Produced by David Widger
[Illustration: Book Spines, 1829 set of Jefferson Papers]
MEMOIR, CORRESPONDENCE, AND MISCELLANIES, FROM THE PAPERS OF THOMAS
JEFFERSON.
Edited by Thomas Jefferson Randolph.
[Illustration: Steel engraving by Longacre from painting of G. Stuart]
[Illustration: Titlepage of Volume Three (of four)]
VOLUME IV.
LETTER I.--TO LEVI LINCOLN, August 30, 1803
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
Monticello, August 30, 1803.
Deak. Sir,
The enclosed letter came to hand by yesterday’s post. You will be
sensible of the circumstances which make it improper that I should
hazard a formal answer, as well as of the desire its friendly aspect
naturally excites, that those concerned in it should understand that
the spirit they express is friendly viewed. You can judge also from your
knowledge of the ground, whether it may be usefully encouraged. I take
the liberty, therefore, of availing myself of your neighborhood to
Boston, and of your friendship to me, to request you to say to the
Captain and others verbally whatever you think would be proper, as
expressive of my sentiments on the subject. With respect to the day
on which they wish to fix their anniversary, they may be told, that
disapproving myself of transferring the honors and veneration for the
great birthday of our republic to any individual, or of dividing them
with individuals, I have declined letting my own birthday be known, and
have engaged my family not to communicate it. This has been the uniform
answer to every application of the kind.
On further consideration as to the amendment to our constitution
respecting Louisiana, I have thought it better, instead of enumerating
the powers which Congress may exercise, to give them the same powers
they have as to other portions of the Union generally, and to enumerate
the special exceptions, in some such form as the following.
‘Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part of
the United States, its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and stand,
as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other
citizens of the United States, in analogous situations. Save only that
as to the portion thereof lying north of an east and west line drawn
through the mouth of Arkansas river, no new State shall be established,
nor any grants of land made, other than to Indians, in exchange for
equivalent portions of land occupied by them, until an amendment of the
constitution shall be made for these purposes.
‘Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become
a part of the United States, its white inhabitants shall thereupon be
citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the
same footing with other citizens of the United States, in analogous
situations.’
I quote this for your consideration, observing that the less that is
said about any constitutional difficulty, the better: and that it will
be desirable for Congress to do what is necessary, in silence. I find
but one opinion as to the necessity of shutting up the country for
some time. We meet in Washington the 25th of September to prepare for
Congress. Accept my affectionate salutations, and great esteem and
respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER II.--TO WILSON C NICHOLAS, September 7, 1803
TO WILSON C NICHOLAS.
Monticello, September 7, 1803.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 3rd was delivered me at court; but we were much
disappointed at not seeing you here, Mr. Madison and the Governor being
here at the time. 1 enclose you a letter from Monroe on the subject of
the late treaty. You will observe a hint in it, to do without delay what
we are bound to do. There is reason, in the opinion of our ministers,
to believe, that if the thing were to do over again, it could not be
obtained, and that if we give the least opening, they will declare the
treaty void. A warning amounting to that has been given to them, and
an unusual kind of letter written by their minister to our Secretary of
State, direct. Whatever Congress shall think it necessary to do, should
be done with as little debate as possible, and particularly so far as
respects the constitutional difficulty. I am aware of the force of
the observations you make on the power given by the constitution to
Congress, to admit new States into the Union, without restraining the
subject to the territory then constituting the United States. But when I
consider that the limits of the United States are precisely fixed by the
treaty of 1783, that the constitution expressly declares itself to be
made for the United States, I cannot help believing the intention was
not to permit Congress to admit into the Union new States, which should
be formed out of the territory for which, and under whose authority
alone, they were then acting. I do not believe it was meant that they
might receive England, Ireland, Holland, &tc. into it, which would
be the case on your construction. When an instrument admits two
constructions, the one safe, the other dangerous, the one precise, the
other indefinite, I prefer that which is safe and precise. I had
rather ask an enlargement of power from the nation, where it is found
necessary, than to assume it by a construction which would make our
powers boundless. Our peculiar security is in the possession of a
written constitution. Let us not make it a blank paper by construction.
I say the same as to the opinion of those who consider the grant of
the treaty-making power as boundless. If it is, then we have no
constitution. If it has bounds, they can be no others than the
definitions of the powers which that instrument gives. It specifies and
delineates the operations permitted to the federal government, and gives
all the powers necessary to carry these into execution. Whatever of
these enumerated objects is proper for a law, Congress may make the law;
whatever is proper to be executed by way of a treaty, the President and
Senate may enter into the treaty; whatever is to be done by a judicial
sentence, the judges may pass the sentence. Nothing is more likely than
that their enumeration of powers is defective. This is the ordinary case
of all human works. Let us go on then perfecting it, by adding, by way
of amendment to the constitution, those powers which time and trial show
are still wanting. But it has been taken too much for granted, that by
this rigorous construction the treaty power would be reduced to nothing.
I had occasion once to examine its effect on the French treaty, made by
the old Congress, and found that out of thirty odd articles which that
contained, there were one, two, or three only, which could not now be
stipulated under our present constitution. I confess, then, I think
it important, in the present case, to set an example against broad
construction, by appealing for new power to the people. If, however,
our friends shall think differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with
satisfaction; confiding, that the good sense of our country will correct
the evil of construction when it shall produce ill effects.
No apologies for writing or speaking to me freely are necessary. On the
contrary, nothing my friends can do is so dear to me, and proves to me
their friendship so clearly, as the information they give me of their
sentiments and those of others on interesting points where I am to act,
and where information and warning is so essential to excite in me that
due reflection which ought to precede action. I leave this about the
21st, and shall hope the District Court will give me an opportunity
of seeing you. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of
cordial esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER III.--TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH, October 4, 1803
TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH.
Washington, October 4, 1803.
Dear Sir,
No one would more willingly than myself pay the just tribute due to
the services of Captain Barry, by writing a letter of condolence to his
widow, as you suggest. But when one undertakes to administer justice,
it must be with an even hand, and by rule; what is done for one, must be
done for every one in equal degree. To what a train of attentions
would this draw a President? How difficult would it be to draw the line
between that degree of merit entitled to such a testimonial of it, and
that not so entitled? If drawn in a particular case differently from
what the friends of the deceased would judge right, what offence would
it give, and of the most tender kind? How much offence would be given
by accidental inattentions, or want of information? The first step
into such an undertaking ought to be well weighed. On the death of Dr.
Franklin, the King and Convention of France went into mourning. So did
the House of Representatives of the United States: the Senate refused.
I proposed to General Washington that the executive departments should
wear mourning; he declined it, because he said he should not know where
to draw the line, if he once began that ceremony. Mr. Adams was then
Vice-President, and I thought General Washington had his eye on him,
whom he certainly did not love. I told him the world had drawn so
broad a line between himself and Dr. Franklin, on the one side, and the
residue of mankind, on the other, that we might wear mourning for them,
and the question still remain new and undecided as to all others. He
thought it best, however, to avoid it. On these considerations alone,
however well affected to the merit of Commodore Barry, I think
it prudent not to engage myself in a practice which may become
embarrassing.
Tremendous times in Europe! How mighty this battle of lions and tigers?
With what sensations should the common herd of cattle look on it? With
no partialities certainly. If they can so far worry one another as to
destroy their power of tyrannizing the one over the earth, the other the
waters, the world may perhaps enjoy peace, till they recruit again.
Affectionate and respectful salutations.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER IV.--TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS, November 1, 1803
TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.
Washington, November 1, 1803.
My Dear Sir,
Your favors of April the 6th and June the 27th were duly received, and
with the welcome which every thing brings from you. The treaty which has
so happily sealed the friendship of our two countries, has been received
here with general acclamation. Some inflexible federalists have still
ventured to brave the public opinion. It will fix their character with
the world and with posterity, who, not descending to the other points of
difference between us, will judge them by this fact, so palpable as to
speak for itself, in all times and places. For myself and my country I
thank you for the aids you have given in it; and I congratulate you on
having lived to give those aids in a transaction replete with blessings
to unborn millions of men, and which will mark the face of a portion on
the globe so extensive as that which now composes the United States of
America. It is true that at this moment a little cloud hovers in the
horizon. The government of Spain has protested against the right of
France to transfer; and it is possible she may refuse possession, and
that this may bring on acts of force. But against such neighbors as
France there, and the United States here, what she can expect from so
gross a compound of folly and false faith, is not to be sought in the
book of wisdom. She is afraid of her enemies in Mexico. But not more
than we are. Our policy will be to form New Orleans and the country on
both sides of it on the Gulf of Mexico, into a State; and, as to all
above that, to transplant our Indians into it, constituting them a
Marechaussee to prevent emigrants crossing the river, until we shall
have filled up all the vacant country on this side. This will secure
both Spain and us as to the mines of Mexico, for half a century, and we
may safely trust the provisions for that time to the men who shall live
in it.
I have communicated with Mr. Gallatin on the subject of using your
house in any matters of consequence we may have to do at Paris. He
is impressed with the same desire I feel to give this mark of our
confidence in you, and the sense we entertain of your friendship and
fidelity. Mr. Behring informs him that none of the money which will be
due from us to him, as the assignee of France, will be wanting at Paris.
Be assured that our dispositions are such as to let no occasion pass
unimproved, of serving you, where occurrences will permit it.
Present my respects to Madame Dupont, and accept yourself assurances of
my constant and warm friendship.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER V.--TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, November 4,1803
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Washington, November 4,1803.
Dear Sir,
A report reaches us this day from Baltimore (on probable, but not
certain grounds), that Mr. Jerome Bonaparte, brother of the First
Consul, was yesterday* married to Miss Patterson of that city. The
effect of this measure on the mind of the First Consul, is not for me to
suppose; but as it might occur to him _primâ facie_, that the executive
of the United States ought to have prevented it, I have thought it
advisable to mention the subject to you, that if necessary, you may by
explanations set that idea to rights. You know that by our laws, all
persons are free to enter into marriage, if of twenty-one years of age,
no one having a power to restrain it, not even their parents; and that
under that age, no one can prevent it but the parent or guardian. The
lady is under age, and the parents, placed between her affections
which were strongly fixed, and the considerations opposing the measure,
yielded with pain and anxiety to the former.
* November 8. It is now said that it did not take place on
the 3rd, but will this day.
Mr. Patterson is the President of the bank of Baltimore, the wealthiest
man in Maryland, perhaps in the United States, except Mr. Carroll; a man
of great virtue and respectability; the mother is the sister of the lady
of General Samuel Smith; and, consequently, the station of the family in
society is with the first of the United States. These circumstances fix
rank in a country where there are no hereditary titles. Your treaty has
obtained nearly a general approbation. The federalists spoke and voted
against it, but they are now so reduced in their numbers as to be
nothing. The question on its ratification in the Senate was decided by
twenty-four against seven, which was ten more than enough. The vote in
the House of Representatives for making provision for its execution,
was carried by eighty-nine against twenty-three, which was a majority
of sixty-six, and the necessary bills are going through the Houses
by greater majorities. Mr. Pichon, according to instructions from his
government, proposed to have added to the ratification a protestation
against any failure in time or other circumstances of execution, on
our part. He was told, that in that case we should annex a counter
protestation, which would leave the thing exactly where it was; that
this transaction had been conducted from the commencement of the
negotiation to this stage of it, with a frankness and sincerity
honorable to both nations, and comfortable to the heart of an honest man
to review; that to annex to this last chapter of the transaction such an
evidence of mutual distrust, was to change its aspect dishonorably
for us both, and contrary to truth as to us; for that we had not the
smallest doubt that France would punctually execute its part; and I
assured Mr. Pichon that I had more confidence in the word of the First
Consul than in all the parchment we could sign. He saw that we had
ratified the treaty; that both branches had passed by great majorities
one of the bills for execution, and would soon pass the other two;
that no circumstances remained that could leave a doubt of our punctual
performance; and like an able and an honest minister (which he is in the
highest degree) he undertook to do, what he knew his employers would do
themselves, were they here spectators of all the existing circumstances,
and exchanged the ratification’s purely and simply; so that this
instrument goes to the world as an evidence of the candor and confidence
of the nations in each other, which will have the best effects. This was
the more justifiable, as Mr. Pichon knew that Spain had entered with us
a protestation against our ratification of the treaty, grounded, first,
on the assertion that the First Consul had not executed the conditions
of the treaties of cession, and secondly, that he had broken a solemn
promise not to alienate the country to any nation. We answered, that
these were private questions between France and Spain, which they must
settle together; that we derived our title from the First Consul, and
did not doubt his guarantee of it: and we, four days ago, sent off
orders to the Governor of the Mississippi territory and General
Wilkinson, to move down with the troops at hand to New Orleans, to
receive the possession from Mr. Laussat. If he is heartily disposed to
carry the order of the Consul into execution, he can probably command a
volunteer force at New Orleans, and will have the aid of ours also, if
he desires it, to take the possession and deliver it to us. If he is
not so disposed, we shall take the possession, and it will rest with the
government of France, by adopting the act as their own and obtaining the
confirmation of Spain, to supply the non-execution of their stipulation
to deliver, and to entitle themselves to the complete execution of our
part of the agreements. In the mean time, the legislature is passing the
bills, and we are preparing every thing to be done on our part towards
execution, and we shall not avail ourselves of the three months’ delay
after possession of the province, allowed by the treaty for the delivery
of the stock, but shall deliver it the moment that possession is known
here, which will be on the eighteenth day after it has taken place.
*****
Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant esteem
and respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER VI.--TO DAVID WILLIAMS, November 14, 1803
TO DAVID WILLIAMS.
Washington, November 14, 1803.
Sir,
I have duly received the volume on the claims of literature; which
you did me the favor to send me through Mr. Monroe: and have read
with satisfaction the many judicious reflections it contains, on the
condition of the respectable class of literary men. The efforts for
their relief, made by a society of private citizens, are truly laudable:
but they are, as you justly observe, but a palliation of an evil, the
cure of which calls for all the wisdom and the means of the nation. The
greatest evils of populous society have ever appeared to me to spring
from the vicious distribution of its members among the occupations
called for. I have no doubt that those nations are essentially
right, which leave this to individual choice, as a better guide to an
advantageous distribution, than any other which could be devised.
But when, by a blind concourse, particular occupations are ruinously
overcharged, and others left in want of hands, the national authorities
can do much towards restoring the equilibrium. On the revival of
letters, learning became the universal favorite. And with reason,
because there was not enough of it existing to manage the affairs of
a nation to the best advantage, nor to advance its individuals to the
happiness of which they were susceptible, by improvements in their
minds, their morals, their health, and in those conveniences which
contribute to the comfort and embellishment of life. All the efforts of
the society, therefore, were directed to the increase of learning,
and the inducements of respect, ease, and profit were held up for its
encouragement. Even the charities of the nation forgot that misery was
their object, and spent themselves in founding schools to transfer to
science the hardy sons of the plough. To these incitements were added
the powerful fascinations of great cities. These circumstances have long
since produced an overcharge in the class of competitors for learned
occupation, and great distress among the supernumerary candidates; and
the more, as their habits of life have disqualified them for re-entering
into the laborious class. The evil cannot be suddenly, nor perhaps ever
entirely cured: nor should I presume to say by what means it may be
cured. Doubtless there are many engines which the nation might bring to
bear on this object. Public opinion and public encouragement are among
these. The class principally defective is that of agriculture. It is
the first in utility, and ought to be the first in respect. The same
artificial means which have been used to produce a competition in
learning, may be equally successful in restoring agriculture to its
primary dignity in the eyes of men. It is a science of the very first
order. It counts among its handmaids the most respectable sciences,
such as Chemistry, Natural Philosophy, Mechanics, Mathematics
generally, Natural History, Botany. In every College and University, a
professorship of agriculture, and the class of its students, might be
honored as the first. Young men closing their academical education with
this, as the crown of all other sciences, fascinated with its solid
charms, and at a time when they are to choose an occupation, instead of
crowding the other classes, would return to the farms of their fathers,
their own, or those of others, and replenish and invigorate a calling,
now languishing under contempt and oppression. The charitable schools,
instead of storing their pupils with a lore which the present state of
society does not call for, converted into schools of agriculture, might
restore them to that branch, qualified to enrich and honor themselves,
and to increase the productions of the nation instead of consuming them.
A gradual abolition of the useless offices, so much accumulated in all
governments, might close this drain also from the labors of the field,
and lessen the burthens imposed on them. By these, and the better means
which will occur to others, the surcharge of the learned, might in
time be drawn off to recruit the laboring class of citizenss the sum of
industry be increased, and that of misery diminished.
Among the ancients, the redundance of population was sometimes checked
by exposing infants. To the moderns, America has offered a more humane
resource. Many, who cannot find employment in Europe, accordingly come
here. Those who can labor do well, for the most part. Of the learned
class of emigrants, a small portion find employments analogous to their
talents. But many fail, and return to complete their course of misery in
the scenes where it began. Even here we find too strong a current from
the country to the towns; and instances beginning to appear of that
species of misery, which you are so humanely endeavoring to relieve with
you. Although we have in the old countries of Europe the lesson of their
experience to warn us, yet I am not satisfied we shall have the firmness
and wisdom to profit by it. The general desire of men to live by their
heads rather than their hands, and the strong allurements of great
cities to those who have any turn for dissipation, threaten to make them
here, as in Europe, the sinks of voluntary misery. I perceive, however,
that I have suffered my pen to run into a disquisition, when I had taken
it up only to thank you for the volume you had been so kind as to send
me, and to express my approbation of it. After apologizing, therefore,
for having touched on a subject so much more familiar to you, and better
understood, I beg leave to assure you of my high consideration and
respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER VII.--TO JOHN RANDOLH, December 1, 1803
TO JOHN RANDOLH.
Washington, December 1, 1803.
Dear Sir,
The explanations in your letter of yesterday were quite unnecessary to
me. I have had too satisfactory proofs of your friendly regard, to be
disposed to suspect any thing of a contrary aspect.
I understood perfectly the expressions stated in the newspaper to
which you allude, to mean, that ‘though the proposition came from the
republican quarter of the House, yet you should not concur with it.’ I
am aware, that in parts of the Union, and even with persons to whom Mr.
Eppes and Mr. Randolph are unknown, and myself little known, it will be
presumed from their connection, that what comes from them comes from me.
No men on earth are more independent in their sentiments than they are,
nor any one less disposed than I am to influence the opinions of others.
We rarely speak of politics, or of the proceedings of the House, but
merely historically; and I carefully avoid expressing an opinion on them
in their presence, that we may all be at our ease. With other members, I
have believed that more unreserved communications would be advantageous
to the public. This has been, perhaps, prevented by mutual delicacy. I
have been afraid to express opinions unasked, lest I should be suspected
of wishing to direct the legislative action of members. They have
avoided asking communications from me, probably, lest they should be
suspected of wishing to fish out executive secrets. I see too many
proofs of the imperfection of human reason, to entertain wonder or
intolerance at any difference of opinion on any subject; and acquiesce
in that difference as easily as on a difference of feature or form:
experience having long taught me the reasonableness of mutual sacrifices
of opinion among those who are to act together for any common object,
and the expediency of doing what good we can, when we cannot do all we
would wish.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and
respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER VIII.--TO MR. GALLATIN, December 13, 1803
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO MR. GALLATIN.
The Attorney General having considered and decided, that the
prescription in the law for establishing a bank, that the officers in
the subordinate offices of discount and deposit, shall be appointed ‘on
the same terms and in the same manner practised in the principal bank,’
does not extend to them the principle of rotation, established by the
legislature in the body of directors in the principal bank, it follows
that the extension of that principle has been merely a voluntary and
prudential act of the principal bank, from which they are free to
depart. I think the extension was wise and proper on their part, because
the legislature having deemed rotation useful in the principal bank
constituted by them, there would be the same reason for it in the
subordinate banks to be established by the principal. It breaks in upon
the _esprit de corps_, so apt to prevail in permanent bodies; it gives
a chance for the public eye penetrating into the sanctuary of those
proceedings and practices, which the avarice of the directors may
introduce for their personal emolument, and which the resentments of
excluded directors, or the honesty of those duly admitted, might betray
to the public; and it gives an opportunity at the end of the year, or at
other periods, of correcting a choice, which, on trial, proves to have
been unfortunate; an evil of which themselves complain in their distant
institutions. Whether, however, they have a power to alter this or not,
the executive has no right to decide; and their consultation with you
has been merely an act of complaisance, or from a desire to shield so
important an innovation under the cover of executive sanction. But
ought we to volunteer our sanction in such a case? Ought we to disarm
ourselves of any fair right of animadversion, whenever that institution
shall be a legitimate subject of consideration? I own I think the most
proper answer would be, that we do not think ourselves authorized to
give an opinion on the question.
From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea of
establishing a branch bank of the United States in New Orleans. This
institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing, against the
principles and form of our constitution. The nation is, at this time,
so strong and united in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this
moment. But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, sufficient
to bring into doubt the competency of a republican government to meet
a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in
the public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating by its
branches every part of the Union, acting by command and in phalanx, may,
in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe
which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any
other authority than that of the nation, or its regular functionaries.
What an obstruction could not this bank of the United States, with all
its branch banks, be in time of war? It might dictate to us the peace
we should accept, or withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give further
growth to an institution so powerful, so hostile? That it is so hostile
we know, 1. from a knowledge of the principles of the persons composing
the body of directors in every bank, principal or branch; and those of
most of the stock-holders: 2. from their opposition to the measures and
principles of the government, and to the election of those friendly to
them: and, 3. from the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now,
while we are strong, it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our
constitution, to bring this powerful enemy to a perfect subordination
under its authorities. The first measure would be to reduce them to an
equal footing only with other banks, as to the favors of the government.
But, in order to be able to meet a general combination of the banks
against us, in a critical emergency, could we not make a beginning
towards an independent use of our own money, towards holding our own
bank in all the deposits where it is received, and letting the Treasurer
give his draft or note for payment at any particular place, which, in a
well conducted government, ought to have as much credit as any private
draft, or bank note, or bill, and would give us the same facilities
which we derive from the banks? I pray you to turn this subject in your
mind, and to give it the benefit of your knowledge of details; whereas,
I have only very general views of the subject. Affectionate salutations.
Washington, December 13, 1803.
LETTER IX.--TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY, January 29, 1804
TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY.
Washington, January 29, 1804.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of December the 12th came duly to hand, as did the second
letter to Doctor Linn, and the treatise on Phlogiston, for which I pray
you to accept my thanks. The copy for Mr. Livingston has been delivered,
together with your letter to him, to Mr. Harvie, my secretary, who
departs in a day or two for Paris, and will deliver them himself to Mr.
Livingston, whose attention to your matter cannot be doubted. I have
also to add my thanks to Mr. Priestley, your son, for the copy of your
Harmony, which I have gone through with great satisfaction. It is
the first I have been able to meet with, which is clear of those long
repetitions of the same transaction, as if it were a different one
because related with some different circumstances.
I rejoice that you have undertaken the task of comparing the moral
doctrines of Jesus with those of the ancient Philosophers. You are so
much in possession of the whole subject, that you will do it easier and
better than any other person living. I think you cannot avoid giving,
as preliminary to the comparison, a digest of his moral doctrines,
extracted in his own words from the Evangelists, and leaving out every
thing relative to his personal history and character. It would be short
and precious. With a view to do this for my own satisfaction, I had sent
to Philadelphia to get two Testaments (Greek) of the same edition, and
two English, with a design to cut out the morsels of morality, and paste
them on the leaves of a book, in the manner you describe as having been
pursued in forming your Harmony. But I shall now get the thing done by
better hands.
I very early saw that Louisiana was indeed a speck in our horizon, which
was to burst in a tornado; and the public are un-apprized how near this
catastrophe was. Nothing but a frank and friendly developement of causes
and effects on our part, and good sense enough in Bonaparte to see that
the train was unavoidable, and would change the face of the world, saved
us from that storm. I did not expect he would yield till a war took
place between France and England, and my hope was to palliate and
endure, if Messrs. Ross, Morris, &c. did not force a premature rupture
until that event. I believed the event not very distant, but acknowledge
it came on sooner than I had expected. Whether, however, the good sense
of Bonaparte might not see the course predicted to be necessary and
unavoidable, even before a war should be imminent, was a chance which
we thought it our duty to try: but the immediate prospect of rupture
brought the case to immediate decision. The denouement has been happy:
and I confess I look to this duplication of area for the extending a
government so free and economical as ours, as a great achievement to
the mass of happiness which is to ensue. Whether we remain in one
confederacy, or form into Atlantic and Mississippi confederacies, I
believe not very important to the happiness of either part. Those of
the western confederacy will be as much our children and descendants
as those of the eastern, and I feel myself as much identified with
that country, in future time, as with this: and did I now foresee a
separation at some future day, yet I should feel the duty and the desire
to promote the western interests as zealously as the eastern, doing all
the good for both portions of our future family which should fall within
my power.
Have you seen the new work of Malthus on Population? It is one of the
ablest I have ever seen. Although his main object is to delineate
the effects of redundancy of population, and to test the poor laws
of England, and other palliations for that evil, several important
questions in political economy, allied to his subject incidentally, are
treated with a masterly hand. It is a single octavo volume, and I have
been only able to read a borrowed copy, the only one I have yet heard
of. Probably our friends in England will think of you, and give you an
opportunity of reading it.
Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of great esteem and
respect.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER X.--TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, March 3, 1804
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
Washington, March 3, 1804.
Dear Sir,
Although it is long since I received your favor of October the 27th,
yet I have not had leisure sooner to acknowledge it. In the Middle and
Southern States, as great an union of sentiment has now taken place
as is perhaps desirable. For as there will always be an opposition, I
believe it had better be from avowed monarchists than republicans. New
York seems to be in danger of republican division; Vermont is solidly
with us; Rhode Island with us on anomalous grounds; New Hampshire on
the verge of the republican shore; Connecticut advancing towards it very
slowly, but with steady step; your State only uncertain of making port
at all. I had forgotten Delaware, which will be always uncertain
from the divided character of her citizens. If the amendment of the
constitution passes Rhode Island (and we expect to hear in a day or
two), the election for the ensuing four years seems to present nothing
formidable. I sincerely regret that the unbounded calumnies of the
federal party have obliged me to throw myself on the verdict of my
country for trial, my great desire having been to retire at the end
of the present term, to a life of tranquillity; and it was my decided
purpose when I entered into office. They force my continuance. If we
can keep the vessel of State as steadily in her course for another four
years, my earthly purposes will be accomplished, and I shall be free
to enjoy, as you are doing, my family, my farm, and my books. That your
enjoyments may continue as long as you shall wish them, I sincerely
pray, and tender you my friendly salutations, and assurances of great
respect and esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XI.--TO GIDEON GRANGER, April 16, 1804
TO GIDEON GRANGER.
Monticello, April 16, 1804.
Dear Sir,
*****
In our last conversation you mentioned a federal scheme afloat, of
forming a coalition between the federalists and republicans, of what
they called the seven eastern States. The idea was new to me, and after
time for reflection, I had no opportunity of conversing with you again.
The federalists know that, _eo nomine_, they are gone for ever. Their
object, therefore, is, how to return into power under some other form.
Undoubtedly they have but one means, which is to divide the republicans,
join the minority, and barter with them for the cloak of their name.
I say, join the minority; because the majority of the republicans, not
needing them, will not buy them. The minority, having no other means of
ruling the majority, will give a price for auxiliaries, and that price
must be principle. It is true that the federalists, needing their
numbers also, must also give a price, and principle is the coin they
must pay in. Thus a bastard system of federo-republicanism will rise on
the ruins of the true principles of our revolution. And when this party
is formed, who will constitute the majority of it, which majority is
then to dictate? Certainly the federalists. Thus their proposition of
putting themselves into gear with the republican minority, is exactly
like Roger Sherman’s proposition to add Connecticut to Rhode Island.
The idea of forming seven eastern States is moreover clearly to form the
basis of a separation of the Union. Is it possible that real republicans
can be gulled by such a bait? And for what? What do they wish, that they
have not? Federal measures? That is impossible. Republican measures?
Have they them not? Can any one deny, that in all important questions
of principle, republicanism prevails? But do they want that their
individual will shall govern the majority? They may purchase the
gratification of this unjust wish, for a little time, at a great price;
but the federalists must not have the passions of other men, if, after
getting thus into the seat of power, they suffer themselves to be
governed by their minority. This minority may say, that whenever they
relapse into their own principles, they will quit them, and draw the
seat from under them. They may quit them, indeed, but, in the mean time,
all the venal will have become associated with them, and will give them
a majority sufficient to keep them in place, and to enable them to eject
the heterogeneous friends by whose aid they get again into power. I
cannot believe any portion of real republicans will enter into this
trap; and if they do, I do not believe they can carry with them the mass
of their States, advancing so steadily as we see them, to an union of
principle with their brethren. It will be found in this, as in all
other similar cases, that crooked schemes will end by overwhelming their
authors and coadjutors in disgrace, and that he alone who walks strict
and upright, and who in matters of opinion will be contented that others
should be as free as himself, and acquiesce when his opinion is fairly
overruled, will attain his object in the end. And that this may be
the conduct of us all, I offer my sincere prayers, as well as for your
health and happiness.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XII.--TO MRS. ADAMS, June 13,1804
TO MRS. ADAMS.
Washington, June 13,1804.
Dear Madam,
The affectionate sentiments which you have had the goodness to express
in your letter of May the 20th, towards my dear departed daughter, have
awakened in me sensibilities natural to the occasion, and recalled
your kindnesses to her, which I shall ever remember with gratitude and
friendship. I can assure you with truth, they had made an indelible
impression on her mind, and that to the last, on our meetings after long
separations, whether I had heard lately of you, and how you did, were
among the earliest of her inquiries. In giving you this assurance, I
perform a sacred duty for her, and, at the same time, am thankful for
the occasion furnished me, of expressing my regret that circumstances
should have arisen, which have seemed to draw a line of separation
between us. The friendship with which you honored me has ever been
valued, and fully reciprocated; and although events have been passing
which might be trying to some minds, I never believed yours to be
of that kind, nor felt that my own was. Neither my estimate of your
character, nor the esteem founded in that, has ever been lessened for a
single moment, although doubts whether it would be acceptable may have
forbidden manifestations of it.
Mr. Adams’s friendship and mine began at an earlier date. It accompanied
us through long and important scenes. The different conclusions we had
drawn from our political reading and reflections, were not permitted to
lessen mutual esteem; each party being conscious they were the result of
an honest conviction in the other. Like differences of opinion existing
among our fellow citizens, attached them to the one or the other of us,
and produced a rivalship in their minds which did not exist in ours. We
never stood in one another’s way. For if either had been withdrawn at
any time, his favorers would not have gone over to the other, but would
have sought for some one of homogeneous opinions. This consideration
was sufficient to keep down all jealousy between us, and to guard our
friendship from any disturbance by sentiments of rivalship: and I can
say with truth, that one act of Mr. Adams’s life, and one only, ever
gave me a moment’s personal displeasure. I did consider his last
appointments to office as personally unkind. They were from among my
most ardent political enemies, from whom no faithful co-operation could
ever be expected; and laid me under the embarrassment of acting through
men, whose views were to defeat mine, or to encounter the odium of
putting others in their places. It seems but common justice to leave a
successor free to act by instruments of his own choice. If my respect
for him did not permit me to ascribe the whole blame to the influence of
others, it left something for friendship to forgive, and after brooding
over it for some little time, and not always resisting the expression of
it, I forgave it cordially, and returned to the same state of esteem
and respect for him which had so long subsisted. Having come into life
a little later than Mr. Adams, his career has preceded mine, as mine
is followed by some other; and it will probably be closed at the same
distance after him which time originally placed between us. I maintain
for him, and shall carry into private life, an uniform and high measure
of respect and good will, and for yourself a sincere attachment.
I have thus, my dear Madam, opened myself to you without reserve, which
I have long wished an opportunity of doing; and without knowing how it
will be received, I feal[sp.] relief from being unbosomed. And I have
now only to entreat your forgiveness for this transition from a subject
of domestic affliction, to one which seems of a different aspect. But
though connected with political events, it has been viewed by me most
strongly in its unfortunate bearings on my private friendships. The
injury these have sustained has been a heavy price for what has never
given me equal pleasure. That you may both be favored with health,
tranquillity, and long life, is the prayer of one who tenders you the
assurance of his highest consideration and esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XIII.--TO GOVERNOR PAGE, June 25, 1804
TO GOVERNOR PAGE.
Washington, June 25, 1804.
Your letter, my dear friend, of the 25th ultimo, is a new proof of
the goodness of your heart, and the part you take in my loss marks an
affectionate concern for the greatness of it. It is great indeed. Others
may lose of their abundance, but I, of my want, have lost even the half
of all I had. My evening prospects now hang on the slender thread of
a single life. Perhaps I maybe destined to see even this last cord of
parental affection broken! The hope with which I had looked forward
to the moment, when, resigning public cares to younger hands, I was to
retire to that domestic comfort from which the last great step is to be
taken, is fearfully blighted. When you and I look back on the country
over which we have passed, what a field of slaughter does it exhibit!
Where are all the friends who entered it with us, under all the
inspiring energies of health and hope? As if pursued by the havoc of
war, they are strewed by the way, some earlier, some later, and scarce
a few stragglers remain to count the numbers fallen, and to mark yet,
by their own fall, the last footsteps of their party. Is it a desirable
thing to bear up through the heat of the action to witness the death of
all our companions, and merely be the last victim? I doubt it. We have,
however, the traveller’s consolation. Every step shortens the distance
we have to go; the end of our journey is in sight, the bed wherein we
are to rest, and to rise in the midst of the friends we have lost. ‘We
sorrow not, then, as others who have no hope’; but look forward to the
day which ‘joins us to the great majority.’ But whatever is to be our
destiny, wisdom, as well as duty, dictates that we should acquiesce in
the will of Him whose it is to give and take away, and be contented in
the enjoyment of those who are still permitted to be with us. Of those
connected by blood, the number does not depend on us. But friends we
have, if we have merited them. Those of our earliest years stand nearest
in our affections. But in this too, you and I have been unlucky. Of our
college friends (and they are the dearest) how few have stood with us in
the great political questions which have agitated our country: and these
were of a nature to justify agitation. I did not believe the Lilliputian
fetters of that day strong enough to have bound so many. Will not Mrs.
Page, yourself, and family, think it prudent to seek a healthier region
for the months of August and September? And may we not flatter ourselves
that you will cast your eye on Monticello? We have not many summers
to live. While fortune places us then within striking distance, let us
avail ourselves of it, to meet and talk over the tales of other times.
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Page, and accept yourself my friendly
salutations, and assurances of constant affection.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER, XIV.--TO P. MAZZEI, July 18, 1804
TO P. MAZZEI.
Washington, July 18, 1804.
My Dear Sir,
It is very long, I know, since I wrote you. So constant is the pressure
of business that there is never a moment, scarcely, that something
of public importance is not waiting for me. I have, therefore, on a
principle of conscience, thought it my duty to withdraw almost entirely
from all private correspondence, and chiefly the trans-Atlantic;
I scarcely write a letter a year to any friend beyond sea. Another
consideration has led to this, which is the liability of my letters to
miscarry, be opened, and made ill use of. Although the great body of our
country are perfectly returned to their ancient principles, yet there
remains a phalanx of old tories and monarchists, more envenomed, as all
their hopes become more desperate. Every word of mine which they can get
hold of, however innocent, however orthodox even, is twisted, tormented,
perverted, and, like the words of holy writ, are made to mean every
thing but what they were intended to mean. I trust little, therefore,
unnecessarily in their way, and especially on political subjects. I
shall not, therefore, be free to answer all the several articles of your
letters.
On the subject of treaties, our system is to have none with any nation,
as far as can be avoided. The treaty with England has therefore, not
been renewed, and all overtures for treaty with other nations have been
declined. We believe, that with nations as with individuals, dealings
may be carried on as anvantageously[sp.], perhaps more so, while their
continuance depends on a voluntary good treatment, as if fixed by a
contract, which, when it becomes injurious to either, is made, by forced
constructions, to mean what suits them, and becomes a cause of war
instead of a bond of peace.