TIME FIXED FOR THE UPRISING OR REVOLUTION--EXTENSIVE PREPARATIONS--DRILL
AND DISCIPLINE OF CLUBS--OPEN THREATS UPON OUR STREETS--MASS MEETINGS
AND TARGET PRACTICE OF TRAITORS--PREPARATIONS FOR THE NATIONAL
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION IN CHICAGO--WHY THE UPRISING DID NOT TAKE
PLACE--PRICE BEHIND TIME--ANOTHER PERIOD FIXED--ALL READY AT THE
CONVENTION--PROMPT AND TIMELY PRECAUTION BY COLONEL SWEET.
The approach of the time fixed for the general uprising, witnessed
remarkable and very unusual activity among the members of the Sons of
Liberty, who now saw vividly the complete realization of their
wishes, and were all, rank and file, in obedience to orders, busy with
preparations. Little did the busy bustling city know of the plans and
movements on foot. The same activity in trade, the same hopeful spirit
among Union persons, the same gatherings at amusements, the same busy
hum of industry as ever; nothing gave evidence of the existence of the
terrible plot so soon to culminate, and to destroy by a single blow the
hopes of our people,--to inaugurate a reign of terror as fearful as any
in the history of the war. Citizens met and congratulated each other
upon Union victories, and upon the probable speedy close of the national
strife, and at the firesides of home discussed the terrible ravages of
war, and as they knelt at the family altar, thanked God that our own
city, and our State, and our section of the Union, had thus far been
spared the immediate horrors and desolation which ever mark the theatre
of warfare. Who of all in our fair city, besides the guilty wretches
who were plotting the ruin and slaughter, had even a foreboding of the
trouble so nearly upon them. For rebels in arms to commit cruelties and
barbarities would have been expected, but for the authors of our ruin
to be our very friends and neighbors, persons associated with us in
business avocations, in social relations, and in the enjoyment of the
same general blessings with ourselves, surpassed belief; yet such was
the fact, and the faces that beamed smiles upon us by day, and joined
us in our congratulations for national victories, by night were hideous
with the dark designs and murderous intent. The gunsmiths were busy,
and trade in weapons of all kinds was brisk; revolvers and knives
particularly were articles of demand. So brisk and yet so silently and
secretly, was the arming of individuals carried on, that weeks before
the Convention assembled, but few, if any, of the members of Copperhead
organizations but were well armed, and many had arms with which to
supply other persons who might be less fortunate than themselves. It was
indeed a dark picture to look in upon a group of the Sons of Liberty in
their secure retreats, in the quiet hours of night, cleaning, repairing
and inspecting their muskets and revolvers, moulding bullets, and making
other preparations, and realizing that the mission of these monsters was
the murder of men who dared proclaim and maintain their devotion to the
Union. Upon the streets treason became emboldened, as time rolled on,
and not a few personal collisions occurred from its utterance.
All this while that contemptible print, the Chicago _Times_, was
instilling treason into the minds of its readers, and doing all that it
could to embarrass the Government, discourage patriotism, and to give
aid and comfort to the rebels; our victories, with that sheet, were
always unimportant; our cause was unholy; our President a despot; our
Union soldiers were hirelings; our Union-loving citizens were abolition
fanatics; Jeff Davis was a master spirit of the age; his generals the
heroes of the _Times_; and rebel victories were events cheering and hope
giving, as they presaged the close of the war and peace; peace at the
sacrifice of the Union, of national honor, of national dignity and
national interests. Such was the Chicago _Times_ at that period--the
darkest era in our history--and as well might we have looked for
mercy from a hyena, or reason from a ghoul, as in the event of open
insurrection in our city, to have looked to Wilbur F. Story, editor of
the _Times_, to have endeavored to suppress the flames his incendiary
print had for years been fanning into a blaze. And yet, citizens
of Chicago and the West, this same Chicago _Times, now_, after the
occupation of Richmond by our forces, and the surrender of Lee and all
his forces, and the end of the rebellion is at hand, this same Chicago
_Times_ pretends to rejoice in our success, and some days turns a cold
shoulder upon its old friend and patron, who has contributed to its
circulation and prosperity for years--Jeff Davis--and really declares
that his master's cause is hopeless. Most noble Story, most patriotic
Story, most consistent Story! Rather weep with the fallen fortunes of
your masters. Flatter not yourself that the cloak of loyalty, which
you have found it so convenient to fling around you, as our Union
processions come marching along with thundering tread, that they will
believe your conversion sincere and lasting; the cloak is not long
enough to conceal your feet, and Union men will recognize the same
Wilbur F. Story, and none will be so obtuse as not to discover under any
disguise Bottom, the tailor. In the position of that Copperhead print,
the state of mind of the _Times_ man reminds us of an instance of what
may be called poor consolation, A soldier of a division, after the
command had run two days from the scene of an engagement, had thrown
away his gun and accouterments, and alone in the woods sat down and
commenced thinking--the first opportunity he had for doing so. Rolling
up his sleeves, and looking at his legs and general physique, he thus
gave utterance to his feelings: "I am whipped--badly whipped--and
somewhat demoralized, but no man, thank God, can say I'm scattered!" And
so, the Chicago _Times_, though kicked out of respectable society long
ago, continues to print its daily issues, while from the scarcity of
Copperheads all at once, since our recent glorious victories, we infer
that _they_ have been "scattered;" and as snakes cast their skins in
the spring, so the Copperhead _Times_ seems to have cast its own this
season; but though it may appear in more pleasing garb with its present
covering, let none forget that it is the same old Copperhead still.
And the time will come when some enterprising showman will obtain and
exhibit the last issue of that delectable sheet as the acme of treason
and corruption during the war, and as an illustration of what villainy
the mind of man may conceive, when he once turns against his country.
About the period of which we write, say a month prior to the Convention,
informal meetings of the Sons of Liberty were frequent, and large
numbers of the members often went out of the city on excursions,
nominally for pleasure, but really for practice with fire arms. The most
active preparations were made by the Democrats, resident of Chicago, to
be able to accommodate their brethren from abroad, who would attend the
Convention, or who would pay them an earlier visit; for the time of the
uprising, it will be remembered, had been fixed for about the middle of
August. The time assigned arrived, but "all was quiet on the Potomac,"
and along the placid and fragrant Chicago. It was a complete fizzle, but
not from want of harmonious action on the part of the Copperheads of the
Northwest, but to the chagrin of the Rebel government, Gen. Price failed
to make his appearance in the vicinity of St. Louis, or Buckner about
Louisville. The disappointment and vexation of the Sons of Liberty was
great, and it found expression in the peculiar style of oratory and
diction, which Judge Morris had introduced into the Temple. The failure
of the rebels to concur, as had been arranged, was for a time quite
inexplicable and unsatisfactory to the most ultra secesh of the Temple.
It was not easy to communicate with Price and Buckner, and much mystery
and doubt hung over the failure. The leaders were in doubt as to the
wisdom of rising at the Convention, some being in favor and others
adverse to it. It was evident the leaders were not a little embarrassed,
but they finally agreed that a large force of "bone and muscle" should
be on hand in Chicago at the Convention, and if it was found that the
War Democrats should be in the ascendency, and the Peace wing could get
nothing--either platform or candidate--the uprising should occur at that
time, but so confident were the Peace men that they should be able to
have the control of the Convention, that Judge Morris and Brig.-Gen.
Walsh, and other leaders, announced to the members of the _Illini_ their
entire belief that there would be no doubt of the success of the Peace
wing, in that Convention, and if so, no insurrectionary movement would
be expedient; but if the uprising did not occur then, it surely would
at the time of the Presidential election, and in the time which would
elapse between the Convention and the election, the most active and
earnest efforts would be made to strengthen the numbers of the Temples
of the Sons of Liberty, wherever they existed. Judge Morris had
expressed the confident belief that no difficulty would occur at the
Convention, but declared if they (the Copperheads) should meet with any
interference, the most serious results would follow.
The rank and file who had been edified by such men as J.L. Rock, Charles
W. Patten, James A. Wilkinson, L.C. Morrison, L.A. Doolittle, James
Geary, Mr. Duncan, Mr. Dooley, Mr. Frank Adams, City Attorney, and many
others were most impatient, and it was quite probable that a slight
cause of offence with Union men would result in an open riot, that could
not be suppressed till the grand aim of the Order was accomplished.
About this time L.A. Doolittle, who was never tired of expressing his
devotion to the distinguished exile Mr. Vallandigham, announced that
Mr. V., who was Supreme Commander of the whole Order, would honor the
Chicago Temple with a visit during the Convention, but that worthy
could not find time to make the visit. As the excitement of the coming
Convention seized upon the minds of those who were to participate in it,
much speech making was done inside the Temples. At these meetings the
writer particularly noticed two members, who seemed to have fallen into
disfavor by the course which they had seen fit to adopt. One of these
men was Christopher C. Strawn, a young lawyer of this city, of some
education, a very fair order of talents, and who had seemed hitherto
taciturn and reserved. Upon conversation with him we were astonished to
find that he did not approve of the Jeff. Davis principles, and had
no fellowship with any overt act of treason. He had been appointed a
Brigadier-General, on the ground of his supposed ability, but early took
occasion to express himself, in such a manner that his commission was
speedily revoked. Mr. Strawn was, he declares, not in the clique who
favored a revolution. Mr. Strawn was subsequently arrested, but he
was soon released, and freely communicated truthful information to the
authorities.
During the summer an event truly unfortunate for the Sons of Liberty
took place, it being an exposé in the Chicago _Tribune_ of the signs,
grips, passwords, &c. of the order. This was a cause of great distress
of mind. We remember that at a meeting about the 25th of August (Charles
W. Patten presiding), the expediency of changing the signs, grips, &c.
was considered, inasmuch as it would be unsafe to use them in public,
but the lateness of the day, and the time drawing so near when the
entire forces of the order would be called into requisition, it was
not deemed expedient to undertake any change or modification. At this
meeting Judge Morris made a speech in which he said that a demand had
been made for arms seized in Indiana (as Col. Walker had proposed to
do), and if the demand failed, the revolution would be begun in Indiana
"as sure as there was a God in heaven or an abolitionist in hell."
At a meeting of the Chicago Temple Sons of Liberty, on the eve of the
Convention, we heard for the first time (and that from the mouth of L.A.
Doolittle), a definite plan for the attack of Camp Douglas. Doolittle
told how the camp was situated, and that it was accessible on two sides;
that guns were in position on only one side, and the west side was
referred to by him as being the weakest; he spoke of the common board
fence which formed the enclosure, and of the ease with which the camp
could be taken, and the vast importance of liberating the prisoners
the first thing upon an uprising. The speech of Doolittle was variously
received; many of the members were much interested; others who were in
the higher degrees of the order were vexed beyond measure that Doolittle
should be so stupid as to proclaim, in this public manner, a matter
which really belonged to higher degrees of the organization to decide.
One of the number, James Geary, a second-hand clothes dealer and broker
on Wells street, who will receive further mention by and by, became so
much incensed that he ordered Mr. Doolittle to his seat, declaring, with
an oath, that Doolittle was telling too much.
At a meeting about this time, several of the members spoke upon the
subject of releasing the prisoners at Camp Douglas. A map of Camp
Douglas was exhibited by an individual present, who seemed to be a
soldier. The map was a fine piece of work and had been made by a hand
accustomed to such labor. Upon this map the precise position of the
various departments, headquarters, cannon, &c., were laid down. There
could be no shadow of doubt in the mind of any man not stupefied with
whiskey, and possessed of common sense, that the details of the attack
had been carefully considered by those who were most interested in
leading it on.
It had for some time been the policy of the Sons of Liberty to unite
with the Invincible Democratic Club and the various McClellan escorts in
the city and elsewhere, and seek to become its officers, that in case of
an outbreak it would be far better to be the controlling power, than to
be controlled. This plan worked admirably, and the Democratic Invincible
Club of Chicago became one of the most corrupt organizations outside
the order of Sons of Liberty. Its secretary at one time was Charles W.
Patten, who had been a Grand Seignior of the Chicago Temple, was also
a member of the Grand Council, and had taken a very active part in the
prosperity of the order, and was chairman of the committee to see that
all the Sons of Liberty were armed. One of the officers of the above
named Club was Capt. P.D. Parks, whose devotion to Jeff. Davis and good
whiskey were noticeable features in his character. This Capt. Parks was
captain of the Invincible Club and often made speeches in the Sons of
Liberty Hall.
On Saturday the 26th August (two days prior to the National Democratic
Convention), immense numbers of persons came flocking to Chicago, indeed
at no former time in the history of the city was there such an influx of
strangers; they came in the cars and in wagon trains, and on horseback.
One county alone sent nearly a thousand men. It was a noticeable fact
that almost all persons who came into the city were well armed, and some
of them even brought muskets. Treason was now rampant, and it would not
be difficult, in looking around upon the most unprepossessing groups,
and to hear the language, to fancy one's-self in Charleston, or some
other nest of treason. From all the men who came to the city we did not,
in a single instance, hear one good, hearty expression of Unionism, but
our "Southern brethren and their rights," and this "wicked war," &c.,
&c., were the topics of conversation, and it was safe to set it down,
that this was the Peace wing of that most remarkable bird,--Democracy of
1864.
The writer was in close communication with Col. Sweet, commandant at
Camp Douglas, and by aid of our auxiliaries not an item of information
concerning the hostile intentions of the party transpired, that was not
known instantly by Col. Sweet,--special carriers or orderlies conveying
our dispatches. It must not be supposed that our observations were
confined to Chicago. Our channels of communication with the principal
points in the West were unobstructed; our "telegraphic cable" was in
fine working order, and if those wise heads for a moment fancied
that Col. B.J. Sweet might be caught napping, they were the worst
self-deceived men we have ever seen. Col. Sweet proceeded with all
caution and celerity to make his arrangements, and we beg the Colonel
not to regard it as a breach of confidence in us to say, that the guns
were in such a position and so well managed, that had there been
any attempt to have assaulted the camp, there would not have been
able-bodied traitors enough left, to have carried the killed and wounded
to secure retreats. Almost any officer, perhaps, less cool than Col.
Sweet would have blustered about in such a manner as to have rendered
himself not only positively offensive to the citizens, but would have
placed the city under martial law, and doubtless precipitated the very
event it was wise for a time to avert. Col. Sweet was cool, and
managed the matter with the most perfect military ability and skill. He
compelled everybody, friend and foe, to respect him by his dignified,
gentlemanly bearing, and yet there was that about his appearance that
told plainer than words, that while he was courteous, polite, kind and
willing to do all in his power and consistent with his duty to preserve
the peace, yet had an outbreak been begun, of all men in Chicago, rebels
and sympathisers would prefer to get as far as possible from Col. Sweet,
or the reach of his influence. This gallant officer had his men under
such perfect discipline that a simple request, even when the men were
not on duty, was obeyed with the alacrity as if it had been a peremptory
order. The discovery that Col. Sweet was ready for them, which discovery
was early made and duly reported, had much to do with the good order
which prevailed in Chicago during the Convention.