On the 20th of the month called March, being the 1st month, Robert
Widders, one of the first preachers among those called Quakers, died;
and G. Fox was now much at London; but he grew more and more weak in
body, having endured many hardships in cruel imprisonments for the
truth. Sometimes he went into the country to take the fresh air, and
at other times he was awhile at the country-house of his son-in-law,
William Mead, who married one of his wife’s daughters. In the meanwhile
he wrote much, for he was of a laborious temper, and did not omit
under all his business to visit the meetings of his friends, and to
edify them by his admonitions and exhortations. For now they were
suffered to keep their meetings unmolested, since the king in the month
called April, published his long expected declaration for liberty of
conscience to all his subjects, which contained, That henceforth the
execution of all penal laws concerning ecclesiastical matters, for
not coming to church, for not receiving the sacraments, or for any
other non-conformity with the established religion, or for performing
religious worship in any other way, should be suspended, &c.
It would indeed have been more acceptable if this liberty had been
established by the king and parliament, this being granted as yet only
by virtue of his royal prerogative: but however it was, liberty was
enjoyed. The friends therefore of the church at London, seeing how
those of other persuasions presented addresses of thanks to the king,
for his declaration for liberty of conscience, which was now published,
and whereby the Dissenters were permitted to perform their worship
freely, provided their preaching did not tend to make the minds of
people averse to the government, thought it convenient to draw up an
address also, and present it to the king; which was as followeth:
TO KING JAMES II. OVER ENGLAND, &c.
The humble and thankful address of several of the king’s
subjects, commonly called Quakers, in and about the city of
London, on behalf of themselves and those of their communion.
‘_May it please the king_,
‘Though we are not the first in this way, yet we hope we are not
the least sensible of the great favours we are come to present
the king our humble, open, and hearty thanks for; since no
people have received greater benefits, as well by opening our
prison-doors, as by his late excellent and Christian declaration
for liberty of conscience; none having more severely suffered nor
stood more generally exposed to the malice of ill men, upon the
account of religion; and though we entertain this act of mercy
with all the acknowledgments of a persecuted and grateful people;
yet we must needs say, it doth the less surprise us, since it is
what some of us have known to have been the declared principle of
the king, as well long before, as since he came to the throne of
his ancestors.
‘And as we rejoice to see the day that a king of England
should from his royal seat so universally assert this glorious
principle, that conscience ought not to be constrained, nor
people forced for matters of mere religion; (the want of
which happy conduct in government, has been the desolation of
countries, and reproach of religion,) so we do with humble and
sincere hearts, render to God first, and the king next, our
sensible acknowledgments; and because they cannot be better
expressed than in a godly, peaceable, and dutiful life, it should
be our endeavour, with God’s help, always to approve ourselves
the king’s faithful and loving subjects; and we hope that after
this gracious step the king hath made towards the union of his
people, and security of their common interest, has had a due
consideration, there will be no room left for those fears and
jealousies that might render the king’s reign uneasy, or any of
them unhappy.
‘That which remains, great prince, for us to do, is to beseech
Almighty God, by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice,
to inspire thee more and more with his excellent wisdom and
understanding, to pursue this Christian design of ease to all
religious dissenters, with the most agreeable and lasting
methods: and we pray God to bless the king, his royal family
and people, with grace and peace; and that after a long and
prosperous reign here, he may receive a better crown amongst the
blessed.
Which is the prayer of,’ &c.
This address was received favourably, and therefore those of the
yearly-meeting, which some time after was held at London, also drew up
an address and some deputies of that meeting went to Windsor, where the
court then was, and where W. Penn, one of those that had been chosen to
present the address, made the following speech to the king:
‘_May it please the King_,
‘It was the saying of our blessed Lord to the captious Jews,
in the case of tribute, “Render to Cæsar the things that
are Cæsar’s, and to God the things that are God’s.” As this
distinction ought to be observed by all men in the conduct of
their lives, so the king has given us an illustrious example in
his own person that excites us to it; for while he was a subject,
he gave Cæsar his tribute; and now he is a Cæsar, gives God his
due, viz. the sovereignty over consciences. It were a great shame
then for any Englishman that pretends to Christianity, not to
give God his due. By this grace he has relieved his distressed
subjects from their cruel sufferings, and raised to himself a new
and lasting empire, by adding their affections to their duty. And
we pray God to continue the king in this noble resolution, for
he is now upon a principle that has good nature, Christianity,
and the goodness of civil society on its side; a security to him
beyond all the little arts of government.
‘I would not that any should think, that we came hither with
design to fill the gazette with our thanks; but as our sufferings
would have moved stones to compassion, so we should be harder, if
we were not moved to gratitude.
‘Now since the king’s mercy and goodness have reached to us
throughout the kingdom of England, and principality of Wales,
our assembly from all those parts met at London about our church
affairs, has appointed us to wait upon the king with our humble
thanks, and me to deliver them: which I do by this address, with
all the affection and respect of a dutiful subject.’
After W. Penn had thus delivered himself, he presented the address to
the king, which that prince kindly receiving, gave it him again to
read; which W. Penn did, and it was as followeth:
TO KING JAMES II. OVER ENGLAND, &c.
The humble and grateful acknowledgements of his peaceable
subjects called Quakers, in this kingdom.
_From their usual yearly-meeting in London, the 19th day of the
third month, vulgarly called May, 1687._
‘We cannot but bless and praise the name of Almighty God, who
hath the hearts of princes in his hand, that he hath inclined
the king to hear the cries of his suffering subjects for
conscience-sake; and we rejoice, that instead of troubling him
with complaints of our sufferings, he hath given us so eminent
an occasion to present him with our thanks. And since it hath
pleased the king out of his great compassion, thus to commiserate
our afflicted condition, which hath so particularly appeared
by his gracious proclamation and warrants last year, whereby
above twelve hundred prisoners were released from their severe
imprisonments, and many others from spoil and ruin in their
estates and properties, and his princely speech in council, and
Christian declaration for liberty of conscience, in which he
doth not only express his aversion to all force upon conscience,
and grant all his dissenting subjects an ample liberty to
worship God, in the way they are persuaded is most agreeable
to his will; but gives them his kingly word the same shall
continue during his reign; we do, as our friends of this city
have already done, render the king our humble, Christian, and
thankful acknowledgements, not only on behalf of ourselves, but
with respect to our friends throughout England and Wales; and
pray God with all our hearts, to bless and preserve thee, O king,
and those under thee in so good a work: and we can assure thee
king it is well accepted in the counties from whence we came;
so we hope the good effects thereof, for the peace, trade, and
prosperity of the kingdom, will produce such a concurrence from
the parliament, as may secure it to our posterity in after-times;
and while we live, it shall be our endeavour, through God’s
grace, to demean ourselves as in conscience to God, and duty to
the king, we are obliged.
His peaceable, loving,
And faithful subjects.’
After William Penn had read the said address, the king spoke as
followeth.
‘_Gentlemen_,
‘I thank you heartily for your address. Some of you know, I am
sure you do, Mr. Penn, that it was always my principle that
conscience ought not to be forced; and that all men ought to have
the liberty of their consciences. And what I have promised in my
declaration, I will continue to perform as long as I live; and I
hope before I die, to settle it so, that after-ages shall have no
reason to alter it.’
Here we see what the king declared to be his intention; but perhaps
that prince did not consider, that if such a general liberty had been
procured, he should not have been able to make it continue longer than
the Popish clergy would have thought it convenient. For who is ignorant
what an unlimited power the Roman prelates have usurped, not only in
the ecclesiastical, but also in the political part? Insomuch, that
though the king’s intention might have been really sincere, yet it is
like it would have been thwarted, though he might have been willing
that it should be otherwise. That his meaning was sincere, several I
know that were not of his persuasion, have believed, and among these
there were such, who thought that liberty of conscience might have
been so established, that it should not have been in the power of the
Papists to break it. But time hath shown that king James was not to
be the instrument for settling such a liberty of conscience; and that
the repealing of the penal laws was reserved for another prince. Yet
the king was by some thought to do what he could to stop rapacious
persecutors, and to restrain their power, with respect to imposing
of oaths. It is true it was said, that the king might not do so; for
by granting this liberty to the Quakers, he opened a door for the
Romanists to bear offices, without taking the required oaths. Now that
he discharged the Quakers from these oaths, may appear by the following
order to the lord mayor of London:
‘_Whitehall, Nov. 6, 1687._
‘MY LORD,
‘The king being informed, that Edward Brooker, Henry Jefferson,
and Joseph Tomlinson, being Quakers, are by Mr. Barker, steward
of Southwark, put upon several offices, as constables and the
like, which they are willing to do; but the oaths being tendered
to them, from which they think themselves exempted by the king’s
declaration for liberty of conscience, they are threatened to be
fined and otherwise molested, for their refusal to take them; his
majesty commands me to let your lordship know, that his pleasure
is, that the said Edward Brooker, Henry Jefferson, and Joseph
Tomlinson, and all other Quakers, should now, and for the future,
either be allowed to serve the said offices, without taking any
oaths, or else that they be not fined or otherwise molested upon
that account; and his majesty would have you give order therein
accordingly.
I am, my Lord,
Your Lordship’s most humble servant,
SUNDERLAND.’
Now whereas in some places goods taken from the Quakers lay still
unsold, the king ordered those goods to be restored to them, as may
appear by the following letter, written to the mayor and aldermen of
Leeds, in Yorkshire:
‘_Whitehall, Dec. 14, 1687._
‘GENTLEMEN,
‘The King being informed, that some goods belonging to John
Wales, and other Quakers of Leeds, which were seized and taken
from them upon the account of their religious worship, do remain
unsold in the hands of John Todd, who was constable at the time
of the seizure, or in the hands of some other persons; and his
majesty’s intention being, that all his subjects shall receive
the full benefit of his declaration for liberty of conscience,
his majesty commands me to signify his pleasure to you, that you
cause the goods belonging to the said John Wales, and all other
Quakers of Leeds, which were heretofore seized upon the account
of religious worship, and are unsold, in whose hands soever
they remain, to be forthwith restored to the respective owners,
without any charge.
I am, gentlemen,
Your affectionate friend and servant,
SUNDERLAND.’
By such means some got their goods again, that had been taken from them
upon the account of religious worship; for in many places they lay long
unsold, because few would buy goods so taken. And that the king by
these his favours, drew the love and affection of many of his subjects
towards himself, none need to wonder; for whatever his religion was,
he delivered them from that grievous burden, under which they had
been oppressed so many years. To this may be added, that he used them
kindly in all respects; and would not suffer his servants to molest
any for not pulling off their hats, when they came near his royal
person. Nay, so far went his condescension, that a certain countryman
of the Quakers’ persuasion, coming to him with his hat on his head,
the king took off his own hat, and held it under his arm; which the
other seeing, said, ‘The king needs not keep off his hat for me.’ To
which that prince returned, ‘You do not know the custom here, for that
requires that but one hat must be on here.’ I have been told of more
such like occurrences, which I pass by; but it appears from thence that
the king endeavoured to have among the Quakers the repute of a mild and
courteous prince. And this year he gave also full liberty of conscience
in Scotland, and freed those that were still under sufferings, granting
them the free liberty of their religious meetings. The said liberty he
also allowed to the Presbyterians, provided they should not meet in the
fields, or in sheds, as some did.
1688.
The king having thus granted liberty of conscience to people of all
persuasions, did whatever he could to introduce popery in England; for
he permitted the Jesuits to erect a college in the Savoy at London; and
suffered the friars to go publicly in the dress of their monastical
orders. This was a very strange sight to Protestants in England, and it
caused no small fermentation in the minds of people, when the fellows
of Magdalen College at Oxford, were by the king’s order dispossessed,
to make way for Romanists. This was such a gross usurpation, that W.
Penn, who had ready access to the king, and who endeavoured to get the
penal laws and test abrogated, thinking it possible to find out a way
whereby to limit the Papists so effectually, that they should not be
able to prevail, did, for all that, not omit to blame this usurpation
at Oxford, and to tell the king that it was an act which could not in
justice be defended, since the general liberty of conscience did not
allow of depriving any of their property, who did what they ought to
do, as the fellows of the said college appeared to have done. But this
could not cool the king’s zeal for popery, for he drove on so fast,
without disguise, to that degree, that the pope’s nuncio, D’Ada, this
summer made his public entry at Windsor in very great state.
Great endeavours were now made to repeal the penal laws and tests; for
when this point was gained, then Papists might be admitted into the
government as well as others; and such a general liberty of conscience
making an alluring show, several dissenters, as Baptists and others,
served the king with their pens on this account: and W. Penn, who
always had been a defender of liberty of conscience, was also not
inactive in this affair, though with a good intent, howbeit he might
have failed in his expectation. I remember when in those days the
patrons of the church of Rome asserted liberty of conscience to be a
Christian duty, I heard somebody say, “Can the Ethiopian change his
skin, or the Leopard his spots?” The king laboured also to persuade the
prince and princess of Orange, to give their assent to the repealing of
the test and penal laws; but this could not be obtained of them. And
since the king caused the advocate James Stuart, to write concerning
this matter to the heer Fagel, counsellor and chief pensionary at the
Hague; Fagel answered this paper in a letter to the said James Stuart,
wherein he declared the judgment of the prince and princess in this
case; and signified that they were willing to assent to the repealing
of the penal laws, as far as they had any tendency to the exercise
of worship; but as for those that debarred Papists from sitting in
parliament, of which the test was not the least, they could not give
their assent to the repealing of such limitations. This letter was
generally approved by the Protestants in England, but the king for all
that went on with the introducing of popery; and about the beginning of
the year 1688, he not only put in several Romanists to be fellows of
Magdalen College at Oxford, but endeavoured also to usher those of his
persuasion into the magistracy; and the better to cloak this design, he
would have other dissenters also chosen: but they generally rejected
this offer, as did also Stephen Crisp, at Colchester, who was too
circumspect to be caught thus, and therefore he declined the offer.
The king’s declaration for liberty of conscience was, on the 27th of
the month called April, published again, to show that he was firm and
constant in his resolution, and that his intentions were not changed
since he issued it out, to excite his subjects to join in it, and to
choose such members of parliament as might do their part to finish what
he had begun. Hereto was annexed an order of the council, for reading
this declaration in all churches and chapels throughout the kingdom;
and ordering the bishops to send and distribute the declaration
throughout their several dioceses, to be read accordingly. But they
refused to do so, pretending it was not legal, (though some there were
who thought it was,) because they were against liberty of conscience.
Now the archbishop of Canterbury, and six other bishops, petitioned
the king not to insist on the distribution and reading of his
declaration; alleging that their great averseness to the distribution
and publication of it in their churches proceeded neither from any
want of duty and obedience to his majesty, nor yet from any want of
due tenderness to dissenters; but because it was founded upon such a
dispensing power, as had been often declared illegal in parliament.
This refusal the king so resented, that he sent these bishops to the
tower. Whilst they were thus confined, there was much discourse every
where about this matter; and since it was well known that some bishops
had been the promoters of the former persecutions, some it seems spoke
also in prejudice of these that were now in confinement. This being
reported to them, they said that the Quakers belied them, and divulged
that they, (the bishops,) had been the cause of the death of some. This
gave occasion to Robert Barclay to visit the bishops in the tower; and
speaking with them, he gave them undeniable proofs of some persons
who, by order of bishops, had been kept in prison till death; though
they had been told of the danger of those persons by physicians, that
were not Quakers. This was so evidently manifested by R. Barclay, that
they were not able to deny it: yet Barclay told them, that since they
themselves were now under oppression, the intention of the Quakers was
in no wise to publish such matters, lest thereby they should exasperate
the king against them. And they were careful indeed not to do any
thing that might aggravate the case of these prisoners; for it was not
time now to rub old sores, since the bishops themselves seemed to be
inclined to declare for liberty of conscience. And since this liberty
was now enjoyed all over the kingdom, those called Quakers thought
it convenient at their yearly meeting, which was held this summer at
London, again to draw up an address to the king, and to acquaint him of
one thing more, which continued to be troublesome to them. This address
they presented to him, and was as followeth:
TO KING JAMES II. OVER ENGLAND, &c.
_The humble address of the People called Quakers, from their
yearly-meeting in London, the 6th day of the month
called June, 1688._
‘We, the king’s loving and peaceable subjects, from divers parts
of his dominions, being met together in this city, after our
usual manner, to inspect the affairs of our Christian society
throughout the world, think it our duty humbly to represent to
him, the blessed effects the liberty he has graciously granted
his people to worship God according to their consciences, hath
had, both on our persons and estates: for whereas formerly we
had ever long and sorrowful lists brought to us from almost all
parts of his territories, of prisoners, and the spoils of goods
by violent and ill men, upon account of conscience; we bless
God, and thank the king, the jails are every where clear, except
in cases of tithes, and the repairs of parish churches, and
some few about oaths; and we do in all humility lay it before
the king, to consider the hardships our friends are yet under
for conscience-sake in those respects; being in the one chiefly
exposed to the present anger of the offended clergy, who have
therefore lately imprisoned some of them till death; and in the
other they are rendered very unprofitable to the public and
themselves; for both in reference to freedoms in corporations,
probates of wills and testaments, and administrations, answers
in chancery and exchequer, trials of our just titles and debts,
proceeding in our trade at the custom-house, serving the office
of constables, &c. they are disabled, and great advantages taken
against them, unless the king’s favour do interpose: and as we
humbly hope he may relieve us, so we confidently assure ourselves
he will ease us what he can.
‘Now since it has pleased thee, O king, to renew to all thy
subjects by thy last declaration, thy gracious assurances to
pursue the establishment of this Christian liberty and property
upon an unalterable foundation; and in order to it, to hold a
parliament in November next at furthest:
‘We think ourselves deeply engaged to renew our assurances of
fidelity and affection, and with God’s help intend to do our
parts for the perfecting so blessed and glorious a work; that
so it may be out of the power of any one party to hurt another
upon the account of conscience: and as we firmly believe that God
will never desert this just and righteous cause of liberty, nor
the king in maintaining of it; so we hope by God’s grace, to let
the world see we can honestly and heartily appear for liberty of
conscience; and be inviolably true to our own religion, whatever
the folly or malice of some men on that account may suggest to
the contrary.’
This address being presented to the king, was well received. Some have
been ready to think, that the latter part of this address concerned the
office of magistrates, which, not without reason, it is believed that
a Christian might serve, with no more disparagement to an inoffensive
life, than it is inconsistent for a pious father to give due correction
to his rebellious child: for though our Saviour charges not to resist
evil, but to love enemies: and that he reproving Peter, who from a
forward zeal cut off the high priest’s servant’s ear, said to him,
“Put up thy sword into the sheath:” and that also the apostle James
disapproves war and fighting, yet we find in sacred writ, that the
apostle Paul calls the magistrate, the minister of God, and a revenger
to execute wrath upon him that doth evil: and he saith in plain terms,
that he beareth not the sword in vain.
But to return to my relation, and to take up again the thread of this
history, from which I have been diverted a little by this digression; I
know there were some in those days, who thought that if people of all
persuasions in England had a share in the government, proportionable
to their number, a means might have been found out to hinder any party,
especially the Papists, from exalting themselves above the others. But
to me it seems not improbable, that if this had effect, and a higher
hand had not cut off the way thereto, it would have appeared that those
men did not reckon well. But it never came to this pass, for the king’s
power was tottering already, though he endeavoured to support it,
even with good means; for to be helpful to his subjects, who, though
free-born men, were deprived of their freedom, merely because for
conscience-sake they could not swear; and to help them to this right
to which they were entitled as well as others, could not be judged
undue means, unless under it had been hidden an intent to introduce
this liberty also in favour of the Papists, though they did not believe
swearing unlawful.
There were now at Norwich, about forty of the people called Quakers,
who having petitioned the king, that he would be pleased to cause them
to be made freemen, obtained the following order from him:
_To our trusty and well-beloved our Attorney-General._
‘JAMES R.
‘Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well: whereas we have
received a good character of the loyalty of our well-beloved
subjects, Thomas Howard, Peter Launce, William Booly, Henry
Jackson, Edward Pears, John Jenn, Nicholas Comfit, John
Harridence, John Gurney, Samuel Wasay, Edmund Cobb, Philip Pain,
Josiah Sherringham, Anthony Alexander, Thomas Darmar, John Cadee,
John Fiddeman, William Kiddle, James Pooley, John Defrance, jun.
Daniel Sharpin, William Milchar, William Brown, John Sharpen,
jun. Samuel Kettle, Stephen Ames, Richard Rose, Benjamin Stud,
Edward Monk, John Cornish, John Hodson, James Polls, Michael
Parker, Richard Brown, Daniel Dye, jun. John Elsegood, John
Pike, and John Allen, we have thought fit hereby to require you
forthwith to make all and every the persons above-mentioned,
freemen of that our city of Norwich, with all the rights and
privileges thereunto belonging, without administering unto them
any oath, or oaths whatsoever, with which we are graciously
pleased to dispense in their behalf; and for so doing this shall
be your warrant; and so we bid you farewell. Given at our court
at Whitehall, the 13th day of July, 1688, in the fourth year of
our reign. By his majesty’s command.