SIDELIGHTS ON
NEGRO SOLDIERS
BY
CHARLES H. WILLIAMS
Special Investigator of Conditions among Negro
Soldiers in the World War
With an Introduction by
BENJAMIN BRAWLEY
BOSTON
B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY
1923
COPYRIGHT 1923
BY B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY
First Edition, June, 1923
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
THE AMBROSE PRESS, INC.
Norwood, Massachusetts
Dedicated to the Memory of My Mother and to My Aunt Mrs. Maria Burnside
PREFACE
It is the purpose of this book to tell something of the achievement
of the Negro soldier in the World War and to describe the conditions
under which he lived as these were seen by the writer, who for eighteen
months investigated conditions in America and France under the auspices
of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America and of the
Phelps-Stokes Fund, with the recommendation of the Secretary of War
and the Adjutant General of the United States Army. Most of the
information was secured by visits to the soldiers in the camps, by
interviews with thousands of them, and by personal investigation in the
communities adjacent to the camps, as well as by the study of records
and documents. Camp commanders, officers in charge of Negro troops,
representatives of all the welfare organizations, city officials, and
both Negro and white civilians were consulted in the effort to secure
the facts concerning the fighting record, the work, the conduct, and
the treatment of Negro soldiers in the course of the war.
I am indebted to the Historical Branch of the War Department for
access to its records on the operations of Negro combatant troops, to
the office of the Adjutant General for special information, and to many
friends for suggestions and help in the preparation of the material;
and it is hoped that the book now offered to the public may in some
small way help the American people better to understand not only the
perplexing situation but also the signal achievement of Negro men
working and fighting in behalf of their country and in defence of the
highest ideals of life.
CHARLES H. WILLIAMS.
Hampton Institute,
December 15, 1922.
INTRODUCTION
It gives me great pleasure to write a word of introduction to this
interesting and important book that Mr. Williams has written. The
story of the Negro soldier is one of the romances of American history.
Even in the days of the Revolution and the War of 1812 he played an
honorable part; but it was the Civil War that gave him his first large
opportunity, and at Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, or Fort Pillow he passed
through the baptism of fire, striving that the emancipation of his
people might be guaranteed and the integrity of his country preserved.
We also remember another war, and Santiago and San Juan Hill, and
not only how Negro men went gallantly to the charge but also how the
soldiers in a black regiment faced pestilence and fever that their
white comrades might be saved. Then came Carrizal, strange prelude of
the great conflict to come; and once more, at an unexpected moment, the
soul of the nation was thrilled by the courage of the Tenth Cavalry.
“Theirs not to make reply; theirs but to do and die.” So in the face of
odds they obeyed orders and died beneath the Mexican stars.
The recent World War, however, brought to the Negro people of
the United States an interest and an anxiety surpassed only by the
expectant hope in the days of the Civil War. They had come to the
end of an era, and all the incidents and problems of their life in
America were suddenly brought to the testing. Vast forces beyond their
control were changing the destinies of thousands--in migration, in
economic freedom, and even in spiritual outlook; and unhappy events
at East St. Louis and Houston but made the situation more critical.
They were eager to serve, but at once they came face to face with
questions that concerned the very foundations of their citizenship.
Would the men of the race, or would they not, be permitted to train
and serve as officers? If so, would they be dealt with as a distinct
and separate race, as was the case with no other race in the country,
or simply on the basis of physical and mental fitness? Why, moreover,
on the registration card for the draft should the Negro be singled out
for a special corner? To some people such questions may have seemed
unimportant, but to the Negroes themselves they meant nothing less than
life itself, and they followed the fortunes of their sons and their
husbands accordingly.
In the recent war then, as in no other, the social as well as the
military phases of the life of the soldier assumed a new importance.
Wherever he went, with whomever he came in contact, in America or in
France--in the life of cantonment cities, in his dealing with his
comrades in arms, in his contact with the people of France--the Negro
in uniform met situations that had definite bearing upon his health,
his conduct, and his morale. Frequently these came to the attention
of the War Department, and sometimes also they received prominence in
the public press. Of such sort were the vexatious discussions that
sometimes arose in the Y. M. C. A. and other welfare organizations,
the reports reflecting on the character of Negro men, and the
complaints not only about the actual operation of the draft but also
about the conditions under which the soldiers, especially those in
stevedore units, sometimes lived and worked. Of distinct service to the
country accordingly was the decision of the Federal Council of Churches
of Christ in America, working in co-operation with the Phelps-Stokes
Fund, to appoint two field secretaries, one to study the situation in
so far as it had to do with Negro churches, and the other to study and
report on every phase of the life of the Negro soldier in camps and
cantonment cities, both in the United States and abroad.
For this latter service Mr. Charles H. Williams was chosen. His work
for several years as Physical Director at Hampton Institute had not
only brought him to the very front in his chosen field, but had also
given him special insight into the temperament, the physical prowess,
and the social outlook of Negro men. His special task moreover had not
only the approval but also the co-operation of the Secretary of War
and the Adjutant General of the Army of the United States, and in the
course of his work he spent a total of eighteen months visiting every
place where Negro soldiers were gathered, in both America and France.
His endeavor was as painstaking as his mission was unique.
Something of the result of this first-hand study will be found in
the pages that follow. Mr. Williams, it will be observed, has not
undertaken to write a history of Negro soldiers in the war. Instead
he has given us “Sidelights”; and I think the reader will agree with
me that what is more unpretentious than a history is also of more
interest than many a formal work, and valuable by reason of the
authority with which the author speaks. Before one has finished reading
he will probably be impressed with the fact that the work is indeed not
only a consideration of the Negro soldier but also a vital contribution
to the social history of the Negro people in America. It has been
eagerly awaited by those who knew of the unusual opportunity for study
that Mr. Williams had, and now that it is given to the people of the
country I bespeak for it a generous welcome.
BENJAMIN BRAWLEY.
Cambridge, January 1, 1923.
CONTENTS
I. THE CALL TO THE COLORS 17
II. IN CAMP 24
III. THE NEGRO OFFICER 36
IV. HOPES AND FEARS 68
V. THE LURE OF THE UNIFORM 78
VI. THE “Y” AND OTHER WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS 93
VII. THE STEVEDORE 138
VIII. THE NINETY-SECOND DIVISION 156
IX. THE NINETY-THIRD DIVISION 194
X. HOME-FIRES 241
CREDENTIALS
WAR DEPARTMENT
Washington
February 11th, 1919.
To: Officers Commanding Colored Units from Over Seas Service
From: The Secretary of War.
Subject: Interview.
This will introduce to you Charles H. Williams, who desires to
interview both colored officers and men who have seen over seas
service. I desire that every practical facility be afforded Mr.
Williams in carrying out the work.
Sincerely,
[SIGNED] NEWTON D. BAKER,
Newton D. Baker,
Secretary of War.
WAR DEPARTMENT
THE ADJUTANT GENERAL’S OFFICE
Washington
March 7, 1918.
From: The Adjutant General of the Army.
To: The Commanding Generals of all Army Camps and Cantonments.
Subject: Social and Religious Conditions in Communities Adjacent to
Camps and Cantonments.
This will introduce to you Mr. C. H. Williams, representing the
Federal Council of Churches and the Phelps-Stokes Fund.
Mr. Williams has been appointed to observe social and religious
conditions in communities adjacent to camps and cantonments where
colored troops are stationed.
The Secretary of War desires that every practicable facility be
afforded to Mr. Williams in carrying on his work.
[SIGNED] H. P. McCAIN.
GENERAL HEADQUARTERS
AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES
PROVOST MARSHAL GENERAL’S OFFICE
A. P. O. 706
May 17, 1919.
From: Provost Marshal General, A. E. F.
To: Whom it May Concern.
Subject: Special Travel Permit.
1. Charles H. Williams, Associate Member, ARMY EDUCATIONAL
COMMISSION, Y. M. C. A., holder of Red Worker’s Permit No.
32133, is authorized to travel in:
(a) Any part of France except Alsace-Lorraine.
(b) Any part of the 3rd Army Area.
2. This permit, which is valid until July 17, 1919, will be
returned, upon expiration, to the office of the Provost Marshal
General, A. P. O. 706.
H. H. BANDHOLTZ,
Provost Marshal General.
[SIGNED] JOHN W. NOBLE,
for
By: JAMES T. LOREE,
Executive Officer.
[OFFICIAL SEAL]
CHAPTER I
THE CALL TO THE COLORS
Little did the American Negro think, as he struggled with his own
problems in the early days of the World War, that he would be called
upon to aid his fellowmen three thousand miles away. He looked with
interest upon the conflict in Europe, his adventurous spirit was
quickened by the accounts of heroism and sacrifice, and he could but
marvel at German efficiency as he watched the great war machine crush
its way through Belgium. As the German armies marched across the fields
of France, however, leaving suffering and sorrow in their wake, the
Negro found his sympathy going out to the French people; and when it
became evident that America also would be drawn into the fighting, like
the other citizens of the country he girded himself for the contest.
When war was declared on April 6, 1917, the American army numbered
75,000 officers and men, only a nucleus for the stupendous task now on
hand. As the country marshalled its forces the question arose in some
sections as to the use of a tenth part of its man-power. Some alarmists
feared that if the Negro were trained in the science of modern warfare,
not only would there be industrial and agricultural stagnation,
but, even more important, peaceful relations after the war would be
difficult if not indeed impossible. It was true that black men had gone
to the aid of France and England, not as black men but as Frenchmen and
Englishmen, and their names had been written in gold at the Marne and
at Verdun, in Mesopotamia and in Africa. They too had wielded the cold
steel, faced gas and liquid fire, and passed into the jaws of death.
America, however, it was felt by some, had her own special problems and
difficulties, and it was debatable if she could adopt a similar policy.
On the other hand, throughout the country orators and the press alike
proclaimed the patriotism of the Negro and his willingness to shed his
blood for the Stars and Stripes. The heroism and loyalty of the race
were recounted from the Revolution to Carrizal; whatever else might
be said, the Negro’s hand had never been raised against the flag, nor
had treason been found in his breast; and when the call for American
manhood came, it was for all men from twenty-one to thirty-one years of
age, regardless of color.
During this period there were those among the Negroes themselves who
thought that at last the time had come to demand once for all the full
rights of American citizens. A larger group, however, maintained that
when the country was in danger the first duty of every citizen was to
remove the danger and then to settle domestic problems. A program was
adopted which resulted in the holding of great mass meetings throughout
the country. The young men of the race were urged to enlist in the
army or navy, and this they did with enthusiasm. The rush to the
colors was unprecedented. The American Negro Loyal Legion proposed to
raise 10,000 men in answer to the President’s call for 75,000 men. In
sections where national guard units existed for colored men, these were
the first to raise their units to war strength, as was demonstrated by
the old 15th New York. Often in the registration booths new records of
enlistments were made, so much so that at one time the War Department
issued orders to “take no more colored men.” Boys in their teens and
men beyond the draft age answered the call. Students left school or
college to take up the knapsack and the gun. In the Southern states
there was special eagerness to enlist, and in Florida there were
petitions to the Governor for the privilege of raising “regiments of
colored militia officered by men of the race.”
In some quarters it was said that Negroes would not register and that
arrests would have to be made. Especially in country districts not
reached by publicity campaigns there was not a thorough understanding
of the requirements. This fact resulted in the arrest of a few men as
slackers, but investigation showed that what seemed to be negligence
was due to ignorance rather than to any definite intention to dodge the
draft. Some who were beyond the age limits registered because they did
not know their exact age, and some other older men believed that they
would be sent to jail if they failed to appear.
When soon after registration day reports were sent out from Washington
that Negroes would be sent to the various camps, a vigorous protest
was made in some Southern states against placing them in the local
camps, the strongest objection coming from South Carolina. Elsewhere,
however, the opposition did not appear so violent; thus the _Atlanta
Constitution_ took the position that Negro soldiers should be
trained in Camp Gordon along with other soldiers and felt that this
could be done without friction. In Alabama there was an expressed
feeling against “strange Negroes in large numbers,” and throughout
the South it was believed that separate camps would be preferable.
Objections grew less and less, however, as reports of the Negro’s
enthusiasm for the draft came from all parts of the country.
The Negro went to camp willingly and those who remained gave him up
whole-heartedly, sending him away with feasting and speech-making,
songs and cheers, as well as with prayers and tears. Not only his
kinsmen, but white citizens as well, vied with one another in their
endeavor to do him honor and make him proud that he was going to serve
his country. Sometimes a governor would address the draftees, and, as
was often the case, parades would be led by mayors, chiefs of police,
and city councilmen. Often the stores would close in honor of those
called to the colors, and in one case an entire town turned out to see
its only colored draftee leave for service. At such times the Negro’s
patriotism reached its highest point. Not only those summoned but
every Negro present was filled with intense emotion. Especially was
this demonstrated when the colored contingent from Thomas County,
Ga., assembled prior to movement to Camp Gordon. One farmer who had
not harvested his crop made a final appeal for respite. The exemption
officer called for a volunteer to take his place from the other men who
were certified but not yet called. It is said that there was a stampede
for the place.
The selective draft was fair in its inception, including all citizens
alike, but unfortunately it did not always operate impartially when
Negroes were involved. In Fulton County, Ga., the draft board had to
be ordered dismissed for “unwarranted exemptions and discharges.”
Out of 815 white men called by this board 526 were exempted, 44
per cent on physical grounds. At the same time 202 Negroes were
called and only 6 exempted. The action of this board was by no means
typical, but it illustrates what the Negro draftee sometimes had to
contend with. In the determination of claims there appeared to be no
discrimination, according to the report of the Provost Marshal, yet
those called sometimes told sad stories as they were being led away
to camp. Sometimes it would be the story of a man with a wife and
five children, with ages from seven years to six months, who had been
changed from Class 4 to 1-A. Sometimes Negro men living on their own
farms, with crops growing and livestock to be cared for, were sent
away to camp, while single men working for large planters were put in
Class 4. All told it appears that many Negroes who had sufficient claim
for exemption were drafted and sent away to camp. The figures taken
from General Crowder’s report show that of the 1,078,331 colored men
who registered, 556,917, or 51.65 per cent, were placed in Class 1,
while 521,414 were in the deferred class. Of the 9,562,515 white men
who registered, 3,110,659, or 32.53 per cent, were in Class 1, while
6,451,856 were in deferred classes. The numbers selected for full
military service were 342,247 colored men and 1,916,750 white, or 31.74
per cent and 26.84 per cent respectively. The report further showed
that 74.60 colored and 69.71 white out of every 100 men called were
physically able to serve the country. Such figures were a revelation.
Various explanations were offered to account for this discrepancy.
It was noted that voluntary enlistment was not open in the South to
Negroes as to white men; thus it was estimated that 650,000 white men
enlisted in this section and only 4000 colored men. Moreover pleas
or excuses for deferment were not so readily accepted in the case of
Negroes. Some also were regarded as delinquents and brought to camp
as such when they really did not belong in this class. Migration
complicated the situation and cards notifying Negro draftees of their
call were often delayed and occasionally not even sent to them. The
result was that men who had no intention of wrongdoing were sometimes
arrested and treated as deserters. For each such case the local
officer received fifty dollars. This practice became so profitable
that camp authorities found it necessary to intervene to protect the
well-intentioned draftee whom circumstances had unfortunately placed
in the clutches of the law. If everything is considered, the evidence
is conclusive that the Negro’s response to America’s call in the World
War will remain a lasting tribute to his patriotism. He furnished his
quota cheerfully. “The doubts expressed of his Americanism were ill
considered and the fears concerning his loyalty were groundless.”
Many a Negro, as he left home and loved ones, for the first time
thought of himself as a part of the Government and as sharing equally
with every other citizen in the performance of his duty. Some had heard
wonderful speeches about democracy and the brotherhood of all men,
and each man cherished in his soul the idea of liberty. Each uttered
a silent prayer that if he returned he might share more fully in the
democracy for which he fought. One captain, about to set sail for
France, expressed the hope in the heart of every Negro when he said: “I
am leaving to-day a wife and three children. As great as the sacrifice
is, I shall be satisfied never to see America again, if my wife and
children will share greater opportunities and enjoy more liberty than
I now enjoy”; and not only the men but the women who saw them leave
shared this point of view.
Thus a loyal, kindly, and patient people went forth to do and to die,
answering every call, and thinking first of their country and their
great love for it in the hour of national peril.