THE NINETY-SECOND DIVISION
The Ninety-second Division gave to the Negroes of the United States
the opportunity which they had long desired, namely, organization into
fighting units commanded largely by Negro men. In its creation Negroes
were drafted from all sections of the country and from all walks of
life. The largest group of Negro officers ever commissioned served with
this division, which was not trained in one camp, as was true with
other divisions in the National Army, but whose various units were
distributed among seven camps, extending from Camp Funston, Kan., to
Camp Upton, N. Y. The units were stationed as follows:
Division Headquarters }
Headquarters Troops } Camp Funston
Divisional Trains }
365th Infantry Camp Grant
366th Infantry Camp Dodge
367th Infantry Camp Upton
368th Infantry Camp Meade
349th Field Artillery } Camp Dix
350th Field Artillery }
351st Field Artillery Camp Meade
349th Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Funston
350th Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Grant
351st Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Upton
317th Engineers Regiment }
317th Engineers Train } Camp Sherman
325th Signal Corps }
317th Trench Mortar Battery Camp Dix
As the headquarters troops, the military police, the 317th ammunition,
sanitary, and supply trains were all organized and trained with
the headquarters of the Division at Camp Funston, there was great
enthusiasm for achievement among these troops, and an earnest effort
was made to have them attain the highest possible efficiency. Being
close to the inspiration and brains of the Division, they set the
standard for the other units. By their wonderful progress moreover
they changed the attitude of the camp in regard to Negro soldiers
and developed in themselves and in their commanding officers greater
confidence in their ability.
The infantry regiments were probably the best known, not only among the
Negro people but in Army circles as well. Negroes had made a glorious
record in this branch of the service and were naturally expected
to defend that record. The thousands of soldiers inducted into the
Division, and especially those drawn into the four infantry regiments,
began their training resolved that they would live up to the traditions
of the past. Every man realized that he was representing a confident
and loyal people who prayed and hoped for the success of the Division,
who followed every step of its progress, and who rejoiced with every
victory and sorrowed at every failure. The men were fully conscious of
their responsibility and began their work with enthusiasm.
From reveille to retreat the recruits were carried through intensive
training, which included physical exercise, a study of the articles
of war, practice marching, use of the bayonet, shooting, the use of
grenades, and signal and semaphore work. Besides their program of
purely military instruction they were given lectures on personal
hygiene and first aid that prepared them to be not only good soldiers
but also better men. From five to seven months of such training showed
wonderful results in every regiment. Undeveloped young men from the
farms and cotton-fields of the South learned to stand erect and to walk
with a firm step, and they were also made to feel that America expected
each of them to do a man’s work.
So well did Negroes absorb this training that they were often
considered the best drilled and best disciplined organizations in the
camps where they were trained. This was said to be true, for instance,
of the 367th Infantry, commonly known as the “Buffaloes,” which was
trained at Camp Upton. It paraded in New York City on Washington’s
Birthday, 1918, when it was presented with colors by the Union League
Club. The 368th was reviewed by President Wilson in Baltimore during
a Liberty Loan drive. At such times the press of the country carried
articles commending the Negro men for their martial appearance and
wonderful marching, and this praise not only developed a greater pride
in themselves but caused other Americans to recognize their real value
as soldiers.
The organization of the 92nd Division made it necessary to train
Negroes in other branches of service than the infantry. The mere
suggestion of Negro artillery regiments brought laughter from some
old Army men, and even officers assigned to train the soldiers in
this branch of the service were dubious as to their success. However,
three artillery regiments were organized and the experiment proved a
success. After seven months of hard work at Camps Dix and Meade these
regiments were ready to sail to France, where they were to receive
additional training before doing combat duty. Specialist details,
composed of “non-coms,” were given intensive training, and before
leaving the States they were able to calculate firing data, to use the
various American optical instruments, to connect up and use the field
telephones, to signal, and to perform efficiently the work connected
with the occupation of a position.
In the three machine-gun battalions--the 349th, 350th, and 351st,
trained at Camps Funston, Grant, and Upton respectively--it was found
that Negroes immediately grasped the intricacies of the machine-gun
and soon excelled in its mechanical manipulation. Ignorant men, those
unable either to read or to write, could take apart and assemble every
part of a gun to the minutest spring. As in other branches, they worked
with a will to succeed, and learned map-reading, trench-digging,
the use of dug-outs, and the construction of shafts and camouflaged
machine-gun emplacements, all of which knowledge was to be essential
when they met the enemy in France. They also mastered the drill and
made a splendid record on the range. In the Division overseas a
machine-gun school was also started, in charge of Lieut. Benjamin
H. Mosby, a Negro officer, one of the main objects being to make
machine-gun officers out of infantry officers. More than two hundred
men attended this course.
The organization of the 325th Signal Corps marked the first time in
the history of the country when Negro men were placed in this branch
of the service. Before the organization of this unit was completed,
a representative of the War Department visited Negro educational
institutions and explained the qualifications for this branch of the
service. As a result, men with superior technical and academic training
were inducted into it. The work was new to most of the men, but their
training enabled them to master it rapidly, so much so that they
surprised the higher officials. The corps was organized and trained at
Camp Sherman, and six officers were raised from the ranks. The unit
boasted of having one of the best health records in France; not one
case of venereal disease was discovered in it. The story is told of one
man who, though he could scarcely write his name when he entered the
service, was able, at the time of the Armistice, to take messages at
the rate of twenty-five words a minute.
The distribution of the troops in the Division handicapped the
administration somewhat. Orders were delayed in transmission, and
it was impossible to correlate the activities of the several arms
of the service; nor could the Division assemble for a review. The
first opportunity the different units had of meeting came when they
were ordered to join the American Army in France and met at Hoboken,
June 10, 1918, just before sailing. After an exciting voyage all
the units arrived safely at Brest; and after a short stay at Camp
Pontenazen, the headquarters troops and infantry regiments went on to
Bourbonne-les-Bains, making the four-day trip in crowded French box
cars.
Bourbonne-les-Bains is a beautiful old city, located in Haute-Marne
at the end of a valley encircled by a picturesque chain of hills. The
people were hospitable and welcomed the soldiers into their homes
and places of amusement. While the atmosphere was restful, however,
the task before the Division was eminently serious. Eight weeks of
intensive training were given in the methods of modern warfare, and
terrain exercises and tactical problems worked out. The men perfected
themselves in shooting, in the use of the bayonet and grenades, and in
signal work and trench-digging.
The three artillery regiments, comprising the 167th Field Artillery
Brigade, on reaching France were stationed at different centers for
six weeks of intensive training--the 349th and 350th at Montmorillion
and the 351st at Lathus. Finally the brigade was mobilized at La
Courtine. Here instruction was given in radio, telephone, and motor
operations, dug-out construction, gun emplacement, and range work.
Even after they reached France, there was still doubt in the minds
of some as to whether the Negro men would make artillerymen. A French
officer, however, came to test the barrage made by the 350th Artillery,
and after it had been put over, he jumped up and clapped his hands,
saying that it was the fastest and the most accurate he had ever seen
put over. In all the training area of the 92nd Division unusually fine
relations existed between the soldiers and the French people.
INFANTRY ENGAGEMENTS
From Bourbonne-les-Bains the infantry regiments and headquarters
troops were moved to Bruyères, and it was here that they heard for
the first time the roar of the big guns. Here also it was that the
Commander-in-Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces, General John
J. Pershing, first visited the division. After spending twelve days in
securing necessary equipment, all moved to St. Die. Here the Americans
were welcomed as deliverers. The Germans had occupied the city for
fourteen days in 1914 and because of their treatment the people had
learned to hate them. The bishop’s house and the church, more than six
hundred years old, were used as headquarters.
Because of the nature of the terrain the St. Die sector was usually
quiet and for this reason it was used for schooling divisions of
recruits, who often got here their baptism of fire before leaving.
There was a little bathing pool in “No Man’s Land,” and it was said
that at certain times, by agreement between the Germans and the French,
each had access to it without being fired upon. The 6th Division of
the American Army, however, which occupied the sector before it was
given over to the 92nd, fired on every German that ventured forth. When
the French said that such action would precipitate offensive tactics,
the Americans insisted that this was their purpose. The 92nd Division
accordingly found the enemy active when it entered the sector. While
there was no major offensive, raiding parties from both sides were
frequent and patrol duty was very necessary.
The St. Die sector will always be remembered by the men of the
92nd Division because it was there that they received their first
casualties. The first man killed was Private Moses Justice, Company H,
365th Infantry. He had worked as a farmer and enlisted from Marietta,
Ohio. While on patrol duty September 2, 1918, Second Lieut. Thomas J.
Bullock, Company D, 367th Infantry, was killed, the first officer in
the division to fall. In this sector the Negro soldiers remained until
September 21, 1918, when they were ordered to the Meuse-Argonne region,
the 81st Division, known as the “Wildcats,” relieving the 92nd when it
entrained.
Between September 21 and 23 the 92nd Division was carried from the St.
Die sector to the Argonne region, and by September 24 various units
had been assigned a place in the big drive scheduled for the 25th.
Headquarters were at Beauchamps Farm and Triacourt, and the division
was attached to the First Army Corps.
On September 23 the 368th Infantry was assigned to the 38th French
Army Corps, commanded by General Durand. It was given a position
on the right bank of the Aisne, north of Vienne-Le-Château and La
Harozee and 500 meters west of Binarville. The Second Battalion of the
regiment, which was in the front line, on September 26 “reconnoitered
the enemy trench position opposite it and progressed at a slow pace,
because of the abundance of wire, until the right half had made an
advance of three kilometers, where it met with strong opposition of
machine-gun nests.” The Third Battalion, according to plan, supported
the advance of the second. On September 27 both were ordered to attack,
the objective being the Trench du Dromadaire. The Second Battalion
progressed two kilometers against machine-gun fire and the third
reached the enemy trench line. On September 28 the objective of the two
battalions remained unchanged.
As these two battalions advanced and were subjected to heavy
machine-gun fire and enemy artillery barrage, the major commanding the
second was relieved of duty because of physical exhaustion. The Third
Battalion was within two hundred meters of its objective when, under
heavy fire, a portion of the line of an advance company broke and
withdrew to the rear. This company was reorganized and the attack was
resumed, but again the line broke. In spite of the action of some of
their comrades, however, Capt. R. A. Williams and First Lieut. T. M.
Dent held their position with the part of the company with them until
the following day, when they were relieved by the 9th Cuirassiers, a
French regiment.
As to the withdrawals, it was stated by company officers that “some
one, identity unknown, ordered a retreat.” Secretary Baker’s report
on this affair said that “there is strongly supported evidence that
orders from some quarters were carried forward by runners directing
the withdrawal, although orders had been given ... that no withdrawal
order, not in writing and signed by the battalion commander, should
be obeyed. The investigation showed that no such written order had
been issued.” The First Battalion, which had been in reserve, was
placed in the front line to renew the attack. It joined the French in
the advance on Binarville and progressed until the leading company
reached and passed by 200 meters the objective that had been given
the regiment. The advance covered four and a half kilometers and 11
prisoners and 5 machine-guns were captured. The total casualties,
including killed, wounded, and gassed, were 9 officers and 269 enlisted
men. The commanding officer’s report of this engagement said that there
was insufficient use of the infantry rifle. Although machine-guns and
Stokes mortars were with each battalion ready and seeking opportunity
for action, the character of the terrain prevented their use. This
sector, which had been held alternately by the French and Germans
during the war, consisted of a rolling country, cut up by ravines and
covered with the debris of the Argonne Forest, blasted by four years of
shell fire; and it was interlaced by solid wire defences of all kinds.
Col. F. R. Brown, who was in command during the engagement, said of
the regiment: “It deserves commendation for successfully performing
its original mission of liaison between the 38th (French) Corps and
the 77th Division (U. S.). It deserves commendation as a whole for
successfully advancing as rapidly as did the French units on our left,
in spite of the many difficulties encountered.”
As a result of the withdrawals of the Third Battalion of the 368th
Infantry during the Argonne engagement, rumors spread in both France
and America that the 92nd Division had been charged with “cowardice
before the enemy.” So great was the confidence of the Negro people in
the bravery of their soldiers, based upon the deeds of a glorious past,
that such rumors seemed almost unbelievable; and when the men in other
regiments of the division heard the reports, many of them begged for an
opportunity to go to the front. The final report of the Secretary of
War, however, somewhat allayed the rumors. He said: “The circumstances
disclosed by a detailed study of the situation do not justify many of
the highly colored accounts which have been given of the behavior of
the troops in this action, and they afford no basis at all for any of
the general assumptions with regard to the action of colored troops
in this battle or elsewhere in France. On the contrary, it is to be
noted that many colored officers, and particularly three in the very
battalion here under discussion, were decorated with Distinguished
Service Crosses for extraordinary heroism under fire.”
The Division remained in the Argonne until October 5, 1918, when it was
ordered to the Marbache sector, where it remained until the signing of
the Armistice. It was in this sector that the best fighting was done.
During the quiet days between October 5 and November 8, considerable
patrol work was carried on. Some of the enemy soldiers were killed and
others captured, and a number of 92nd soldiers met a similar fate.
Active operations began November 8, the 183rd Infantry Brigade holding
the portion of the Allied line east of the Moselle River, extending
from Pont-à-Mousson to Marbache. On the morning of November 10 an
attack was executed on Bois Frehaut by the Second Battalion of the
365th Regiment, commanded by Major Warner A. Ross. A similar attack was
made on Bois Voivrotte by two platoons of the Second Battalion of the
366th Infantry, commanded by Major A. E. Sawkins. Each battalion was
supported by its machine-gun company and had the co-operation of the
divisional artillery. Trench mortars and 37 M. M. guns were to support
the attack, the object being to capture and hold the above named places
and advance the line of observation in the sector. On the afternoon
of November 9 the Second Battalion of the 365th Infantry was placed
in Pont-à-Mousson and the Second Battalion of the 366th in Forêt de
Facq in preparation for the attack which was to be made at 5 a. m. on
November 10. The hour was changed from 5 to 7 in order that the 92nd
Division might co-operate with the Second American Army, which was
to launch its drive at that time. By 8.12 a. m. the Second Battalion
of the 366th had completely occupied Bois Voivrotte and taken three
prisoners, and by 11.45 the Second Battalion of the 365th completely
occupied Bois Frehaut, although it had been heavily shelled with gas
and high explosives. After the first objectives had been successfully
reached, reinforcements were brought forward and a new attack launched
on the strong enemy positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte, and Bois
Cheminot at 5 a. m. on November 11. The troops making the attack were
met by the strong artillery, machine-gun and infantry fire of the
enemy. However, by 7.30 they had reached the outskirts of Bouxières and
Bois Cheminot. Then a telephone message from headquarters, ordering all
hostilities to cease, stopped the advance of the 92nd Division, which
was sweeping the enemy before it. The opposing units engaged between
the Moselle and Seille rivers were the 86th and 30th Regiments of
infantry, the 31st Landwehr Brigade, and the 47th Infantry Regiment.
They were supported by one battalion of sharpshooters. East of the
Seille River were the 70th Infantry Regiment and the 6th Grenadiers.
In the report of the commanding general of the 183rd Infantry Brigade
on the offensive operations in this sector in the last engagement
during the Great War, Brig. Gen. Malvern Hill Barnum made the following
summary and conclusion:
“The advance of the brigade in this battle, most of which was made
on the east banks of the Moselle River was 3½ kilometers. It was
against heavy artillery and machine-gun fire and high concentration
of gas. In order to drive the enemy from their strongly fortified
positions all forms of auxiliary arms, such as machine-guns, Stokes
mortars, 37 M. M. guns, and rifle grenades, were effectively used
against them. The divisional artillery supported this attack with
a rolling barrage, which was well laid. It also placed a heavy
concentration fire on German machine-gun nests, completely routing the
enemy.
“A great part of this attack was executed over an open, sloping
terrain, heavily wired, which was completely controlled by German
artillery. The Bois Frehaut and Bois Voivrotte were woods protected
with heavy German wire and were filled with machine-gun nests, trench
mortars, light artillery, and infantry. The enemy was driven from
his strongholds with a loss of six prisoners and approximately the
following material: 1000 grenades, all types; 5000 rounds ammunition;
25 boxes M. G. ammunition, in belts; 50 rifles and bayonets; 10 pairs
field glasses; 4 machine-guns; 6 carrier pigeons; 1 signal lamp and
battery; 2 Very pistols; 3 carbide lamps; 100 helmets. Many overcoats,
boots, canteens, belts, and other articles of equipment were left by
the fleeing enemy.
“In this advance the brigade suffered the following casualties in the
365th and 366th Infantry and the 350th Machine-Gun Battalion: killed,
32; wounded, 119; gassed, 285; missing, 8; total, 444.”
This attack, on the last two days of the war, was made in a sector
that had been organized for four years. It was in front of the great
fortress of Metz and was occupied by young, efficient soldiers of the
most famous military power in the world. Yet against this opposition
the inexperienced Negro troops took complete possession of “No Man’s
Land,” constantly remaining on the offensive until the enemy had been
pushed back three and a half kilometers.
The Congressional Record of February 28, 1919, contains the following
statement concerning the First Battalion of the 367th Infantry of the
92nd Division: “The entire first battalion of the three hundred and
sixty-seventh (Buffaloes) Infantry was cited for bravery, and awarded
the Croix de Guerre, thus entitling every officer and man in the
battalion to wear this distinguished French decoration. This citation
was made by the French Commission because of the splendid service and
bravery shown by this battalion in the last engagement of the war.”
The writer has been unable to find a copy of the citation in the War
Department records; but because it did appear in the Congressional
Record as indicated and also given publicity in the newspapers of the
country, it is included in the story of the 92nd Division.
ARTILLERY
The various other units in the Division contributed their share toward
developing the efficiency which it attained. The 167th Field Artillery
Brigade surprised not only old Army officers but Americans generally by
the ability of the men to absorb training, which was fully demonstrated
when they forced the enemy to retire from strong fortifications held
for four years. It had been thought that it would be difficult, if not
impossible, to find Negro men with adaptability for this work; yet
sometimes it developed that non-commissioned officers were better at
taking messages than their instructors. The most surprising thing about
the Negro gunner was the rapidity with which he was able to fire. One
gun crew in the 349th Artillery fired four rounds in 6⅖ seconds with
the French 75’s, while another crew was making four shots in 7½
seconds. A striking example of the efficiency of the artillery was the
manner in which it laid down a barrage at Pregny for a unit of the 78th
Division and its own division without endangering the lives of the men
in the infantry.
It was during the last days of the war, from November 4 to 11, in the
fighting around Bois Frehaut, Bois de la Voivrotte, Cheminot, Pagny,
and Bois de la Côte, that Negro artillerymen did their most effective
work. At daybreak on November 4 the 349th laid down a rolling barrage
to cover the advance on Cheminot of a patrol of the 365th Infantry.
This was followed by a box barrage continuing nearly an hour, during
which time 1062 shells were fired. On November 6 the regiment was again
called upon for a rolling barrage through Bois Frehaut and a combing
fire in Bois Voivrotte, to be followed by a standing barrage in front
of Champey and Bouxières. Two hundred and fifty rounds were fired
in the combing fire, and 2033 in the rolling and box barrages. The
accuracy of the Negro artillerymen reduced the resistance of the enemy
and enabled the 92nd Division infantry to reach its objectives without
great loss. The action in co-operation with the infantry was carefully
watched by officials, who commended the brigade on “the good execution
of the Rolling and Standing Barrage” and also said that the good
work was being favorably commented on by those “higher up.” Because
of the qualities displayed by both officers and men in this sector,
General John H. Sherburne, who commanded the 167th Field Artillery
Brigade, commended them in orders on November 18, 1918, saying, “You
have been zealous soldiers and skillful artillerymen.... By day and
night, often under the hail of shrapnel, often through clouds of deadly
gas, you have marched and fought, dragged your guns sometimes by hand
into line, kept up your lines of communication and brought up your
supplies, always with a cheerfulness that earned you the admiration
of all.” Colonel Wade H. Carpenter, of the 351st Field Artillery,
was a West Point graduate and a South Carolinian by birth. Although
he too had been doubtful of success at first, in the end he was no
less enthusiastic about the achievements of his regiment. Under date
December 27, 1918, he said to his command: “When you landed in France
you were acclaimed as comrades in arms, brothers in a great cause.
In the days that have passed no man, no little child, has had cause
to regret that first glorious welcome. Surrounded by new and unusual
conditions, beset by subtle temptations, you have kept your hearts high
and, with purpose fixed on the high ideal of service, you have put away
those things that did not contribute strength for the task at hand. You
have been men.... Through rain and in tents or in cold billets you have
cheerfully pushed on to fit yourself for the final test and at length
you came to the front lines. There, under fire, by day and by night
you served the pieces, sending back gas for gas and shell for shell,
two for one. The orders reached the guns because you maintained the
connections; the ammunition was there because neither the elements nor
enemy stopped you. This mission has been accomplished and you have been
what America expects her sons to be--brave soldiers.”
In the proposed drive against Metz, which was to have been the greatest
battle of the entire war, the 167th Field Artillery Brigade had been
selected to support the Second Army, of which the 92nd Division was a
part. Such confidence on the part of the Commander-in-Chief of the A.
E. F. clearly shows that the Negro artilleryman had proved beyond doubt
his ability to become proficient in this branch of service.
This brigade was able to accomplish what it did because the men were
eager to learn and easily disciplined. No task was too dangerous or
too difficult for them. They kept their lines of communication intact
under all conditions. The six colored officers who were graduated at
Fort Sill and who remained with the brigade throughout the campaign
in France, greatly contributed to the morale and did excellent work
in handling and instructing the men. The Negro non-commissioned
officers were also an important factor. They took advantage of their
opportunities and made a record in the school at La Courtine that
was not surpassed in excellence by any group from other artillery
organizations. The officers and enlisted men in this brigade were
pioneers in a field where success was uncertain, but they brought
faithfulness and patriotic fervor to their task, and their record is
one that should encourage and inspire all Negro people.
317TH ENGINEER REGIMENT
The 317th Engineer Regiment was formally organized at Camp Sherman on
November 4, 1917, as the sapper engineer regiment of the 92nd Division.
Two thousand draftees were turned over to this regiment from the
158th Depot Brigade. After careful examination 1490 of these men were
inducted into the regiment. This group included a large number of men
who had knowledge of the building trades and also students from well
known industrial schools.
After it was decided to organize an engineer regiment in the 92nd
Division, considerable discussion arose in the War Department over the
question of officers to command it. Negro officers who had graduated
at the training school for infantry in Des Moines were suggested, but
engineer officials opposed this plan because these men had had no
special training for the work. Letters in the War Department files
pointed out that from 15,000 applicants to serve in this branch of
the service only one Negro, a graduate of Harvard University, had
qualified. Although it had been found expedient to have trained
engineers as officers in engineer labor battalions, thirty Negro
infantry officers with no engineering experience were assigned to the
317th Engineers. White captains were also assigned to the regiment,
but were soon transferred and sent to France. During the winter of
1917-18 a War Department inspector investigated the organization and
reported that the Negro officers did not have sufficient knowledge
and experience to train the regiment, and he recommended that they be
replaced by white officers with engineer training. In March, 1918,
accordingly white captains replaced the Negro captains, but the Negro
lieutenants were retained.
In spite of the unrest caused in the regiment by the change in the
personnel of the officers, the training continued. On June 1 the
regiment left Camp Sherman for Hoboken, whence it sailed on June 8,
reaching Brest on the 19th. Thence it was sent to the Pontenazen
barracks, which consisted of stone buildings erected by Napoleon
Bonaparte on the site of an old Roman camp. Heavy working details,
comprising 85 per cent of the regiment’s strength, loaded baggage and
constructed roads and barracks. On June 25 the regiment left for the
Bourbonne-les-Bains area, arriving on the night of June 27. Here it was
given intensive training for four weeks, and in the area it constructed
mess halls, bath houses, warehouses, stables, and railroad yards.
Additional equipment arrived August 2, ten days before the regiment
moved into a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains for intensive
training around Ponseux and Archettes, and on August 20 there was
further removal to the St. Die sector previously occupied by the 7th
Engineers of the 5th Division. Just before this division left for
St. Mihiel, it conducted several local attacks down the Fave Valley
and around Frappelle, which were finally captured. When then the
317th Engineers began the work of organizing and consolidating the
positions left by the 5th Division, they found the enemy active. They
constructed dug-outs, repaired trenches, often under shell fire, and
mined bridges if these were in danger of being captured by the enemy.
They also worked at logging and sawmill operations in order to supply
French institutions as well as the fighting regiments at the front with
firewood. Especially courageous was the work of twenty-five enlisted
men engaged in gas-proofing dug-outs. They worked three days and nights
under heavy bombardment where mustard gas and phosgene were used by
the enemy, but they continued their labors until all the dug-outs were
protected.
On September 24, 1918, the regiment moved into the Argonne between Les
Islettes and Clermont, and was assigned to the First Army Corps. The
objective of the First Army was to close the Grand Pré gap and flank
the armies operating against the French and British. The bombardment
for this attack lasted three hours and it was estimated that 100,000
shells were fired. The American artillery averaged a gun every eight
meters. After the bombardment changed to a rolling barrage, the men of
the 77th, 28th, 35th, 79th, 4th, 80th, and 33rd Divisions went over
the top in the greatest attack ever made by United States forces. In
this attack one battalion of the 317th Engineers opened the road from
Neuvilly to Bourielles, cutting it through to “No Man’s Land” on the
night of September 26. The 111th Engineers assisted in this work. The
Second Battalion opened the road from Croix de Pierre and Pierre
Croisée, while the Third opened the valley road from La Claon to La
Harze. In many places these roads had been completely obliterated by
the heavy artillery fire. The engineers had to relocate them, often at
night, and rebuild them through swamps out of logs and planks in order
that the wounded might be carried to the rear and ammunition carts
reach the front. Sometimes they used rocks and timbers taken from mined
enemy trenches and burned buildings. They built light- and heavy-gauge
railroads for hauling shells to new artillery positions on the front,
and heavy-gauge railroads in the back areas, especially in the vicinity
of Grand Pré. Throughout this offensive from September 26 to November
11 the 317th Engineers spent most of the time building roads and
supplying the fighting units at the front with the necessary materials.
The men often worked day and night under shell fire, but they labored
cheerfully and successfully.
Orders, letters, and memoranda bear testimony to their achievement.
The chief engineer of the First Army, Colonel G. R. Spaulding, in
expressing his appreciation of what had been done by the troops aiding
in the construction of railroads in the First Army area, wrote on
November 10, 1918: “Especial credit is given to the 317th Engineers
which were very instrumental in the rehabilitation of the lines in the
Fôret d’Argonne and on the line from St. Juvin to the north.” General
Pershing wrote to Lt. Col. J. Edward Cassidy on April 7, 1919, thanking
him for his services and saying, “With the 317th Engineers on the
front you gave us valuable service.” Lt. Colonel Cassidy himself in
his order to the regiment on February 3, 1919, commended it for being
true in the fullest sense to the trust reposed in it by the American
people and for doing work of a high and efficient order. Said he: “For
more than a hundred years the Corps of Engineers has maintained a proud
record of achievement, whether in peace or war, from the blazing sun
of the tropics to the eternal ice and snow of the Arctic regions, and
it is a pleasure to the commanding officer to be able to say that your
work has been in accordance with the best traditions of the Engineer
Service.”
The 317th Engineers “played the game” without fear and without
grumbling in the St. Die sector and in the Argonne-Meuse offensive.
For nearly three months the regiment did front line work, first as a
part of the 33rd Corps of the 7th French Army in the Vosges Mountains
at Frapelle, Lafontanelle, Lesseux, and other points in the St. Die
sector, and later as a corps regiment of the First American Army, at
Neuvilly, Bourielles, Cheppy, Varennes, Four de Paris, Abri de Crochet,
La Besogne, Lançon, Grand Pré, St. Juvin, Briquenay, St. Georges, and
Le Mort Homme in the Argonne region, and at Buzancy in the Ardennes.
For this work it was generously commended by the officials in the
American Army and it deserved the sincere gratitude of all the American
people.
92ND DIVISIONAL TRAINS
The 317th Motor Supply Train was composed of 18 officers and 475
enlisted men. At first it operated 35 trucks in the divisional area
in France, but the demand soon increased this number to 49. When there
was a scarcity of supplies the soldiers in the outfit were often
required to work both day and night and even then they were not always
able to meet the demands made upon them. In the 317th Military Police
there were 9 officers and 200 enlisted men. This group was trained at
Camp Funston and did police duty both there and in France. The 317th
Ammunition Train consisted of 38 officers and 1175 men. It included the
motor battalion, the horse battalion, ordnance, and medical detachment
headquarters. Both trucks and wagons were used and often the men helped
to move the artillery guns under fire. On one occasion the 367th
Infantry, which was under fire, gave an order for ammunition at 3 a. m.
This was obtained by the 317th Ammunition Train 37 kilometers away and
delivered under fire at 7 a. m. This unit was commanded by Major M. T.
Dean, one of the three Negroes in the 92nd Division who rose to that
rank during the war.
The 317th Sanitary Train included the field hospitals and also the
ambulance companies of the 365th, 366th, 367th, and 368th Infantry
Regiments. These units were formed at Camp Funston on November 9, 1917,
with a personnel of 57 officers and 700 men, which last number was
later increased to 860. All of the men were trained litter-bearers.
There were also in the organization mechanics, cooks, horse-shoers,
and first class privates. During the winter of 1917-18 epidemics of
meningitis, measles, parotitis, and influenza affected the command, but
no deaths occurred at Camp Funston; and meanwhile there were weekly
inspections to safeguard the health of the men. The units entrained for
overseas June 7, 1917, remained eight days at Camp Upton, and reached
Brest on June 25. It was quartered at the Pontenazen barracks until
July 2, when it left for the training area at Bourbonne-les-Bains. On
August 13 the advanced training area was reached, and the unit received
a week of intensive training before it departed for the St. Die sector.
Here field hospitals were established and functioned by the 365th at
Raon l’Étape and by the 366th at St. Die, and the 367th established
dressing stations at Sells, Virge, and Clarice. The organization was
moved from the St. Die sector to Givry, Argonne, on September 25, and
there it was a part of the First Army for five days. Passing through
Passovant, Jailon, and Marbache enroute to Millery, the 366th and
368th established field hospitals, and the ambulance companies of the
365th, 367th, and 368th established dressing stations. From Millery the
Sanitary Train went to Mayenne, where it remained until January 28. Le
Mans was reached on February 4, 1919, and Brest on February 6, from
which port the unit sailed on the “Olympic” on February 18, reaching
New York on the 24th.
That the efficiency of the Sanitary Train of the 92nd was observed
and appreciated may be seen from a communication from Colonel C. R.
Reynolds, of the Medical Corps of the Second Army of the A. E. F.,
to the Division Surgeon under date November 15, 1918. Said he: “I
desire to express my admiration and appreciation of the splendid
hospital organized and administered by the Medical Department of the
92nd Division at Millery. Your department has received most favorable
comments by the Army Commander ... and all medical officers who have
visited the institution. The transportation and hospitalization of the
battle casualties and respiratory diseases have been accomplished in
accordance with the principles of military surgery and preventative
medicine, which reflects the intelligence and training on the part of
the officers, nurses, and enlisted men of the Medical Department of the
92nd Division, in which pride may be justly felt.”
That the work of the 317th Sanitary Train was successful was due in
some measure to the fact that the officers and men were encouraged
and inspired by those with whom they came in contact. There was one
promotion to the rank of major, that of Capt. Joseph H. Ward, and
sixteen lieutenants were promoted to captaincies. Major Ward was
commissioned by cablegram on September 24, 1918. At first he was
assigned to the 325th Signal Corps, but he also served as a surgeon in
Base Hospital 49, where he had been a patient. During his convalescence
he was asked to help dress wounds, and later he was given fifty cases
to attend to in a tent; being finally transferred to a ward as surgeon,
he had here his regular turn on operating day, and he was shown every
courtesy and given every privilege. For their specific duties it is
reasonable to suppose that as a group the medical men were better
prepared than many of the other officers.
* * * * *
The history of the 92nd Division will always be of interest to the
American Negro because it gave him his first opportunity to serve in
a great military organization where Negro officers led Negro troops.
The old idea that Negro soldiers would not respect Negro officers was
proved untrue. When the war suddenly came to an end, however, both
officers and men turned their faces homeward having uppermost in their
minds some of the policies to which they had been subjected at times
in the Army itself and in the welfare organizations. The commanding
officer, Major General Charles C. Ballou, whom the officers and the
Negro people in general had desired for the post after Colonel Charles
Young was declared ineligible, was severely criticised. Undoubtedly he
wanted the Division to succeed, but some of the methods that he used
and that he allowed his staff officers to use had a most demoralizing
effect on both officers and men. Even in the face of all the charges,
however, it must be said to his credit that both officers and men
were subjected to less humiliation and suffering when he was with
the division than they were after he left it, between the signing of
the Armistice and the departure for America. The attitude of some of
the white officers also helped. Brigadier General Malvern H. Barnum,
commanding the 183rd Brigade; General John H. Sherburne, commanding
the 167th Artillery Brigade; Colonel Vernon A. Caldwell, commanding
the 365th Regiment; Colonel James A. Moss, who at one time advised the
officers not to insist upon respect, yet worked for the interest of
the 367th in France; Majors Warner A. Ross and John C. Sheffield of the
365th; Major Appleton of the 367th, and Major Alfred E. Sawkins of the
366th, are especially named as having worked for the success of the
division. Of Major Sawkins it is said that whatever fare his officers
had he shared with them, that he worked for the interest of both
officers and men at all times, and that the spirit of his men when they
went into battle was always high. They suffered the greatest casualties
of any battalion and won nearly half the Distinguished Service medals
which were won in the 92nd Division.
In the last analysis the verdict in regard to the 92nd Division rests
upon its achievement. Said an operation memorandum issued on November
7, 1918, from division headquarters:
1. When the Marbache sector was taken over by the 92nd Division
the Germans owned “No man’s land” and were aggressive. They held:
Belie Air Farm, Bois de Tête d’Or, Bois de Frehaut, Voivrotte Farm,
Voivrotte Woods, Bois de Cheminot, Moulon Brook.
2. The constant aggressive action of our patrols, night and day, has
resulted in many casualties to the enemy, and the capture of many
prisoners.
3. Each of the places named above has been raided, as has Epley also,
and patrols have penetrated north nearly to the east and west line
through Pagny. The enemy has been driven northward beyond Frehaut and
Voivrotte woods, and eastward from Cheninit woods across the Seilée,
destroying the Cheminot bridge, flooding the Seilée, and attempting to
destroy the Seilée bridge--evidence of the fact that he regards the
92d Division as an uncomfortable neighbor, and intends to avoid close
relations in future.
4. West of the river excellent results have followed energetic
offensive action. The enemy has suffered losses in killed, wounded,
and prisoners during the occupancy of this part of the sector.
The memorandum issued November 18, 1918, at the Division Headquarters
by Major General Ballou sums up his own estimate of the work he was
able to accomplish, as follows:
Five months ago to-day the 92d Division landed in France.
After seven weeks of training it took over a sector in the front line,
and since that time some portion of the Division has been practically
continuously under fire.
It participated in the last battle of the war with creditable
success, continually pressing the attack against highly organized
defensive works. It advanced successfully on the first day of the
battle, attaining its objectives and capturing prisoners, this in
face of determined opposition by an alert enemy, and against rifle,
machine-gun, and artillery fire. The issue of the second day’s battle
was rendered indecisive by the order to cease firing at 11 A.
M., when the Armistice became effective.
The Division commander, in taking leave of what he considers himself
justly entitled to regard as _his_ Division, feels that he
has accomplished his mission. His work is done and will endure.
The results have not always been brilliant, and many times were
discouraging, yet a well organized, well disciplined, and well trained
colored division has been created and commanded by him to include the
last shot of the great world war.
May the future conduct of every officer and man be such as to reflect
credit upon the Division and upon the colored race.
Just before the 92nd Division left France it passed in review before
General Pershing at Le Mans and on this occasion he spoke as follows:
“Officers and men of the 92nd Division, I wish to express to you my
appreciation for your co-operation during your stay on the A. E. F.
This Division is one of the best in the A. E. F., and the conduct of
the officers and men has not been surpassed in any other. The officers
are on the average with the officers of the A. E. F. Owing to the late
arrival of the Division in France, it was not able to take as active
part as was contemplated, but it had been planned to have the Division
in the action on the east bank of the Moselle, which would have taken
place two or three days preceding the Armistice, but the Armistice
prevented. I had no fear of the Division not making a showing for I
know what colored troops can do, having served with them in Cuba, the
Philippines, and in Mexico.”
Even in the work that was done, however, there were outstanding
individual heroes. While the 368th Infantry was in the Argonne, it
became necessary to send a runner with a message to the left flank of
the American firing-line. The way was across an open field swept by
heavy machine-gun fire. Volunteers were called for, and Private Edward
Saunders of Company I responded. Before he had gone far a shell cut
him down. As he fell he cried to his comrades, “Some one come and get
this message; I am wounded.” Lieut. Robert L. Campbell of the same
company sprang forward. He dashed across the shell-swept area, picked
up the wounded man, and with the Germans fairly hailing bullets around
him, carried his comrade back to the American lines. For their valor
both men were cited for the Distinguished Service Cross and Lieutenant
Campbell was recommended for a captaincy. On another occasion this
same officer was with a few soldiers who were armed only with their
rifles, trench knives, and hand grenades picked up from small holes
along the way, and who were moving over a road in the Château-Thierry
sector. Suddenly their course was crossed by the firing of a German
machine-gun. They tried to locate it by the direction of the bullets,
but could not. To their right, a little ahead, lay a space covered with
thick underbrush; just back of it was an open field. Lieut. Campbell,
who knew by the direction of the bullets that the Germans had not seen
his party, ordered one of the men, with a rope which they happened
to have, to crawl to the thick underbrush, there to tie the rope to
several stems of the brush; then to withdraw as far as possible and
pull the rope, thus making the brush shake as though men were crawling
through it. The purpose was to draw direct fire from the machine-gun
and thus to locate its position. The ruse worked. Lieutenant Campbell
then ordered three of his men to steal out and flank the machine-gun on
one side, while he and the others moved up and flanked it on the other
side. The brush was shaken more violently by the rope, and the Germans,
with their eyes fixed upon it, poured a hail of bullets into it. Then
at a given signal the flanking party dashed up, and they killed four of
the Germans and captured the remaining three, also the machine-gun.
For such exploits Lieut. Campbell was held up to his organization
by the commanding general as an example of the soldier who combined
courage and initiative.
Lieut. Charles G. Young, of the 368th, while in command of a scout
platoon near Dinarville, September 27-28, 1918, was twice severely
wounded by shell fire, but refused attention and remained with his men,
helping to dress their wounds and to evacuate his own wounded during
the entire night, and holding firmly his exposed position covering
the right flank of his battalion. Private Bernard Lewis, also of the
368th, during an attack on Binarville September 30, volunteered to go
down the road that led to the village to rescue a wounded soldier of
his company. He was compelled to go under heavy machine-gun and shell
fire, but in total disregard of personal danger he brought his comrade
safely back to his lines. Private Robert M. Breckenridge, an automatic
rifleman, of Company B, 365th Infantry, at Ferne de Belwir on October
29, although severely wounded in the leg, continued in action, crawled
forward for a distance of a hundred yards, and assisted in preventing
any enemy party from taking a position on the company’s flank. In
spite of his wound, he continued to use his weapon with great courage
and skill until he was killed by machine-gun fire. Corporal Russell
Pollard, of Company H of the 365th, during the assault on Bois Frehaut
on November 10, skilfully conducted his squad until his rifle was
broken. He then used his wire-cutter with speed and skill under heavy
fire, and although wounded in his right arm, he continued to cut the
wire with his left, assisting his men in getting through, until for
the second time he was ordered to the dressing-station by his company
commander. Lieut. Thomas Edward Jones, of the Medical Corps of the
368th, went into an open area swept by fire to care for a wounded
soldier who was being carried by another officer. While he was dressing
the wounded runner, a bullet passed through his arm and his chest and
a man was killed within a few yards of him. Corporal Van Horton, of
Company E of the 366th, displayed extraordinary heroism near Lesseux on
September 4. “During a hostile attack, preceded by a heavy minenwerfer
barrage, the combat group to which this courageous soldier belonged was
attacked by about twenty of the enemy, using liquid fire. The sergeant
in charge of the group and four other men having been killed, Corporal
Horton fearlessly rushed to receive the attack, and the persistency
with which he fought resulted in stopping the attack and driving back
the enemy.”
These instances are only typical of those who were outstanding for
bravery and who were cited for honors. Thus these stalwart soldiers and
others like them upheld the record that the Negro had previously made
in the wars in which his country had engaged.
SECRETARY BAKER AND GENERAL PERSHING
In all the exploits and achievements of Negro soldiers in the World
War, and the difficulties that they encountered in their display of
loyalty, it is not to be forgotten that there were true friends who
were interested in them and who believed that each one should be
given a man’s chance. One explanation of how it was that they were
able to “carry on” even under the most adverse conditions was that
they believed that the men guiding the destinies of the American arms
were fair, broad-minded men who would not countenance petty things.
Wherever Negro soldiers were visited they always seemed to feel that
Secretary Baker and General Pershing wanted them to have a square deal,
and that if these officials really knew of unsatisfactory conditions
they would endeavor to correct them immediately. Secretary Baker on
numerous occasions showed that he was actuated by a genuine belief in
democracy. This led him to examine into the conditions under which
Negro soldiers worked, trained, and fought, and also to consider their
possibilities of rendering the country the greatest possible service.
When objections were made to sending Negro soldiers to certain camps
for fear of trouble because of the Houston riot which occurred in 1917
just as plans were being formulated to call thousands of Negroes in the
first draft, and when on other occasions pressure was strong, he never
ceased to feel that avenues open to other soldiers should be open in
like manner to Negroes. Against strong and determined opposition he
saw that training as officers was given, and when the future of the
first training camp was uncertain, it was Secretary Baker who assured
the men that he was depending on them and expected them to reach the
standards set by men in other camps. While, as he said, he was not
trying to solve the race problem, he did put forth great effort to
eliminate those things which tended to break down morale; and it is
only necessary to recall such a camp as Hill at Newport News, Virginia,
in the winter of 1917-18 to realize how War Department pressure was
exerted to remedy bad conditions.
Some of the outstanding features of Secretary Baker’s policy with
reference to Negro soldiers may be summarized as follows, and the
statements given below embody his plans as stated before justice was
sometimes thwarted:
1. That Negro soldiers should be organized and trained on the same
basis as all other soldiers.
2. That Negro men should be given the opportunity to train as officers,
and that those who met the qualifications should be appointed for
service just as others who qualified.
3. That a Negro man should be appointed as one of the assistants to the
Secretary.
4. That Negro men should receive every possible aid in making a
thoroughgoing study of conditions in both American and French camps.
5. That wherever injustice came to the attention of the Secretary
immediate attention should be given to the matter and effort made to
correct it.
General Pershing’s service with the Negro units in the regular army
and his recommendation of Major Charles Young of the Tenth Cavalry to
the Adjutant General of the Army from Headquarters Punitive Expedition
U. S. Army, Colonia Dublan, Mexico, August 21, 1916, along with other
officers “who had shown very high efficiency throughout the campaign,”
and his tributes to the soldierly qualities of Negroes on several
occasions, gave Negroes in America the idea that he stood for a square
deal and would give honor to whom honor was due. When agitation arose
over the use of Negro soldiers in the war, General Pershing let it be
known that he desired Negro troops in France. When one of the Allies
made strong objections to the attachment of any battalions of Negro
infantry for training with their forces, and General Pershing was asked
for his views by the War Department, he said: “In event Department
still desires early to despatch 92nd Division, I adhere to former
recommendations that Division be included among those to be employed
temporarily with ----. I have informed ---- ---- that these soldiers
are American citizens and that I can not discriminate against them in
event War Department desires to send them to France.”
When stories were circulated among Negro people to the effect that
Negroes were being wrongly treated, and subjected to most dangerous
positions to save white troops, and shot by Germans when captured
or left to die if wounded, General Pershing saw that these were
repudiated; and he further said that “the only regret expressed by
colored troops is that they are not given more dangerous work to do. I
can not commend too highly the spirit shown among the colored combat
troops who exhibit fine capacity for quick training and eagerness for
the most dangerous work.” When he visited any section of territory
occupied by Americans, he always showed an interest in the Negro
soldiers; they were impressed and encouraged by his inquiry into the
conditions under which they labored; and his understanding of the hard
life of the stevedores, and his appreciation of their efforts, did much
to make their work less burdensome. The men also felt that in the case
of court martials, if verdicts were reviewed by General Pershing, as
was done in some important cases, absolute justice would be meted out.
When in the midst of the charges and counter-charges relative to the
fitness of Negro officers to lead men General Pershing was questioned
about a few Negro officers who were declared inefficient by a board,
he assured his hearers that because a few officers had been declared
unfit, this was by no means to be construed as an indication of lack of
capacity on the part of the race, because at that time more than 6000
white officers had been returned to the states for unfitness to lead
men and certainly no one considered the white race a failure because
of that fact. Finally we have seen how the General reviewed the 92nd
Division just before it departed for America, commending the officers
and men for their splendid record overseas. He assured them of his
confidence by saying that he had planned to place them before the great
fortress of Metz; and his words did much to soften the bitterness of
feeling and let both officers and men return to their homeland feeling
that after all the commander and chief of the American Expeditionary
Forces had appreciated their part in the great struggle. No one can
tell what greater things might not have been accomplished by Negro
soldiers during the war if the spirit of Secretary Baker and General
Pershing had followed them throughout the service.