so much reliance on the
superior good sense and candor of all those associated with me, as to be
satisfied they will not suffer either friend or foe to sow tares among
us. Our administration now drawing towards a close, I have a sublime
pleasure in believing it will be distinguished as much by having placed
itself above all the passions which could disturb its harmony, as by the
great operations by which it will have advanced the well-being of the
nation.
Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant and
unalterable respect and attachment.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXXVIII.--TO JOHN DICKINSON, January 13, 1807
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
Washington, January 13, 1807.
My Dear and Ancient Friend,
I have duly received your favor of the 1st instant, and am ever thankful
for communications which may guide me in the duties which I wish to
perform as well as I am able. It is but too true, that great discontents
exist in the territory of Orleans. Those of the French inhabitants have
for their sources, 1. the prohibition of importing slaves. This may be
partly removed by Congress permitting them to receive slaves from the
other States, which, by dividing that evil, would lessen its danger. 2.
The administration of justice in our forms, principles, and language,
with all of which they are unacquainted, and are the more abhorrent,
because of the enormous expense, greatly exaggerated by the corruption
of bankrupt and greedy lawyers, who have gone there from the United
States and engrossed the practice. 3. The call on them by the land
commissioners to produce the titles of their lands. The object of this
is really to record and secure their rights. But as many of them hold on
rights so ancient that the title papers are lost, they expect the
land is to be taken from them wherever they cannot produce a regular
deduction of title in writing. In this they will be undeceived by the
final result, which will evince to them a liberal disposition of the
government towards them. Among the American inhabitants it is the old
division of federalists and republicans. The former, are as hostile
there as they are every where, and are the most numerous and wealthy.
They have been long endeavoring to batter down the Governor, who has
always been a firm republican. There were characters superior to him,
whom I wished to appoint, but they refused the office: I know no better
man who would accept of it, and it would not be right to turn him out
for one not better. But it is the second cause, above mentioned, which
is deep seated and permanent. The French members of the legislature,
being the majority in both Houses, lately passed an act, declaring
that the civil, or French laws, should be the laws of their land, and
enumerated about fifty folio volumes, in Latin, as the depositories of
these laws. The Governor negatived the act. One of the Houses thereupon
passed a vote for self-dissolution of the legislature as a useless body,
which failed in the other House by a single vote only. They separated,
however, and have disseminated all the discontent they could. I propose
to the members of Congress in conversation, the enlisting thirty
thousand volunteers, Americans by birth, to be carried at the public
expense, and settled immediately on a bounty of one hundred and
sixty acres of land each, on the west side of the Mississippi, on the
condition of giving two years of military service, if that country
should be attacked within seven years. The defence of the country would
thus be placed on the spot, and the additional number would entitle the
territory to become a State, would make the majority American, and make
it an American instead of a French State. This would not sweeten the
pill to the French; but in making that acquisition we had some view to
our own good as well as theirs, and I believe the greatest good of both
will be promoted by whatever will amalgamate us together.
I have tired you, my friend, with a long letter. But your tedium will
end in a few lines more. Mine has yet two years to endure. I am tired
of an office where I can do no more good than many others, who would be
glad to be employed in it. To myself, personally, it brings nothing but
unceasing drudgery, and daily loss of friends. Every office becoming
vacant, every appointment made, _me donne un ingrat, et cent ennemis_.
My only consolation is in the belief, that my fellow-citizens at large
give me credit for good intentions. I will certainly endeavor to merit
the continuance of that good will which follows well intended actions,
and their approbation will be the dearest reward I can carry into
retirement.
God bless you, my excellent friend, and give you yet many healthy and
happy years.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XXXIX,--TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, February 28,1807
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.
Washington, February 28,1807.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of January the 20th was received in due time. But such has
been the constant pressure of business, that it has been out of my power
to answer it. Indeed, the subjects of it would be almost beyond the
extent of a letter, and as I hope to see you ere long at Monticello,
it can then be more effectually done verbally. Let me observe, however,
generally, that it is impossible for my friends ever to render me so
acceptable a favor, as by communicating to me, without reserve, facts
and opinions. I have none of that sort of self-love which winces at it;
indeed, both self-love and the desire to do what is best strongly invite
unreserved communication. There is one subject which will not admit a
delay till I see you. Mr. T. M. Randolph is, I believe, determined to
retire from Congress, and it is strongly his wish, and that of all here,
that you should take his place. Never did the calls of patriotism more
loudly assail you than at this moment. After excepting the federalists,
who will be twenty-seven, and the little band of schismatics, who
will be three or four (all tongue), the residue of the House of
Representatives is as well disposed a body of men as I ever saw
collected. But there is no one whose talents and standing, taken
together, have weight enough to give him the lead. The consequence is,
that there is no one who will undertake to do the public business, and
it remains undone. Were you here, the whole would rally round you in an
instant, and willingly co-operate in whatever is for the public good.
Nor would it require you to undertake drudgery in the House. There are
enough, able and willing to do that. A rallying point is all that is
wanting. Let me beseech you then to offer yourself. You never will have
it so much in your power again to render such eminent service.
Accept my affectionate salutations and high esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XL.--TO JAMES MONROE, March 21, 1807
TO JAMES MONROE.
Washington, March 21, 1807.
Dear Sir,
A copy of the treaty with Great Britain came to Mr. Erskine’s hands
on the last day of the session of Congress, which he immediately
communicated to us; and since that, Mr. Purviance has arrived with
an original. On the subject of it you will receive a letter from
the Secretary of State, of about this date, and one more in detail
hereafter. I should not have written, but that I perceive uncommon
efforts, and with uncommon wickedness, are making by the federal papers
to produce mischief between myself, personally, and our negotiators; and
also to irritate the British government, by putting a thousand speeches
into my mouth, not one word of which I ever uttered. I have, therefore,
thought it safe to guard you, by stating the view which we have given
out on the subject of the treaty, in conversation and otherwise; for
ours, as you know, is a government which will not tolerate the being
kept entirely in the dark, and especially on a subject so interesting
as this treaty. We immediately stated in conversation, to the members
of the legislature and others, that having, by a letter received in
January, perceived that our ministers might sign a treaty not providing
satisfactorily against the impressment of our seamen, we had, on the 3rd
of February, informed you, that should such an one have been forwarded,
it could not be ratified, and recommending, therefore, that you should
resume negotiations for inserting an article to that effect; that we
should hold the treaty in suspense until we could learn from you the
result of our instructions, which probably would not be till summer,
and then decide on the question of calling the Senate. We observed, too,
that a written declaration of the British commissioners, given in at
the time of signature, would of itself, unless withdrawn, prevent the
acceptance of any treaty, because its effect was to leave us bound by
the treaty, and themselves totally unbound. This is the statement we
have given out, and nothing more of the contents of the treaty has been
made known. But depend on it, my dear Sir, that it will be considered as
a hard treaty when it is known. The British commissioners appear to
have screwed every article as far as it would bear, to have taken every
thing, and yielded nothing. Take out the eleventh article, and the evil
of all the others so much overweighs the good, that we should be glad to
expunge the whole. And even the eleventh article admits only that we
may enjoy our right to the indirect colonial trade, during the present
hostilities. If peace is made this year, and war resumed the next, the
benefit of this stipulation is gone, and yet we are bound for ten years,
to pass no non-importation or non-intercourse laws, nor take any
other measures to restrain the unjust pretensions and practices of the
British. But on this you will hear from the Secretary of State. If the
treaty cannot be put into an acceptable form, then the next best thing
is to back out of the negotiation as well as we can, letting that die
away insensibly; but, in the mean time, agreeing informally, that both
parties shall act on the principles of the treaty, so as to preserve
that friendly understanding which we so sincerely desire, until the one
or the other may be disposed to yield the points which divide us. This
will leave you to follow your desire of coming home, as soon as you see
that the amendment of the treaty is desperate. The power of
continuing the negotiations will pass oyer to Mr. Pinckney, who, by
procrastinations, can let it die away, and give us time, the most
precious of all things to us. The government of New Orleans is still
without such a head as I wish. The salary of five thousand dollars
is too small; but I am assured the Orleans legislature would make it
adequate, would you accept it. It is the second office in the United
States in importance, and I am still in hopes you will accept it. It is
impossible to let you stay at home while the public has so much need
of talents. I am writing under a severe indisposition of periodical
headache, without scarcely command enough of my mind to know what
I write. As a part of this letter concerns Mr. Pinckney as well as
yourself, be so good as to communicate so much of it to him; and with
my best respects to him, to Mrs. Monroe, and your daughter, be assured
yourself, in all cases, of my constant and affectionate friendship and
attachment.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XLI.--M. LE COMTE DIODATI, March 29, 1807
M. LE COMTE DIODATI.
Washington, March 29, 1807.
My Dear and Antient Friend,
Your letter of August the 29th reached me the 18th of February. It
enclosed a duplicate of that written from Brunswick five years before,
but which I never received, or had notice of, but by this duplicate. Be
assured, my friend, that I was incapable of such negligence towards
you, as a failure to answer it would have implied. It would illy have
accorded with those sentiments of friendship I entertained for you at
Paris, and which neither time nor distance has lessened. I often pass in
review the many happy hours I spent with Madame Diodati and yourself on
the banks of the Seine, as well as at Paris, and I count them among
the most pleasing I enjoyed in France. Those were indeed days of
tranquillity and happiness. They had begun to cloud a little before I
left you; but I had no apprehension that the tempest, of which I saw the
beginning, was to spread over such an extent of space and time. I have
often thought of you with anxiety, and wished to know how you weathered
the storm, and into what port you had retired. The letters now received
give me the first information, and I sincerely felicitate you on your
safe and quiet retreat. Were I in Europe, _pax et panis_ would certainly
be my motto. Wars and contentions, indeed, fill the pages of history
with more matter. But more blest is that nation whose silent course of
happiness furnishes nothing for history to say. This is what I ambition
for my own country, and what it has fortunately enjoyed now upwards of
twenty years, while Europe has been in constant volcanic eruption. I
again, my friend, repeat my joy that you have escaped the overwhelming
torrent of its lava.
At the end of my present term, of which two years are yet to come, I
propose to retire from public life, and to close my days on my patrimony
of Monticello, in the bosom of my family. I have hitherto enjoyed
uniform health; but the weight of public business begins to be too heavy
for me, and I long for the enjoyments of rural life, among my books, my
farms, and my family. Having performed my _quadragena stipendia_, I
am entitled to my discharge, and should be sorry, indeed, that others
should be sooner sensible than myself when I ought to ask it. I have,
therefore, requested my fellow-citizens to think of a successor for
me, to whom I shall deliver the public concerns with greater joy than I
received them. I have the consolation too of having added nothing to my
private fortune, during my public service, and of retiring with hands
as clean as they are empty. Pardon me these egoisms, which, if ever
excusable, are so when writing to a friend to whom our concerns are
not uninteresting. I shall always be glad to hear of your health and
happiness, and having been out of the way of hearing of any of our
cotemporaries of the _corps diplomatique_ at Paris, any details of their
subsequent history, which you will favor me with, will be thankfully
received. I pray you to make my friendly respects acceptable to Madame
la Comtesse Diodati, to assure M. Tronchin of my continued esteem,
and to accept yourself my affectionate salutations, and assurances of
constant attachment and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XLII.--TO MR. BOWDOIN, April 2, 1807
TO MR. BOWDOIN.
Washington, April 2, 1807.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you on the 10th of July last; but neither your letter of October
the 20th nor that of November the 15th mentioning the receipt of it, I
fear it has miscarried. I therefore now enclose a duplicate. As that was
to go under cover of the Secretary of State’s despatches by any vessel
going from our distant ports, I retained the polygraph therein mentioned
for a safer conveyance. None such has occurred till now, that the United
States’ armed brig the Wasp, on her way to the Mediterranean is to touch
at Falmouth, with despatches for our ministers at London, and at Brest,
with others for yourself and General Armstrong.