CHAPTER XII. THE LATER RENAISSANCE IN ITALY.

THE LATER RENAISSANCE IN ITALY--TORQUATO TASSO--HIS WORK--THE

‘GERUSALEMME LIBERATA’--GIORDANO BRUNO--LITERARY CHARACTER OF HIS

WORK--GIAMBATTISTA GUARINI.

The Later Renaissance, which was so great in Spain and in England,

and in France was important, was elsewhere a time of decline, of

silence, or of very faint beginnings. The literature of Germany has

been broken into periods of vigour, with long intervals of silence

between. The second half of the sixteenth century was one of these.

Among the smaller peoples, with Holland at their head, there was as yet

little more than the attempt to produce literature. [SN: _The Later

Renaissance in Italy._] The case of Italy was more fortunate than that

of Germany. She at least can count two of her most interesting sons

among the men of letters of this time, Tasso and Bruno. But here the

decadence had begun, and had made no small progress towards the sheer

dexterous futility which was to be personified in Marini. The spirit of

the Renaissance was worn out, and was replaced by mere accomplishment,

and by the nervous fear which is visible all through the life of

Tasso. The Roman Catholic reaction was not favourable to literature.

It brought with it the tyranny, or at least the predominance, of

a religion which could no longer inspire. The Popes of the time

endeavoured to make Rome moral by methods which might have commended

themselves to the strictest sect of the Puritans; and commendable as

this effort to restrain the licence of the earlier Renaissance and

the period of the Italian wars may have been, still it was an example

of the attempt to repress which was being made everywhere in Italy,

and which succeeded, since it had only to deal with men of a weak

generation. Giordano Bruno was, indeed, indisciplined enough; but he

spent the active part of his life out of Italy, and when he did return,

his fate was a severe warning against independence of character.

[SN: _Torquato Tasso._]

The life of Torquato Tasso is of itself enough to show under what a

gloomy cloud literature had to work in Italy all through the later

sixteenth century. It was a life of dependence, and was dominated by

fear--fear of rivals, of envy, of accusations of heresy, and even of

murder. That this fear was not quite sane in Tasso’s case is true; but

though his contemporaries saw it to be unfounded, they do not seem to

have thought it absurd. He was born in 1544, the third son of Bernardo

Tasso of Bergamo, who was secretary to Ferrante Sanseverino, Prince of

Salerno. His mother was Porzia de Rossi, a lady of a distinguished

Neapolitan family. Bernardo Tasso, who was himself a verse-writer,

and who gained some fame in his time as the author of a long epic

founded on the _Amadis of Gaul_, was compelled to fly when his patron

was driven from his principality of Salerno. Porzia, his wife, was

detained in Naples by her family, which was meanly anxious not to pay

her dowry. She died without again seeing her husband, but the young

Torquato was allowed to return to his father. Bernardo, who found a

refuge in the service of the Dukes of Urbino, sent his son to the

famous legal university of Padua. Here Torquato read, but not at the

law, and wrote his epic poem the _Rinaldo_--little to the satisfaction

of his father, who, though a verse-writer himself, wished his son to

qualify for a lucrative trade. But the son was resolved to be a poet,

and not a lawyer, which decision brought with it the absolute necessity

of finding a patron. The Cardinal Luigi d’Este introduced him to the

Court of Ferrara. Tasso had already begun his _Jerusalem Delivered_

and his play of _Torrismondo_, and had written his _Discourses on Epic

Poetry_. Alphonso II. d’Este, the Duke of Ferrara, received him, and

seems to have treated him in the main with great kindness. The story

of Tasso’s stay at this typical Italian Court, of his passion for

Leonora d’Este, of the Duke’s discovery, and of the false accusation

of madness, on which the poet was imprisoned for years, is one of the

best known romances of literary history; but that it is a romance there

can be no doubt. From his early years Tasso seems to have suffered

from a continual fear of persecution and the plots of enemies. When he

accompanied the Cardinal Luigi d’Este to Paris, he imagined that some

treason was being plotted against him at home. Later he thought he had

been accused of heresy, and refused to be pacified by the assurances

of the Duke and the head of the Inquisition, to whom he subjected his

writings. He fled twice from Ferrara, and twice came back. He began to

accuse the Duke of intending to have him murdered, and finally drew his

dagger in the Palace on a servant whom he suspected of trying to poison

him. Duke Alphonso vindicated his own character, and also gave the

exact measure of the morality of the time by saying that it was absurd

to suppose that he thought of killing “il Signor Tasso,” since if he

wished to do so he had only to give the order. At last, and not until

the Duke had displayed a patience which is sufficient evidence that

he had no animosity against his servant, Tasso in 1579 was imprisoned

as mad in the hospital of Saint Anne. The treatment of the mad was

everywhere harsh at that time, but the poet appears to have received

exceptional kindness. Friends exerted themselves for him, some from

pity, others moved by the desire to be thought patrons of literature.

In 1586 he was released, on condition that he would not return to

Ferrara. During the last years of his life he wandered from one Italian

Court to another, always quarrelling with his patrons, but always

finding protectors. He died at Rome in 1595, when he was about to be

crowned as Poet Laureate on the Capitol. His _Jerusalem Delivered_ was

printed in a pirated edition during his imprisonment.[117]

[SN: _His work._]

The bulk of Tasso’s work is very great. In addition to the _Rinaldo_,

and two forms of the _Jerusalem_, he wrote the pastoral play _Aminta_,

the tragedy of _Torrismondo_, much minor verse, many sonnets, and many

treatises in prose. A large number of his letters have been preserved.

In his latter years, and in the undeniable decadence of his powers, he

wrote a long poem in blank verse on the _Seven Days of Creation_.

Tasso’s minor work is no doubt of value for the study of his genius.

His philosophic treatises, mostly in dialogue, would, I presume, for

I cannot profess to speak of them with knowledge, be useful to the

student of Italian thought under the Roman Catholic reaction. Even

his play of _Torrismondo_, begun in his youth, and finished after

his imprisonment in the hospital of Saint Anne, has a place in the

history of the “classic” drama. In itself it is not attractive. It

is an unpleasant, and even rather commonplace, story of suicide and

accidental incest, frigidly told, with all the Senecan apparatus.

The pastoral poem of _Aminta_ is of more historical importance, and

has some biographical interest, while the subject suited Tasso’s

faculty for tender images and luscious verse. But he owes his place in

literature to his _Jerusalem Delivered_.

Something has been said of the history of this poem. It was begun

in his youth, was continued during his stay at the Court of Ferrara,

was read in parts to his patrons, and subjected to the criticism of

friends. The desire to secure the honour of the dedication for the

house of Este, which had already patronised Ariosto, is said, very

plausibly, to have had a good deal to do with the Duke’s long-suffering

towards the author. When published it was made the excuse for a

dispute between the Academies which overran all Italy in the sixteenth

century, and were already become the homes of mere word-splitting. The

_Jerusalem_ in fact became almost an affair of State at Ferrara. Its

publication in a very inaccurate form in a pirated edition during his

imprisonment was one of the most bitter, and certainly not the least

genuine, of the grievances of a poet who had an artistic care about the

execution of the work he published. The pirated edition bore the name

which Tasso had chosen, _Godfrey of Boulogne_, but which he changed

for _Gerusalemme Liberata_ in the first authorised edition of 1581.

Under the influence of the fretful piety of his later years he made

his ill-advised recension, to which he gave the name of _Gerusalemme

Conquistata_.

[SN: _The_ Gerusalemme Liberata.]

The enduring popularity of the _Jerusalem Delivered_ in Italy has been

vouched for by such well-known stories as that which tells how it was

sung by gondoliers and country people even into this century. Ugo

Foscolo has recorded that he heard a passage chanted by galley-slaves.

Its acceptance among poets and men of letters, both in the sixteenth

century and since, is not a matter of legend. Milton admired Tasso,

and Spenser did him the signal honour of direct imitation. Acrasia’s

Bower of Bliss, and indeed the final adventure of Sir Guyon and the

Palmer in the Second Book of the _Faërie Queen_, are modelled on, and

in some passages are taken directly from, the description of the garden

of Armida, and the rescue of Rinaldo in the fifteenth and sixteenth

cantos of the _Jerusalem_. The poem was three times translated in

whole or in part into English before 1600, and one of these versions,

Fairfax’s, has been given rank as a classic.[118]

The popularity of Tasso’s epic with those Italians, who would

inevitably know nothing of Dante, and very little of Ariosto, and the

admiration expressed for it by poets or men of letters, are both well

justified, though for different reasons. The _Jerusalem Delivered_

has a beauty of form which naturally delights people who have a real

love of melody, while the matter is no less acceptable to all who are

attracted rather by the pretty and the sympathetic than by the great

or brilliant. The allegory, which Tasso himself afterwards expounded

at length, is of the order which “bites” nobody, and we can watch the

fortunes of Tancred and Clorinda, of Rinaldo and Armida, of Godfrey

and the crusaders, “as if we looked on that scene through an inverted

telescope, whereby the whole was carried far away into the distance,

the life-large figures compressed into brilliant miniatures, so

clear, so real, yet tiny elf-like and beautified as well as lessened,

their colours being now closer and brighter, the shadows and trivial

features no longer visible.” Carlyle was kinder and less critical

than when he classed the _Jerusalem Delivered_ with the _Nibelungen

Lied_--for Dresden china shepherdesses are not more unlike the statues

of Michelangelo than are the personages of Tasso to Kriemhilda or Hagen

von Tronegk. Yet he has summed up the general impression left by the

poem, as of a small, graceful, and, in spite of its great historical

original, unimportant series of events transacting itself without

passion. There is little life in its heroes and heroines. We never

hear the “dreadful clamour” of battle, and the duels of the champions

smack of the school of arms, for Tasso, though no fighter, was an

accomplished swordsman. Yet the story is unquestionably pretty, and the

tiny elf-like figures have charm. To the poet and the man of letters,

though his fame is less in the world than it was, Tasso must always

be admirable, because he was a thorough workman. He was the poet of a

decline. The choice of words, the use of the file, the avoidance of

improprieties of metre, are more with him than inspiration. But he did

at least reap the benefit of all that his predecessors had done for the

language, and he left a finished example of the “learned” poetry of

Southern Europe in the later sixteenth century.

[SN: _Giordano Bruno._]

It would tax the power of the greatest creative dramatist to draw two

conceivable human beings who should differ so widely as Tasso and his

only Italian contemporary who can be said to stand on a corresponding

level of genius--Giordano Bruno. The Nolan, to give him the title which

he habitually used, was probably the more considerable man of the two

in intrinsic power, while both his life and his character are more

interesting. But then he is incomparably more difficult to understand.

I cannot profess to deal with what, to the majority of those who

have paid much attention to his work, is most valuable in him--his

philosophic ideas, and the influence he may have had on later thinkers.

His life is of the kind which it is a pleasure to tell, in spite of

the final tragedy, so full is it of incident and of manifestations of

a certain stamp of character.[119] Giordano Bruno was born at Nola,

near Naples, in 1548. His father was a soldier, and his mother a German

woman. He became a Dominican friar very early, and his unruly character

brought him speedily into difficulties with his superiors. Before he

was twenty he fled from his Order, and escaped to Geneva by way of

Genoa. This was in 1576. For fourteen years he led a wandering life.

His movements can be traced from Geneva to Lyons, thence to Toulouse,

Paris, England, once more to Paris, and from thence to Wittenberg,

Prague, and Frankfort. Wherever he went he asked leave to teach, and

he speedily entangled himself in a quarrel with the authorities. He

defended the doctrines of Copernicus, and he expounded, more or less

obscurely, his doctrines on the soul and the nature of man. Bruno had

an “art of memory” which was founded upon, or was an adaptation of,

the curious reasoning machine invented by Raymond Lully, the Catalan

scholastic and mystic of the thirteenth century. Even if I could

profess to understand his doctrines, which I do not, this would not

be the place to expound them. What does appear very clearly is, that

he was a man of extreme and passionate arrogance. The doctrine he

most certainly held is, that the Nolan was the one man who had even a

glimpse of the only important truths, and that official teachers who

did not accept him at his own valuation were pigs, dogs, brutes, and

beasts. He poured these epithets over the heads of houses at Oxford,

whither he had been taken by Sir Philip Sidney, who was kind to him,

and on whom he may have had some influence. The only place in which he

escaped a violent quarrel with authority was at Wittenberg. Even there

he could not rest, and he committed himself to a public and sweeping

denunciation of the Papacy. At last he received an invitation from

a Venetian _magnifico_ of the house of Mocenigo to come and be his

teacher. Mocenigo had heard of Bruno’s “art of memory,” and probably

also believed him to be a wizard who could make gold. In an evil hour

Bruno accepted the invitation, and went to Venice on the hopeless

errand of making Mocenigo so wise that the Council of Ten would no

longer be able to treat him as a person of no importance. Within a

very few months this strange bargain bore its fruit. The _magnifico_

discovered that he was no wiser than before, and that so far from being

richer, he had given money to the Nolan for which no equivalent had

been returned. He accused his teacher of being a cheat; and Bruno,

whose temper had never been under restraint, answered, with more truth

than prudence, that his employer was a fool. Mocenigo denounced him

to the Inquisition. The Pope claimed him, and after some demur he was

surrendered by the Serene Republic. On his trial before the Inquisition

Bruno protested that he was a loyal son of the Church, and that if he

had spoken heresy it was when he was speaking philosophically, and not

theologically. The distinction would not serve, and he was condemned

to death. Whether he was burnt in the body or only in effigy has been

disputed. The balance of evidence is in favour of the contention that

he actually suffered. In that case the date of his death is 1599.

[SN: _Literary character of his work._]

Some anti-clerical writers on the Continent, and a few Englishmen

who sympathise with them, have been attracted to Bruno because they

can use his name as a weapon in their warfare with ecclesiastical

authority. It is needless to add that numbers quote him as an example

of papal tyranny who have never made the certainly not inconsiderable

effort required to read any one of his treatises. We can speak of him

here only as a man of letters, and can put aside his Latin treatises

and purely philosophic work. His wandering life, and perhaps the

restless explosive nature of the man, made it impossible for him to

produce books on a large scale. Bruno was essentially a writer of

pamphlets, which he produced as opportunity served. Three of these may

be mentioned here as especially characteristic of the Nolan’s genius

and spirit--_La Cena del le Ceneri_ (‘The Ash Wednesday Supper’),

dedicated to Castelnau de Mauvissière, French ambassador in London; the

_Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante_ (‘The Driving out of the Triumphant

Beast’); and _Gli Eroici Furori_ (‘The Heroic Furies’), the latter two

dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney. All are in dialogue, and the last-named

contains much verse. Although he excuses himself for part of what

appears in _Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante_ by saying that it is the

personages who speak in their character, not he, the dialogue form

(the most difficult perhaps of all in literature) does not appear to

me to be well managed. There is too much of the Nolan, and the other

personages are apt to be too obviously dummies, who either repeat him,

or are put up merely to be knocked over. But this in itself is typical

of the author. The dialogues are the literary expression of the very

remarkable human being who was Giordano Bruno, the most volcanic and

fuliginous of men. He is for ever bursting into rockets of rhetoric,

while the epithets fly out in sheets as of sparks from an anvil.

What he means or is endeavouring to prove is far from being always

clear, not because his language is obscure, for on the contrary his

sentences are commonly simple enough, but because there was always far

more passion and emotion in Giordano Bruno than reasoning power. The

title of his dialogues, ‘The Heroic Furies,’ is in a way a description

of his whole work. There is in him a constant heroic fury of effort

towards some vaguely indicated manifestations of individual force and

greatness. This of itself is attractive. With all his smoky obscurity

there is a very real fire in Giordano Bruno, which finds its best

expression in verse. Whether he is profitable to read is perhaps

doubtful, but he is most interesting to look at. He was a real Faust,

who strove to grasp--

“Was die Welt

Im Innersten zusammenhält;”

who thought he had read the riddle, and who justified an illimitable

intellectual arrogance, often superbly expressed, by his imaginary

discovery.

The fall from Tasso and Bruno to any of their contemporaries is very

great. There was abundant interest of a kind in literary matters, there

was no want of criticism, and the Academies were active. The long

controversy over the _Jerusalem_ in which Tasso allowed himself to

be entangled is, if valuable for nothing else, at least a proof that

Italians read poetry, and could talk about it.[120] What they could not

at this period do was to produce anything original and valuable--with

the exception of Tasso himself, and of Bruno. The once famous _Pastor

Fido_ of Giambattista Guarini (1537-1612) is in fact a terrible example

of what may happen to a literature when its writers have become

extremely cultivated in all that is mere matter of language, but have

unfortunately nothing to say--or, if they have something to say, are

cowed into insignificance by the fear of compromising themselves.[121]

Guarini was a man of character, a little querulous, and afflicted by

a vanity which caused him to be for ever comparing himself to Tasso,

and complaining of his contemporary’s greater fame, but by no means

without parts or knowledge. Yet his _Pastor Fido_ is a mere echo of the

_Aminta_. Guarini’s play--if play it can be called--was first acted at

Turin in 1585, and was published in Venice in 1590. From the _Aminta_,

and through the _Pastor Fido_, came the line of the Italian literary

opera of later times. The verse is flowing with touches of a somewhat

sensual lusciousness--but withal it is nerveless and imitative.

FOOTNOTES:

[117] _Opere._ Edited by Giov. Rosini. Pisa, 33 vols., 1821-1832.

[118] The _Godfrey of Bulloigne_ of Fairfax has been praised well

beyond the full extent of its merits. The sober fact concerning it is

that though the language has a real interest, the translation has not

the merit of great accuracy, and it is wanting in those flashes of

original power with which Fairfax’s contemporaries seldom failed to

redeem their infidelity to their author. He, on the contrary, is too

often far below Tasso, and he is addicted to the detestable practice of

replacing the simplicity of the Italian by classic commonplaces. Now

and then he is inept, or shirks a difficulty which he ought to have

faced. Examples of all three vices may be found in the beginning of the

fifteenth canto. Tasso opens with the simple and direct words--

“Già richiamava il bel nascente raggio

All’ opere ogni animal che ’n terra alberga.”

For this Fairfax writes--

“The rosy-fingered morn with gladsome ray

Rose to her task from old Tithonus’ lap”--

the commonplace of a boy doing a copy of Latin verse. In the second

stanza, where the Italian has--

“Erano essi già sorti, e l’arme intorno

Alle robuste membra avean già messe”--

Fairfax renders--

“They started up, and every tender limb

In sturdy steel and stubborn plate they dight.”

The _tender_ limbs of two hardened old soldiers is surely weak.

At the end of the next stanza, we have in the Italian--

“E in poppa quella

Che guidar gli dovea, fatal donzella.”

The word “fatal,” an appropriate epithet for Fortune, who sits in

the stern to steer the boat, disappears in Fairfax, and we get the

colourless line--

“Wherein a damsel sate the stern to guide.”

And these are not exceptions. Fairfax constantly gives the inapplicable

adjective, or the vague general term, where Tasso is faultless in his

precision.

[119] _Life of Giordano Bruno_, by Mr L. Frith: London, 1897. _Opere de

Giordano Bruno_, ed. Wagner: Leipzig, 1830.

[120] This controversy has its place in every life of Tasso, and is

told at length by Serassi, _Vita de Tasso_: Bergamo, 1790. My own

trifling acquaintance with it has given me the impression that it can

be profitable to no mortal, except perhaps a historian of criticism.

[121] _Il Pastor Fido._ Verona, 1735.

The Later Renaissance · 第 12 / 13 章