THE RELIGION OF A DEBATER

IN his book on William Blake, Chesterton says that he is "personally

quite convinced that if every human being lived a thousand years, every

human being would end up either in utter pessimistic scepticism or in

the Catholic creed." In course of time, in fact, everybody would have to

decide whether they preferred to be an intellectualist or a mystic. A

debauch of intellectualism, lasting perhaps nine hundred and fifty

years, is a truly terrible thing to contemplate. Perhaps it is safest to

assert that if our lives were considerably lengthened, there would be

more mystics and more madmen.

To Chesterton modern thought is merely the polite description of a noisy

crowd of persons proclaiming that something or other is wrong. Mr.

Bernard Shaw denounces meat and has been understood to denounce

marriage. Ibsen is said to have anathematized almost everything (by

those who have not read his works). Mr. MacCabe and Mr. Blatchford think

that, on the whole, there is no God, and Tolstoy told us that nearly

everything we did, and quite all we wanted to do, was opposed to the

spirit of Christ's teaching. Auberon Herbert disapproved of law, and

John Davidson disapproved of life. Herbert Spencer objected to

government, Passive Resisters to State education, and various

educational reformers to education of any description. There are people

who would abolish our spelling, our clothing, our food and, most

emphatically, our drink. Mr. H. G. Wells adds the finishing touch to

this volume of denials, by blandly suggesting in an appendix to his

Modern Utopia, headed "Scepticism of the Instrument," that our senses

are so liable to err, that we can never be really sure of anything at

all. This spirit of denial is extraordinarily infectious. A man begins

to suspect what he calls the "supernatural." He joins an ethical

society, and before he knows where he is, he is a vegetarian. The

rebellious moderns have a curious tendency to flock together in

self-defence, even when they have nothing in common. The mere

aggregation of denials rather attracts the slovenly and the unattached.

The lack of positive dogma expressed by such a coalition encourages the

sceptic and the uneducated, who do not realize that the deliberate

suppression of dogma is itself a dogma of extreme arrogance. We trust

too much to the label, nowadays, and the brief descriptions we attach to

ourselves have a gradually increasing connotation. In politics for

example, the conservative creed, which originally contained the single

article that aristocracy, wealth and government should be in the same

few hands, now also implies adhesion to the economic doctrine of

protection, and the political doctrine that unitary government is

preferable to federal. The liberal creed, based principally upon

opposition to the conservative, and to a lesser degree upon disrespect

for the Established Church, has been enlarged concurrently with the

latter. The average liberal or conservative now feels himself in honour

bound to assert or to deny political dogmas out of sheer loyalty to his

party. This does not make for sanity. The only political creed in which

a man may reasonably expect to remain sane is Socialism, which is

catholic and not the least dependent upon other beliefs. Apart from the

inconsiderable number of Socialists, the average politician follows in

the footsteps of those gentlemen already mentioned. He is not allowed to

believe, so he contents himself with a denial of the other side's

promises. Assertion is infinitely more brain-wearing than denial.

Side by side with the increase in those who deny is a growth in the

numbers of those who come to regard apathy, suspended judgment, or a

lack of interest in a religious matter as a state of positive belief.

There are agnostics quite literally all over the place. Belief peters

down into acceptance, acceptance becomes a probability, a probability

declines into a reasonable doubt, and a reasonable doubt drifts into "it

is highly conjectural and indeed extremely unlikely," or something of

that sort. Tolerance was once an instrument for ensuring that truth

should not be suppressed; it is now an excuse for refusing to bother.

There is, in fact, a growing disrespect for truth. A great many men went

to the stake years ago rather than admit the possibility that they were

wrong; they protested, so far as human endurance allowed them to

protest, that they were orthodox and that their persecutors, and not

they, were the heretics. To-day a bunch of Cambridge men calls itself

"The Heretics" and imagines it has found a clever title. At the same

time there is an apparent decline in the power to believe. The average

politician (the principal type of twentieth-century propagandist)

hardly ever makes a speech which does not contain one at least of the

following phrases:

"I may be mistaken, but it seems to me that . . ."

"We are all subject to correction, but as far as

we know . . ."

"In this necessarily imperfect world . . ."

"So far as one is able to judge . . ."

"Appearances are notoriously deceptive, but . . ."

"Human experience is necessarily limited to . . ."

"We can never be really sure . . ."

"Pilate asked, 'What is truth?' Ah, my brethren,

what indeed?"

"The best minds of the country have failed to come

to an agreement on this question; one can only

surmise . . ."

"Art is long and life is short. Art to-day is even

longer than it used to be."

Now the politician, to do him justice, has retained the courage of his

convictions to a greater extent than the orthodox believer in God. Men

are still prepared to make Home Rule the occasion of bloodshed, or to

spend the midnight hours denouncing apparent political heresies. But

whereas the politician, like the orthodox believer once pronounced

apologetics, they now merely utter apologies. To-day, equipped as never

before with the heavy artillery of argument in the shape of Higher

Criticism, research, blue-books, statistics, cheap publications, free

libraries, accessible information, public lectures, and goodness only

knows what else, the fighting forces of the spiritual and temporal

decencies lie drowsing as in a club-room, placarded "Religion and

politics must not be discussed here."

All this, with the exception of the political references, is a summary

of Chesterton's claim that a return to orthodoxy is desirable and

necessary. It will be found at length in _Heretics_ and in the first

chapters of _Orthodoxy_, and sprinkled throughout all his writings of a

later date than 1906 or so. He protests on more than one occasion

against Mr. Shaw's epigram, which seems to him to contain the essence of

all that is wrong to-day, "The golden rule is that there is no golden

rule." Chesterton insists that there is a golden rule, that it is a very

old one, and that it is known to a great many people, most of whom

belong to the working classes.

In his argument that, on the whole, the masses are (or were) right about

religion, and that the intellectuals are wrong, Chesterton is

undoubtedly at his most bellicose and his sincerest. His is the

pugnacity that prefers to pull down another's banner rather than to

raise his own. His "defences" in _The Defendant_, and the six hundred

odd cases made out by him in the columns of The Daily News are largely

and obviously inspired by the wish, metaphorically speaking, to punch

somebody's head. The fact that he is not a mere bully appears in the

appeal to common decency which Chesterton would be incapable of omitting

from an article. Nevertheless he prefers attack to defence. In war, the

offensive is infinitely more costly than the defensive. But in

controversy this is reversed. The opener of a debate is in a much more

difficult position than his opponent. The latter need only criticize the

former's case; he is not compelled to disclose his own defences.

Chesterton used to have a grand time hoisting people on their own

petards, and letting forth strings of epigrams at the expense of those

from whom he differed, and only incidentally revealing his own position.

Then, as he tells us in the preface to _Orthodoxy_, when he had

published the saltatory series of indictments entitled _Heretics_, a

number of his critics said, in effect, "Please, Mr. Chesterton, what

are we to believe?" Mr. G. S. Street, in particular, begged for

enlightenment. G.K.C. joyously accepted the invitation, and wrote

_Orthodoxy_, his most brilliant book.

There are few works in the English language the brilliancy of which is

so sustained. _Orthodoxy_ is a rapid torrent of epigrammatically

expressed arguments. Chesterton's method in writing it is that of the

digger wasp. This intelligent creature carries on the survival of the

fittest controversy by paralyzing its opponent first, and then

proceeding to lay the eggs from which future fitness will proceed in the

unresisting but still living body. Chesterton begins by paralyzing his

reader, by savagely attacking all the beliefs which the latter, if he be

a modern and a sceptic, probably regards as first principles. Tolerance

is dismissed, as we have just seen, as a mere excuse for not caring.

Reason, that awful French goddess, is shown to be another apology.

Nietzsche and various other authors to whom some of us have bent the

knee are slaughtered without misery. Then Chesterton proceeds to the

argument, the reader being by this time receptive enough to swallow a

camel, on the sole condition that G.K.C. has previously slightly

treacled the animal.

Perhaps it would be more accurate to assert that at this point

Chesterton pretends to begin his argument. As a matter of strict fact he

only describes his adventures in Fairyland, which is all the earth. He

tells us of his profound astonishment at the consistent recurrence of

apples on apple trees, and at the general jolliness of the earth. He

describes, very beautifully, some of the sensations of childhood making

the all-embracing discovery that things are what they seem, and the even

more joyful feeling of pretending that they are not, or that they will

cease to be at any moment. A young kitten will watch a large cushion,

which to it is a very considerable portion of the universe, flying at it

without indicating any very appreciable surprise. A child, in the same

way, would not be surprised if his house suddenly developed wings and

flew away. Chesterton cultivated this attitude of always expecting to be

surprised by the most natural things in the world, until it became an

obsession, and a part of his journalistic equipment. In a sense

Chesterton is the everlasting boy, the Undergraduate Who Would Not Grow

Up. There must be few normally imaginative town-bred children to whom

the pointed upright area-railings do not appear an unsearchable armoury

of spears or as walls of protective flames, temporarily frozen black so

that people should be able to enter and leave their house. Every child

knows that the old Norse story of a sleeping Brunnhilde encircled by

flames is true; to him or her, there is a Brunnhilde in every street,

and the child knows that there it always has a chance of being the

chosen Siegfried. But because this view of life is so much cosier than

that of the grown-ups, Chesterton clings to his childhood's neat little

universe and weeps pathetically when anybody mentions Herbert Spencer,

and makes faces when he hears the word Newton. He insists on a fair dole

of surprises. "Children are grateful when Santa Claus puts in their

stockings gifts of toys and sweets. Could I not be grateful to Santa

Claus when he put in my stockings the gift of two miraculous legs?"

Now this fairyland business is frankly overdone. Chesterton conceives of

God, having carried the Creation as far as this world, sitting down to

look at the new universe in a sort of ecstasy. "And God saw every thing

that he had made, and, behold it was very good." He enjoyed His new toy

immensely, and as He sent the earth spinning round the sun, His pleasure

increased. So He said "Do it again" every time the sun had completed its

course, and laughed prodigiously, and behaved like a happy child. And

so He has gone on to this day saying "Do it again" to the sun and the

moon and the stars, to the animal creation, and the trees, and every

living thing. So Chesterton pictures God, giving His name to what

others, including Christians, call natural law, or the laws of God, or

the laws of gravitation, conservation of energy, and so on, but always

laws. For which reason, one is compelled to assume that in his opinion

God is now [1915] saying to Himself, "There's another bloody war, do it

again, sun," and gurgling with delight. It is dangerous to wander in

fairyland, as Chesterton has himself demonstrated, "one might meet a

fairy." It is not safe to try to look God in the face. A prophet in

Israel saw the glory of Jehovah, and though He was but the God of a

small nation, the prophet's face shone, and, so great was the vitality

he absorbed from the great Source that he "was an hundred and twenty

years old when he died: his eye was not dim, nor his natural force

abated." That is the reverent Hebrew manner of conveying the glory of

God. But Chesterton, cheerfully playing toss halfpenny among the

fairies, sees an idiot child, and calls it God.

Fortunately for the argument, Chesterton has no more to say about his

excursion in Fairyland after his return. He goes on to talk about the

substitutes which people have invented for Christianity. The Inner Light

theory has vitriol sprayed upon it. Marcus Aurelius, it is explained,

acted according to the Inner Light. "He gets up early in the morning,

just as our own aristocrats leading the Simple Life get up early in the

morning; because such altruism is much easier than stopping the games in

the amphitheatre or giving the English people back their land." The

present writer does not profess any ability to handle philosophic

problems philosophically; it seems to him, however, that if Chesterton

had been writing a few years later, he would have attempted to

extinguish the latest form of the Inner Light, that "intuition" which

has been so much associated with M. Bergson's teachings.

The Inner Light is finally polished off as follows:

Of all conceivable forms of enlightenment the

worst is what these people call the Inner Light.

Of all horrible religions the most horrible is the

worship of the god within. Any one who knows

anybody knows how it would work; anybody who knows

any one from the Higher Thought Centre knows how

it does work. That Jones should worship the god

within him turns out ultimately to mean that Jones

shall worship Jones. . . . Christianity came into

the world firstly in order to assert with

violence that a man has not only to look inwards,

but to look outwards, to behold with astonishment

and enthusiasm a divine company and a divine

captain.

Continuing his spiritual autobiography, Chesterton describes his gradual

emergence from the wonted agnosticism of sixteen through the mediumship

of agnostic literature. Once again that remark of Bacon's showed itself

to be true, "A little philosophy inclineth man's mind to atheism, but

depth in philosophy bringeth men's minds about to religion." A man may

read Huxley and Bradlaugh, who knew their minds, and call himself an

agnostic. But when it comes to reading their followers, there's another

story to tell. What especially struck Chesterton was the wholesale

self-contradictoriness of the literature of agnosticism. One man would

say that Christianity was so harmful that extermination was the least

that could be desired for it, and another would insist that it had

reached a harmless and doddering old age. A writer would assert that

Christianity was a religion of wrath and blood, and would point to the

Inquisition, and to the religious wars which have at one time or another

swept over the civilized world. But by the time the reader's blood was

up, he would come across some virile atheist's proclamation of the

feeble, mattoid character of the religion in question, as illustrated by

its quietist saints, the Quakers, the Tolstoyans, and non-resisters in

general. When he had cooled down, he would run into a denunciation of

the asceticism of Christianity, the monastic system, hair-shirts, and so

on. Then he would come across a sweeping condemnation of its sensual

luxuriousness, its bejewelled chalices, its pompous rituals, the

extravagance of its archbishops, and the like. Christianity "was abused

for being too plain and for being too coloured." And then the sudden

obvious truth burst upon Chesterton, What if Christianity was the happy

mean?

Perhaps, after all, it is Christianity that is

sane and all its critics that are mad--in various

ways. I tested this idea by asking myself whether

there was about any of the accusers anything

morbid that might explain the accusation. I was

startled to find that this key fitted a lock. For

instance, it was certainly odd that the modern

world charged Christianity at once with bodily

austerity and with artistic pomp. But then it was

also odd, very odd, that the modern world itself

combined extreme bodily luxury with an extreme

absence of artistic pomp. The modern man thought

Becket's robes too rich and his meals too poor.

But then the modern man was really exceptional in

history. No man before ever ate such elaborate

dinners in such ugly clothes. The modern man found

the church too simple exactly where modern life

is too complex; he found the church too gorgeous

exactly where modern life is too dingy. The man

who disliked the plain fasts and feasts was mad on

_entrees_. The man who disliked vestments wore a

pair of preposterous trousers. And surely if there

was any insanity involved in the matter at all it

was in the trousers, not in the simply falling

robe. If there was any insanity at all, it was in

the extravagant _entrees_, not in the bread and

wine.

Nevertheless, Christianity was centrifugal rather than centripetal; it

was not a mere average, but a centre of gravity; not a compromise, but a

conflict. Christ was not half-God and half-man, like Hercules, but

"perfect God and perfect man." Man was not only the highest, but also

the lowest. "The Church was positive on both points. One can hardly

think too little of one's self. One can hardly think too much of one's

soul."

At this point agreement with Mr. Chesterton becomes difficult.

Christianity, he tells us, comes in with a flaming sword and performs

neat acts of bisection. It separates the sinner from the sin, and tells

us to love the former and hate the latter. He also tells us that no

pagan would have thought of this. Leaving aside the question whether or

not Plato was a Christian, it may be pointed out that whereas Chesterton

condemns Tolstoyanism whenever he recognizes it, he here proclaims

Tolstoy's doctrine. On the whole, however, the mild perverseness of the

chapter on _The Paradoxes of Christianity_ leaves its major implications

safe. It does not matter greatly whether we prefer to regard

Christianity as a centre of gravity, or a point of balance. We need only

pause to note Chesterton personifies this dualism. _The Napoleon of

Notting Hill_ is the arrangement of little bits of iron--the inhabitants

of London, in this case--around the two poles of a fantastic magnet, of

which one is Adam Wayne, the fanatic, and the other, Auberon Quin, the

humorist. In _The Ball and the Cross_ the diagram is repeated. James

Turnbull, the atheist, and Evan MacIan, the believer, are the two poles.

We speak in a loose sort of way of opposite poles when we wish to

express separation. But, in point of fact, they symbolize connection far

more exactly. They are absolutely interdependent. The whole essence of a

North and a South Pole is that we, knowing where one is, should be able

to say where the other is. Nobody has ever suggested a universe in which

the North Pole wandered about at large. This is the idea which

Chesterton seems to have captured and introduced into his definition of

Christianity.

Democracy, to Chesterton, is the theory that one man is as good as

another; Christianity, he finds, is the virtual sanctification by

supernatural authority of democracy. He points out the incompatibility

of political democracy, for example, with the determinism to which Mr.

Blatchford's logical atheism has brought him. If man is the creature of

his heredity and his environment, as Mr. Blatchford asserts, and if a

slum-bred heredity and a slum environment do not make for high

intelligence, then obviously it is against the best interests of the

State to allow the slum inhabitant to vote. On the other hand, it is

entirely to the best interests of the State to entrust its affairs to

the aristocracy, whose breeding and environment gives it an enormous

amount of intelligence. Christianity, by proclaiming that every man's

body is the temple of the Holy Ghost, insists both upon the necessity of

abolishing the slums and of honouring the slum-dwellers as sharers with

the rest of humanity in a common sonship. This is the case for

Socialism, it may be pointed out parenthetically, and Chesterton has let

it slip past him. He insists that orthodoxy is the best conceivable

guardian of liberty, for the somewhat far-fetched reason that no

believer in miracles would have such "a deep and sincere faith in the

incurable routine of the cosmos" as to cling to the theory that men

should not have the liberty to work changes. If a man believed in the

freedom of God, in fact, he would have to believe in the freedom of man.

The obvious answer to which is that he generally doesn't. Christianity

made for eternal vigilance, Chesterton maintains, whereas Buddhism kept

its eye on the Inner Light--which means, in fact, kept it shut. In

proof, or at least in confirmation of this, he points to the statues of

Christian saints and of the Buddha. The former keep their eyes open

wide, the latter keep their eyes firmly closed. Vigilance, however, does

not always make for liberty--the vigilance of the Inquisition, for

example. Leaving out of account this and other monstrous exceptions, we

might say spiritual liberty, perhaps, but not political liberty, not, at

any rate, since the days of Macchiavelli, and the divorce of Church and

State.

By insisting specially on the immanence of God we

get introspection, self-isolation, quietism,

social indifference--Tibet. By insisting specially

on the transcendence of God we get wonder,

curiosity, moral and political adventure,

religious indignation--Christendom. Insisting that

God is inside man, man is always inside himself.

By insisting that God transcends man, man has

transcended himself.

In concluding the book, Chesterton joyously refutes a few anti-Christian

arguments by means of his extraordinary knack of seeing the large and

obvious, and therefore generally overlooked things. He believes in

Christianity because he is a rationalist, and the evidence in its favour

has convinced him. The arguments with which he deals are these. That men

are much like beasts, and probably related to them. Answer: yes, but men

are also quite wonderfully unlike them in many important respects. That

primeval religion arose in ignorance and fear. Answer: we know nothing

about prehistoric man, because he was prehistoric, therefore we cannot

say where he got his religion from. But "the whole human race has a

tradition of the Fall." And so on: the argument that Christ was a poor

sheepish and ineffectual professor of a quiet life is answered by the

flaming energy of His earthly mission; the suggestion that Christianity

belongs to the Dark Ages is countered by the historical fact that it

"was the one path across the Dark Ages that was not dark." It was the

path that led from Roman to modern civilization, and we are here because

of it. And the book ends with a peroration that might be likened to a

torrent, were it not for the fact that torrents are generally narrow

and shallow. It is a most remarkable exhibition of energy, a case from

which flippancies and irrelevancies have been removed, and where the

central conviction advances irresistibly. Elsewhere in the book

Chesterton had been inconsequent, darting from point to point, lunging

at an opponent one moment, formulating a theory in the next, and

producing an effect which, if judged by sample, would be considered

bizarre and undirected. The book contains a few perversities, of course.

The author attempts to rebut the idea "that priests have blighted

societies with bitterness and gloom," by pointing out that in one or two

priest-ridden countries wine and song and dance abound. Yes, but if

people are jollier in France and Spain and Italy than in savage Africa,

it is due not to the priests so much as to the climate which makes wine

cheap and an open-air life possible. No amount of priests would be able

to set the inhabitants of the Belgian Congo dancing around a maypole

singing the while glad songs handed down by their fathers. No amount of

priests would be able to make the festive Eskimo bask in the sun and

sing in chorus when there wasn't any sun and it was altogether too cold

to open their mouths wide in the open air. In fact the priests are not

the cause of the blight where it exists, just as they are not the cause

of the jolliness, when there is any. But _Orthodoxy_ is Chesterton's

sincerest book. It is perhaps the only one of the whole lot in the

course of which he would not be justified in repeating a remark which

begins one of the _Tremendous Trifles_, "Every now and then I have

introduced into my essays an element of truth."

Twice upon a time there was a Samuel Butler who wrote exhilaratingly and

died and left the paradoxical contents of his notebooks to be published

by posterity. The first (i.e. of Hudibras, not of Erewhon) had many

lively things to say on the question of orthodoxy, being the forerunner

of G.K.C. And I am greatly tempted to treat Samuel Butler as an ancestor

to be described at length. Chesterton might well have said, "It is a

dangerous thing to be too inquisitive, and search too narrowly into a

true Religion, for 50,000 Bethshemites were destroyed only for looking

into the Ark of the Covenant, and ten times as many have been ruined for

looking too curiously into that Booke in which that Story is

recorded"--in fact in _Magic_ he very nearly did say the same thing. He

would have liked (as who would not?) to have been the author of the

saying that "Repentant Teares are the waters upon which the Spirit of

God moves," or that "There is no better Argument to prove that the

Scriptures were written by Divine Inspiration, than that excellent

saying of our Savior, If any man will go to Law with thee for thy cloke,

give him thy Coate also." He might well have written dozens of those

puns and aphorisms of Butler which an unkind fate has omitted from the

things we read, and even from the things we quote. But Butler provides

an answer to Chesterton, for he was an intelligent anticipator who

foresaw exactly what would happen when orthodoxy, which is to say the

injunction to shout with the larger crowd, should be proclaimed as the

easiest way out of religious difficulties. Before a reader has finally

made up his mind on _Orthodoxy_ (and it is highly desirable that he

should do so), let him consider two little texts:

"They that profess Religion and believe it

consists in frequenting of Sermons, do, as if they

should say They have a great desire to serve God,

but would faine be perswaded to it. Why should any

man suppose that he pleases God by patiently

hearing an Ignorant fellow render Religion

ridiculous?"

"He [a Catholic] prefers his Church merely for the

Antiquity of it, and cares not how sound or

rotten it be, so it be but old. He takes a liking

to it as some do to old Cheese, only for the blue

Rottenness of it. If he had lived in the primitive

Times he had never been a _Christian_; for the

Antiquity of the _Pagan_ and _Jewish_ Religion

would have had the same Power over him against the

_Christian_, as the old _Roman_ has against the

modern Reformation."

Here we leave Samuel Butler. The majority stands the largest chance of

being right through the sheer operation of the law of averages. But

somehow one does not easily imagine a mob passing through the gate that

is narrow and the way that is narrow. One prefers to think of men going

up in ones and twos, perhaps even in loneliness, and rejoicing at the

strange miracle of judgment that all their friends should be assembled

at the journey's end.

But the final criticism of Chesterton's _Orthodoxy_ is that it is not

orthodox. He claims that he is "concerned only to discuss . . . the

central Christian theology (sufficiently summarized in the Apostles'

Creed)" and, "When the word 'orthodoxy' is used here it means the

Apostles' Creed, as understood by everybody calling himself Christian

until a very short time ago and the general historic conduct of those

who held such a creed." In other words he counts as orthodox Anglicans,

Roman Catholics, Orthodox Russians, Nonconformists, Lutherans,

Calvinists, and all manner of queer fish, possibly Joanna Southcott,

Mrs. Annie Besant, and Mrs. Mary Baker Eddy. He might even, by

stretching a point or two (which is surely permissible by the rules of

their game), rope in the New Theologians. Now this may be evidence of

extraordinary catholicity, but not of orthodoxy. Chesterton stands by

and applauds the Homoousians scalping the Homoiousians, but he is

apparently willing to leave the Anglican and the Roman Catholic on the

same plane of orthodoxy, which is absurd. We cannot all be right, even

the Duke in _Magic_ would not be mad enough to assert that. And the

average Christian would absolutely refuse his adherence to a statement

of orthodoxy that left the matter of supreme spiritual authority an open

question.

In the fifteenth century practically every Englishman would have

declared with some emphasis that it lay in the Pope of Rome. In the

twentieth century practically every Englishman would declare with equal

emphasis that it did not. This change of opinion was accompanied by

considerable ill-feeling on both sides, and was, as it were, illuminated

by burning martyrs. The men of both parties burned in both an active

and a passive sense. Those charming Tudor sisters, Bloody Mary (as the

Anglicans call her) and Bloody Bess (as the Roman Catholics

affectionately name her) left a large smudge upon accepted ideas of

orthodoxy; charred human flesh was a principal constituent of it. The

mark remains, the differences are far greater, but, to Chesterton, both

Anglican and Roman Catholic are "orthodox." Of such is the illimitable

orthodoxy of an ethical society, or of a body of Theosophists who

"recognize the essential unity of all creeds and religions"--the liars!

Chesterton tells us that Messrs. Shaw, Kipling, Wells, Ibsen and others

are heretics, because of their doctrines. But he gives us no idea

whether the Pope of Rome, who sells indulgences, is a heretic. And as

the Pope is likely to outlive Messrs. Shaw, etc., by perhaps a thousand

years, it is possible that Chesterton has been attacking the ephemeral

heresies, while leaving the major ones untouched. In effect, Chesterton

tells us no more than that we should shout with the largest crowd. But

the largest crowd prefers, just now, not to do anything so clamorous.

The most curious feature about the present position of Christianity is

the energy with which its opponents combine to keep it going. While Mr.

Robert Blatchford continues to argue that man's will is not free, and

Sir Oliver Lodge continues to maintain that it is, the Doctrine of the

Resurrection is safe; it is not even attacked. But the net result of all

those peculiar modern things called "movements" is a state of immobility

like a nicely balanced tug-of-war. Perhaps a Rugby scrum would make a

better comparison.

The great and grave changes in our political

civilization all belong to the early nineteenth

century, not to the later. They belong to the

black-and-white epoch, when men believed fixedly

in Toryism, in Protestantism, in Calvinism, in

Reform, and not infrequently in Revolution. And

whatever each man believed in, he hammered at

steadily, without scepticism: and there was a time

when the Established Church might have fallen, and

the House of Lords nearly fell. It was because

Radicals were wise enough to be constant and

consistent; it was because Radicals were wise

enough to be conservative. . . . Let beliefs fade

fast and frequently if you wish institutions to

remain the same. The more the life of the mind is

unhinged, the more the machinery of matter will be

left to itself. The net result of all our

political suggestions, Collectivism, Tolstoyanism,

Neo-Feudalism, Communism, Anarchy, Scientific

Bureaucracy--the plain fruit of them all is that

Monarchy and the House of Lords will remain. The

net result of all the new religions will be that

the Church of England will not (for heaven knows

how long) be disestablished. It was Karl Marx,

Nietzsche, Tolstoy, Cunninghame Graham, Bernard

Shaw, and Auberon Herbert, who between them, with

bowed, gigantic backs, bore up the throne of the

Archbishop of Canterbury.

It is on these grounds that we must believe that, even as the Church

survives, and prevails, in order to get a hearing when the atheist and

the New Theologian have finished shouting themselves hoarse at each

other, so must political creeds be in conformity with the doctrines of

the Church. Such is the foundation of democracy, according to

Chesterton. Will anybody revise his political views on this basis?

Probably not. Every Christian believes that his political opinions are

thoroughly Christian, and so entire is the disrepute into which atheism

has fallen as a philosophy of life, that a great many atheists likewise

protest the entire Christianity of their politics. We are all democrats

to-day, in one sense or another; each of us more loosely than his

neighbour. It is strange that by the criterion of almost every living

man who springs to the mind as a representative democrat, Chesterton is

the most undemocratic of us all. This, however, needs a separate chapter

of explanation.

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