1677.
The year 1677 was scarce begun, when G. Fox, though the roads were yet
covered with snow, travelled again. After he had passed many places,
and preached in the meetings of his friends, he came to York, and going
from thence to Nottingham, went to the house of John Reckless, who was
sheriff there when G. Fox preached the first time in that town, and
was imprisoned on that account: but he taking G. Fox into his house,
had been so reached by what he spoke, that he embraced the doctrine
he held forth, and never departed from the profession thereof. From
hence G. Fox passed through Leicestershire, Derbyshire, Warwickshire,
Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire, where he met with William Dewsbury,
and so came again to London, where having assisted at the annual
meeting, he, with William Penn, Robert Barclay, George Keith, &c. went
over to Holland, to see his friends there, and to edify them with his
gift. William Penn and Robert Barclay travelled up into Germany, and
since R. Barclay the year before had spoken with the princess Elizabeth
of the Palatinate, daughter of Frederick, king of Bohemia, and sister
of Sophia, late duchess of Hanover, mother of George, king of Great
Britain, W. Penn had also written two letters to her from England,
which she answered by this following:
_Hereford, May 2, 1667._
‘This, friend, will tell you that both your letters were very
acceptable, together with your wishes for my obtaining those
virtues which may make me a worthy follower of our great King and
Saviour Jesus Christ. What I have done for his true disciples
is not so much as a cup of cold water: it affords them no
refreshment; neither did I expect any fruit of my letter to the
duchess of L. as I have expressed at the same time unto B. F.
But since R. B. desired I should write it, I could not refuse
him, nor omit to do any thing that was judged conducing to his
liberty, though it should expose me to the derision of the world.
But this a mere moral man can reach at; the true inward graces
are yet wanting in
Your affectionate friend,
ELIZABETH.’
G. Fox also from Amsterdam wrote a letter to this virtuous princess,
wherein he commended her modest and retired life, and exhorted her to
piety and godliness: to which she answered with this letter:
‘_Dear Friend_,
‘I cannot but have a tender love to those that love the Lord
Jesus Christ, and to whom it is given not only to believe in
him, but also to suffer for him: therefore your letter, and your
friends’ visit, have been both very welcome to me. I shall follow
their and your counsel, as far as God will afford me light and
unction; remaining still
Your loving friend,
ELIZABETH.’
Herford, the 30th of August, 1677.
This correspondence gave occasion to William Penn and Robert Barclay,
to pass towards Herford, a town on the frontiers of Paderborn, and to
give the said princess, who resided there, a visit. With her lived Ann
Maria, countess of Hornes; and in one of the chambers of the princess,
William Penn and Robert Barclay had a meeting with the princess, the
countess, and several others, to their great satisfaction. And the
countess, who was one of Labadie’s adherents, signified to William
Penn, that she wished a meeting might be had where the inferior
servants might freely appear. William Penn not refusing this, the
princess consented to it; and after the meeting, (where she was not
present, that so her servants might have a more free access,) she
expressed much satisfaction in having had that good opportunity. And
then so earnestly invited William Penn and Robert Barclay, (who lodged
at an inn,) to sup with her, that they not being well able to refuse
the invitation, yielded to it. There was then with her a French woman
of quality, who having had before a very slight opinion of the Quakers,
now became deeply broken, and very affectionately kind and respectful
to William Penn and Robert Barclay. The next day was the first of the
week; and it being agreed with the princess to have another meeting,
William Penn desired that not only as many of her own family, but as
many of the town as would willingly be there, might be admitted. To
this she yielded. And thus William Penn and Robert Barclay had a large
opportunity to preach effectually, and to discharge themselves. After
the meeting was done, the princess came to William Penn, and taking
him by the hand, she spoke to him of the sense she had of the power
and presence of God that had been among them; and thus going on she
broke forth into an extraordinary passion, crying out, ‘I cannot speak
to you, my heart is full,’ clapping her hand upon her breast. This
affected William Penn not a little, yet he spoke a few words to her by
way of admonition; and then taking his leave of her, she said, ‘Will
you not come hither again? Pray call here as ye return out of Germany.’
To this he returned, ‘We are in the hand of the Lord, and being at
his pleasure, cannot so fully dispose of ourselves.’ Solemn leave
then being taken, Robert Barclay returned to Amsterdam, and William
Penn went to Paderborn, and so by the way of Cassel, (where he spoke
with the aged and learned Dureus,) to Frankfort. Here he found several
persons of note, with whom he had several times a meeting, and once
at the house of a young gentlewoman, noble of birth, called Johannah
Eleonora Merlane, who said to him, ‘Our quarters are free for you, let
all come that will come; and lift up your voices without fear.’
Departing thence William Penn came to Chrisheim, a village near
Worms, where then lived some of his friends, who afterwards went to
Pennsylvania, and settled themselves there. Whilst William Penn was
in the Palatinate, he wrote an exhortatory epistle[45] to Elizabeth
princess Palatine, and Anna Maria countess of Hornes; and then went to
Heidelberg, the chief city of the Palatinate, to speak with the prince
Elector, Charles Ludowick, brother of the said princess Elizabeth; but
the said prince then happened to be out of town: and since this chief
message was to desire the prince that the Quakers at Chrisheim might
be treated more mildly, for tithes were exacted from them not only by
the parson of the village, but also by the popish priests of Worms; and
the vaught, or mayor of the town, endeavoured to restrain their due
liberty of religious meeting together, he from thence took occasion to
write a letter in their favour to the said prince,[46] because he had
not been able to speak to him. Returning afterwards to Chrisheim, and
preaching there in a meeting of his friends, he was overheard by the
vaught, or chief officer, who stood at the back-door that he might not
be seen, who was so well pleased with what he heard, that he afterwards
told the parson, that it was his work, if the Quakers were heretics,
to discover them to be such: ‘But for my part,’ continued he, ‘I heard
nothing but what was good; and therefore I would not meddle with them.’
For the parson had busied himself to persuade the vaught that it was
his duty to suppress heresy: but the vaught made it appear that he had
no mind to persecute for religion’s sake. W. Penn having now cleared
his conscience, returned by way of Frankfort, Cologne, Cleves, &c. to
Amsterdam, where at Cologne he received a letter from the princess
Elizabeth, in answer to that he had written to her from the Palatinate:
the said letter was as followeth:
[45] See Penn’s Travels in Holland, &c. 3d impression, p. 77.
[46] Ibid. p. 84.
‘_The 4/14 of September, 1677._
‘DEAR FRIEND,
‘I have received your greetings, good wishes, and exhortations,
with much joy, and shall follow the latter as far as it will
please our great God to give me light and strength. I can say
little for myself, and can do nothing of myself; but I hope the
Lord will conduct me in his time, by his way, to his end, and
that I shall not shrink for his fire. I do long for it; and
when he assures my ways, I hope he will give me power to hear
the cross I meet therein; I am also glad to hear the journey
hath been prosperous both in the constitutions of your bodies,
to withstand the badness of the weather, and in the reception
you had in Cassel, Frankfort, and Chrisheim. Nothing surprised
me there but the good old Dury, in whom I did not expect so
much ingenuousness, having lately wrote a book, intitled, _Le
vêritable Chrétien_, that doth speak in another way. I wish to
know what reception you have had at Fredericksburg, and if this
find you at Cleves, I wish you might take an occasion to see the
two pastors of Mulheim, which do really seek the Lord, but have
some prejudice against your doctrine, as also the countess there.
It would be of much use for my family to have them disabused; yet
God’s will be done in that, and all things else concerning
Your loving friend in the Lord Jesus,
ELIZABETH.’
Whilst William Penn made this journey into Germany, George Fox was gone
to Hamburg and Frederickstadt, to visit his friends there; and Penn
being returned to Amsterdam, went from thence to Friesland, and met
George Fox as he was coming back to Holland, at Leewarden; from whence
he made a step to Wiewart, where a society of the Labadites dwelt.
Here he spoke with the famous Anna Maria Schurman, the gentlewomen
Somerdykes, the French pastor Peter Yvon, and others. After some
discourse from both sides, when Yvon had given a relation concerning
John de Labadie, how he was bred among the Jesuits, and deserted them,
and embraced the Protestant religion, and how becoming dissatisfied
with the formal Protestants, he with some that adhered to him, had
separated themselves from the vulgar assemblies, Anna Maria Schurman
began to speak, and gave an account of her former life, of her pleasure
in learning, and her love to the religion she was brought up in,
but confessed she knew not God or Christ truly all that while. And
though from a child God had visited her at times, yet she never felt
such a powerful stroke, as by the ministry of John de Labadie: and
then she saw her learning to be vanity, and her religion like a body
of death; and therefore resolved to despise the shame, desert her
former way of living and acquaintance, and to join herself with this
little family, that was retired out of the world. This and much more
she spoke in a sensible frame, and with a serious mind, not without
some trembling. And then one of the Somerdykes gave also an ample
relation, concerning her inward state, and how she had been reached
by the preaching of Labadie; and how before that time she had mourned
because of the deadness and formality of the vulgar Christians, and
said within herself, ‘O the pride, the lusts, the vain pleasures in
which Christians live! Can this be the way to heaven? Is this the way
to glory? Are these followers of Christ? O no! O God where is thy
little flock? Where is thy little family that will live entirely to
thee, that will follow thee? Make me one of that number.’ Then she
told how being pricked to the heart, when she heard Labadie preach,
she had resolved to abandon the glory and pride of this world; and
further said, that she counted herself happy to have joined with this
separated family. After some others had likewise given an account of
their change, William Penn also gave a circumstantial relation, how he
had been gradually drawn off from the vanity and pride of life; what
adversities he had met with in the university at Oxford, because of his
not joining with the debauchery committed there; and how, after having
lived some time in France, he had been convinced by the effectual
ministry of Thomas Loe, and so came to be joined with the despised
Quakers. This his relation he concluded with a serious admonition how
they ought to go on, and to grow in the true fear of God. At parting,
one of the pastors asked him if the truth rose not first amongst a
poor, illiterate, and simple sort of people. ‘Yes,’ answered William
Penn; ‘and it is our comfort that we owe it not to the learning of
this world.’ To which the pastor returned, ‘Then let not the learning
of this world be used to defend that which the Spirit of God hath
brought forth; for scholars now coming among you, will be apt to mix
school learning amongst your simpler and purer language, and thereby
obscure the brightness of your testimony.’ W. Penn, having answered
to the purpose, took his leave, and travelled by way of Groninghen to
Embden, where the Quakers at that time were persecuted severely with
imprisonments and banishments: but I wave the relation thereof, because
it hath long ago been published in print, and the magistrates there,
being afterwards moved to pity by the persecution the protestants
suffered in France, came to a better resolution, as may be mentioned in
the sequel.
When W. Penn came to Embden, he went to speak with the burgomaster
André, at his house, and asked him if he and the senate had not
received a letter in Latin[47] from an Englishman about two years
since, concerning their severity towards the people called Quakers?
The burgomaster said he had. W. Penn then replied, ‘I am that man, and
am constrained in conscience to visit thee on their behalf,’ &c. The
burgomaster deported himself with more kindness than was expected, and
gave some faint hope of alteration; but it appeared sufficiently that
the senate was not as yet so disposed, for persecution continued there
yet a long while.
[47] Which being translated into English, runs thus, and deserves
the serious consideration of all magistrates.
To the Council and Senate of the City of Embden.
_The King of kings, and Lord of lords, who is God of all the
families of the earth, incline your hearts to justice, mercy,
and truth._
The noise of your severe treatment of several persons that are
inhabitants of your state, reproachfully termed Quakers, hath
reached these parts, and filled several with compassion and
surprise; compassion to hear of the [48]miseries of men innocent
and upright, against whom you have nothing to object, but the
pure exercise of their conscience to God; surprise, that you,
a Protestant state, should employ your civil power to deter,
punish, and grievously afflict men for answering the convictions
of their consciences, and acting according to the best of their
understanding. Methinks you should not be oblivious of your
own condition in the loins of your ancestors, who, you think,
with great reason and justice, strenuously advocated the cause
of liberty of conscience against the pope’s bulls and the
Spanish inquisition; how did they antichristian all force on
conscience or punishment for non-conformity? Their own many and
large apologies, and particularly their demands at the diets of
Nurimburg and Spire, are pregnant proofs in the case; and your
practice doth not lessen the weight of their reasons; on the
contrary, it aggravates your unkindness, let me say, injustice.
[48] Our account says, some were cruelly beaten by order;
others banished; some put in a dungeon, and fed with bread
and water only; several fined greater sums of money, it is
thought, than they had to pay.
Protestants, (and such you glory to be thought,) got their name
by protesting against imposition; and will you turn imposers?
They condemned it; and will you practise it? They thought it
a mark peculiar to the beast; and can you repute it the care
of a Christian magistracy? I mean, that persons must not live
under your government, unless they receive your mark in the
forehead or right hand? Which in plainer terms is, to submit
their consciences to your edicts, and to ask your leave what
religion they should be of. Remember, that faith is the gift of
God; and, that what is not of faith is sin: nothing can be more
unreasonable, than to compel men to believe against their belief,
or to trouble them for practising what they believe, when it
thwarts not the moral law of God.
You doubtless take yourselves to be Christians, and would esteem
it no little injury to be otherwise represented; yet what more
unchristian, than to use external force to sway the consciences
of men about the exercise of religious worship.
Christ Jesus, the Lord and author of the Christian religion,
censured his own disciples, that would have had fire from heaven
to destroy those that conformed not to what their blessed
Master taught: are you surer of your religion? Are you better
Christians? Or, have you more Christian authority, than they
that were the chosen witnesses of Jesus? However, remember, they
called but for fire from heaven; and can you kindle fire on
earth to devour them? Them, I say, that are of your own people,
merely for their religious dissent from you? Doubtless, if that
was then thought no fit argument to induce men to conformity
by him that was wiser than Solomon; it reflects greatly upon
your modesty and prudence, that you should find out new ways,
or rather old exploded ones to effect so ill a design. Besides,
you do not say you know all you ought to know, or that there
is nothing further to be revealed; have a care therefore, that
you persecute not angels, by being harsh to that which you call
strange; think not ill, much less speak, and least of all act,
that which is so against what you do not perfectly understand. I
am well persuaded, that those you inflicted such severe penalties
upon, mean well in what they believe, (to be sure much better
than you think they do, or else you are extremely to blame,) and
that the reason of their present distance from you, is not to
introduce or insinuate dangerous or exotic opinions, but to live
a life of more holiness, purity, and self-denial, than before:
they do not think that you walk up to your own principles; and
have reason to believe the power of godliness is much lost among
you; and having long lain under a decay and languishing of soul
for want of true spiritual nourishment, they have now betaken
themselves to that heavenly gift and grace of God in themselves
for divine satisfaction, even that holy anointing that is able to
teach them all things necessary for them to know; as the blessed
apostle speaks; and they find the joys of the Holy Ghost in so
doing: and I am persuaded they are not less peaceable, sober,
just, and neighbourly than formerly, and altogether as consistent
with the prosperity of civil society; and I am sure it is both
found and confest among us here by some men of quality, learning,
and virtue. Further, be pleased to consider with yourselves,
that you justify the ancient persecutions of the Christians and
first reformers, whose superiors thought as ill of them, as you
do of these men; nay, you show the Papists what to do in their
dominions to your own brethren. Do as you would be done by: if
you would have liberty, give it; you know that God’s witness in
your hearts dictates this to you as an immutable law.
Could you give faith, it were more excusable for you to punish
such as should resist; but since that is impossible, the other
is unreasonable; for it is to afflict men for not being what
they cannot be unless they turn hypocrites: that is the highest
pitch your coercive power can arrive at; for never did it convert
or preserve one soul to God; instead thereof it offers violence
unto conscience, and puts a man either upon the denial of his
faith and reason, or being destroyed for acting according to
them: but what greater disproportion can there be, than what
lieth between the intellect of man, and prisons, fines, and
banishments? They inform no man’s judgment, resolve no doubts,
convince no understanding: the power of persuasion is not to be
found in any such barbarous actions, no more than the doctrine of
Christianity. This course destroys the bodies and estates of men,
instead of saving their souls: were they in the wrong, it would
become you to use God’s weapons, his sword of the Spirit, that
saveth the creature; and slayeth the evil in him; this course
tends to heart-burnings and destruction; I am sure it is no
gospel argument.
I beseech you for the sake of that Lord Jesus Christ, that
suffered so patiently for his own religion, and so sharply
prohibited making other men to suffer for theirs, that you would
have a care how you exercise power over men’s consciences. My
friends, conscience is God’s throne in man, and the power of
it his prerogative: it is to usurp his authority, and boldly
ascend his throne, to set lords over it. Were their conversation
scandalous, and destructive to the good of your state, you
were to be held excusable: but verily, no man of mercy and
conscience, can defend your practice upon poor men so peaceable
and inoffensive. Gamaliel will rise up in judgment against you,
if you persevere in this course. Do not you help to fill the
catalogue of persecutors: in much love I intreat you; but as
becomes Christian men and true Protestants, leave men to their
particular persuasions of affairs relative of the other world,
which have no ill aspect on the affairs of this: but vice hath an
evil consequence as to both: therefore punish vice, and affect
truth and righteousness, and bend not your civil power to torment
religious dissenters, but to retrieve good life, lamentably lost
amidst the great pretences that are made to religion. Doubtless
magistracy was both ordained of God, and elected by men, to be
a terror of evil-doers, and not to them that do well, though of
different judgments. You oppugn the Roman church for assuming
infallibility to herself, and yet your own practice maketh you
guilty of the same presumption or worse: for either you do
exercise that severity upon an infallible knowledge, or you do
not; if you do, you take that to yourselves your principle denies
to any church whatever, which is a contradiction; if you do not,
you punish people for not conforming to what you yourselves deny
any certainty about: and how do you know but you compel them
to that which is false, as well as that which is true? Verily,
this dilemma is not easily avoided, as well as that this inhuman
practice will stain your profession, infame your government, and
bring a blot upon your posterity.
Remember that they are men as well as yourselves, born free,
and have equal plea to natural and civil common privileges with
yourselves: the different persuasion of their consciences about
things relating to another life, can no ways render them unfit
for this; it neither unmans nor uncivilizes them. They have the
same right to their liberty and property as ever, having by no
practice of theirs in the least forfeited any of those human
advantages, the great charters of nature and Scripture have
conferred upon them: and the opulency of your neighbours and
prosperity of their affairs, prove to you that indulgence is
not inconsistent with policy; howbeit, you have now tried the
sincerity of their procedure by what you have already inflicted,
and they sustained; let the time past suffice, and make them
not sacrifices for their conscientious constancy. If they are
in the wrong, it is more than they know; will you persecute men
for being what they must be, if they will be true to themselves;
this were great violence; rather commiserate than thus violently
compel them. I beseech you, seek some cheaper way to accommodate
yourselves, than by their destruction, who are so very remote
from seeking yours. Oh! the day will come, wherein one act of
tenderness about matters of conscience, shall find a better
reward, than all the severity by which men use to propagate their
persuasions in the world; and there is great reason for it, since
the one flows from the Saviour, the other from the destroyer of
men. In fine, let your moderation be known unto all men, for the
Lord is at hand, whose reward is with him; and he will recompense
every man, family, state, kingdom, and empire, according to the
nature of their works, committed in his mortal body; at whose bar
it shall never be laid to your charge, that out of fear of taking
God’s office out of his hands, and being unmerciful to tender
consciences, you admitted men of differing judgments to dwell
quietly among you: truly, you cannot be too tender in this point.
Imitate the God of nature and grace, by being propitious to all;
his sun shineth on all; his rain falls on all, he gives life and
being to all; his grace visits all, and in times of ignorance
he winketh: and though such you may repute ours, I hope you
cannot think you wink at it, who make such broad tokens of your
displeasure. Oh! how forbearing and merciful is he towards you?
Have you so lately escaped the wrath of enemies, and can you
already thus sharply treat your friends? Had he entered into
judgment with you, what had become of you? Let his goodness to
you prevail with you, to express clemency to others, that so
the great God of the whole earth, even the God of the spirits
of all flesh, who respects not the persons of the rich, poor,
or powerful in judgment, may show you mercy in the day of his
righteous judgments. Amen.
Your friend with the greatest integrity in the
universal principle of love and truth,
W. PENN.
_London, December 14, 1674._
After W. Penn had staid some time at Embden, he took a turn again to
Herford, where he was received very kindly by the princess Elizabeth,
and the countess of Hornes; and more than once he had a meeting in her
chamber; and the princess was so reached and affected by his speaking,
that she said, ‘I am fully convinced; but oh my sins are great!’ this
gave occasion to W. Penn to speak to the princess and the countess
apart, with respect to their particular conditions; which made a deep
impression on their minds, especially the countess’s. Being much
pressed by the princess to stay and sup with her, he yielded: and
the countess from a serious sense of her compliance with the world,
told him, ‘_Il faut que je rompe, il faut que je rompe_,’ i. e. ‘I
must break off, I must break off.’ And at another time with a weighty
countenance she cried out, ‘O the cumber and entanglements of this
vain world; they hinder all good.’ Once the princess said to them,
‘It is a hard matter to be faithful to what one knows. I fear that I
am not weighty enough in my spirit.’ At another time she told him,
‘Among my books I have records that the gospel was by the English first
brought from England into Germany; and now it is come again.’ Thus this
excellent princess signified how highly she valued the preaching of
the gospel to her by W. Penn, and how much she esteemed his labour and
ministry. When he took his leave of these eminent persons, having taken
the princess by the hand, which she received with a weighty kindness,
being much broken in spirit, he wished the blessing and peace of Jesus
with and upon her; and then exhorting the countess, she frequently
besought him to remember her, and implore the Lord on her behalf.
Next taking wagon for Wesel, from thence he travelled to Duisburgh,
Dusseldorp, and Cologne, and then back again to Dusseldorp, to see if
he could get an opportunity at Mulheim, to speak with the countess
of Falkenstein, who was reported to be a very religious person, and
therefore in his former journey he had endeavoured to visit her, but in
vain; for the count of Bruch and Falkenstein, her father, kept her as
it were under a confinement, because she was of a religious temper; and
therefore he called her a Quaker, though she did not at all converse
with any of the Quakers. He had also used W. Penn very roughly, when,
being necessitated to pass by his castle, he being lord of that
country, asked him and his friends from whence they were, and whither
they went? to which they answered, that they were Englishmen come from
Holland, and going no further in those parts than his town Mulheim: but
they not pulling off their hats, the count called them Quakers, and
said, ‘We have no need of Quakers here. Get you out of my dominions,
you shall not go to my town.’ And he commanded some of his soldiers,
to see them out of his territory. Thus W. Penn, and those with him,
were necessitated to lie that night in the open air. But the next day
he wrote a letter to the said count, and therein told him, ‘For thy
saying, we want no Quakers here, I say, under favour, you do; for a
true Quaker is one that trembleth at the word of the Lord, that worketh
out his salvation with fear and trembling.’
W. Penn being come to Mulheim, could now no more find opportunity to
speak with the countess than the first time he was in those parts; and
therefore he went to Duisburgh, Wesel, and Cleves, where having had
conferences with some religious people, he returned by way of Utrecht
to Amsterdam, where G. Fox was also come back again.
Here W. Penn and G. Fox had a conference and dispute with Dr. Galenus
Abraham, an eminent Baptist teacher, and some of that persuasion.
Galenus asserted, that nobody now-a-days could be accepted as a
messenger of God, unless he confirmed his doctrine by miracles. W. Penn
wanted no arguments to contradict this, since the Christian religion
had been once already confirmed by miracles, and that therefore this
now was needless among Christians. G. Fox now and then spoke also
something to the matter; but he being somewhat short breathed, went
several times away, which some were ready to impute to a passionate
temper; but I well know that therein they wronged him. This dispute
was indeed a troublesome business; for the parties on both sides were
fain to speak by an interpreter, which generally was performed so
imperfectly, that at last the conference was broke off, without coming
to a decision, although many weighty arguments were objected against
the position. Certainly it cannot be denied that John the Baptist was
sent of God to preach repentance; and yet in sacred writ it is said
positively, John did no miracle; and yet many believed in him. And
although there were some among the prophets that wrought miracles, yet
we do not find in the holy Scriptures that Jonah, who was indeed a
notable preacher of repentance, did any miracle, and nevertheless the
Ninevites believed him, and deprecated those judgments he denounced,
unless they repented. Of several other true prophets we find not the
least mention of any miracles they did; but on the contrary, the
Scriptures signify, that possibly false prophets might arise, and give
signs or wonders; and that the doing of miracles could not always be a
proof, or sure evidence, that any one was sent of God, appears plainly
from what our Saviour himself said, viz. that among those to whom he
should one day say, “Depart from me,” would be such that should say,
“Have we not in thy name cast out devils, and in thy name done many
wonderful works?” And what shall we think of the sorcerers of Egypt;
did not they seem to do the same wonders as Moses and Aaron did? And
yet those wonders wherewithal they deceived Pharaoh and his men, were
in no ways wrought by a divine power. Now, since it appears plainly
from the holy Scriptures, and Christ himself said, “There shall arise
false prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders,” we might
with good reason suspect the doctrine of one, who now-a-days wrought
miracles, on purpose to make what he denounced, pass for truth.
This being duly considered, it seems to be very absurd, to require
miracles again for confirmation of the same gospel which once hath been
confirmed by miracles; and to desire that the truth of what once hath
been declared by the apostles, and strengthened by wonderful works,
should be sealed anew with outward wonders. But it would indeed have
been another case, if a new gospel was preached, and that any pretended
to give forth new holy Scriptures; for then it might be said with some
reason, that it was necessary that this new gospel should be made
credible, and confirmed by visible miracles. But where no other gospel
is preached, than what hath been once delivered to the Christians by
the first promulgators of the Christian religion, and where this is
not done amongst heathens, but amongst Christians, or at least such
as hear the name, there it cannot in justice be required to confirm
this doctrine once more with miracles, the rather because, as hath
been showed already, the doing of miracles may not always pass for an
irrefragable proof of one’s being really pious and godly. To this may
be added, that the miracles which Christ and his apostles wrought, to
give credit to the appearing of the Son of God in the flesh, may be
considered as types and figures of those spiritual wonders which should
be wrought in the souls of people, when Christ was to be seen the
second time, and to appear by his spirit, to the salvation of those who
wait for him; for the eyes of the mind being blinded, must be opened
and enlightened by him; and many that are dead in sin and trespasses,
shall by him be raised, and made alive. This I think may suffice to
show, that the position of Dr. Galenus could not stand the test; but
whatever was objected, he continued to maintain his opinion.
Not long after this dispute, G. Fox and W. Penn returned to England,
where, having sustained a violent tempest at sea, they arrived safely
at Harwich: passing from thence to London, W. Penn there received the
following letter from the princess Elizabeth, in answer to his:
_Herford, Oct. 29, 1677._
‘DEAR FRIEND,
‘Your tender care of my eternal well-being doth oblige me much,
and I will weigh every article of your counsel to follow it as
much as lies in me, but God’s grace must be assistant, as you
say yourself; he accepts nothing that does not come from him. If
I had made me bare of all worldly goods, and left undone what
he requires most, I mean to do all in and by his Son, I shall
be in no better condition than at this present. Let me feel him
first governing in my heart, then do what he requires of me; but
I am not able to teach others, being not taught of God myself.
Remember my love to G. F. B. F. G. K. and dear Gertrude.[49] If
you write no worse than your postscript, I can make a shift to
read it. Do not think I go from what I spoke to you the last
evening; I only stay to do it in a way that is answerable before
God and man: I can say no more now, but recommend to your prayers,
[49] This was Gertrude Dericks, who had visited the princess,
and afterwards came to live in England, and was married to
Stephen Crisp.
Your true friend,
ELIZABETH.’
‘P. S. I almost forget to tell you, that my sister writes me
word, she had been glad you had taken your journey by Osenburgh,
to return to Amsterdam. There is also a Drossard of Limbourg near
this place, (to whom I gave an examplar of R. B.’s apology,) very
desirous to speak with some of his friends.’
Yet another letter W. Penn received from the said princess, in answer
to one he wrote from the Briel, at his passage towards England, which
was as followeth:
To the princess Elizabeth, Salvation in the Cross, Amen.
‘_Dear and truly respected friend_,
‘My soul most earnestly desireth thy temporal and eternal
felicity, which standeth in thy doing the will of God now on
earth, as it is done in heaven. O dear princess, do it! Say the
word once in truth and righteousness, “Not my will, but thine
be done, O God!” Thy days are few, and then thou must go to
judgment.[50] Then an account of thy talent God will require from
thee. What improvement hast thou made? Let it prove and show its
own excellency, that it is of God, and that it leadeth all that
love it, to God. O that thou mayest be able to give an account
with joy!
[50] She died about four years after.
‘I could not leave this country, and not testify the sentiments
I hear in my mind, of that humble and tender entertainment thou
gavest us at thy court: the Lord Jesus reward thee: and surely he
hath a blessing in store for thee. Go on, be steadfast, overcome,
and thou shalt inherit. Do not despond; one that is mighty is
near thee; a present help in the needful time of trouble. O let
the desire of thy soul be to his name, and to the remembrance of
him. O wait upon the Lord, and thou shalt renew thy strength! The
youth shall faint, and the young men shall fail, but they that
trust in the Lord shall never be confounded.
‘I wish thee all true and solid felicity, with my whole soul.
The Lord God of heaven and earth have thee in his keeping, that
thou mayest not lose, but keep in that divine sense, which by his
eternal word, he hath begotten in thee. Receive, dear princess,
my sincere and Christian salutation: grace, mercy, and peace, be
multiplied among you all that love the Lord Jesus.
‘Thy business I shall follow with all the diligence and
discretion I can, and by the first give thee an account, after it
shall please the Lord to bring me safe to London. All my brethren
are well, and present thee with their dear love; and the rest
with thee that love Jesus, the light of the world, in thy family.
Thou hast taught me to forget thou art a princess, and therefore
I use this freedom; and to that of God in thee am I manifest; and
I know my integrity. Give, if thou pleasest, the salutation of my
dear love to A. M. de Hornes, with the inclosed. Dear princess,
do not hinder, but help her. That may be required of her, which,
(considering thy circumstances,) may not yet be required of thee.
Let her stand free, and her freedom will make the passage easier
unto thee. Accept what I say, I intreat thee, in that pure and
heavenly love and respect, in which I write so plainly to thee.
Farewell, my dear friend, and the Lord be with thee. I am more
than I can say,
Thy great lover, and
Respectful friend,
W. PENN,’
‘I refer thee to the inclosed for passages. We visited Gichtel
and Hooftman, and they us: they were at one or two of the
meetings at Amsterdam. _Vale_ in _æternum_.’
To this letter the princess returned the following answer.
‘_This 17 November, 1677._
‘DEAR FRIEND,
‘I have received a letter from you that seemeth to have been
written at your passage into England, which I wish may be
prosperous: without date, but not without virtue to spur me on
to do and suffer the will of our God. I can say in sincerity and
truth, Thy will be done, O God, because I wish it heartily; but I
cannot speak in righteousness, until I possess that righteousness
which is acceptable unto him. My house and my heart shall be
always open to those that love him. Gichtel has been well
satisfied with the conferences between you. As for my business,
it will go as the Lord pleaseth, and I remain in him
Your affectionate friend,
ELIZABETH.’
G. Fox now being come to London, received there letters from New
England, with an account of the cruel proceedings of the magistrates
against his friends there: for persecution being hot in Old England, it
made those in New England the worse; insomuch that they did not only
whip the Quakers that were there, but also some masters of ships that
were no Quakers, only for bringing some of that persuasion thither. But
about that time the Indians made an inroad upon the English, and slew
three-score of their men; and having taken one of their captains, they
flead off the skin of his head, while he was alive, and carried it away
in triumph.
Now since the people called Quakers were also much persecuted in
Scotland, they drew up an account of their sufferings, and delivered
it to the king in the beginning of this year; but whether they got any
ease thereby, I cannot tell.
In the latter part of this year, G. Fox travelled through many places
of England. In the meanwhile I will again make some mention of the
persecution there. At Plymouth about this time, those called Quakers
were generally kept out of their meeting-house, and then performing
their worship in the open street, as a duty they owed to God, and for
the omission of which they judged no man could be dispensed with, they
suffered exceedingly, not only in winter, by the sharpness of the
weather, but also in summer; for it was more than twelve months that
they thus kept their meetings in the open street, being grievously
abused by the rabble and the soldiers; for beating and punching seemed
not sufficient; fiery squibs and burning coals were thrown among them,
and filthy excrements cast down upon them out of a window: besides,
fines were extorted for their having been at the meeting, on the
account of one Richard Samble, who was fined as preacher, for having
been on his knees at prayer, which fine was laid upon four of them that
were at the said meeting.
At Frenchay in Gloucestershire, the justice, John Merideth, behaved
himself exceedingly furious in disturbing the Quaker’s meetings; for he
himself did not only beat them, but more than once drew his knife to
mark them, as he called it, had he not been restrained by his servants,
who for all that could not prevent his taking some by the hair of the
head, and pulling them away, nay, the havoc and spoil which was made,
was so extravagant, that from one Thomas Holbrow, an ancient blind man,
they took his bed from under him, so that he and his wife lay about
a quarter of a year on straw; and when his friends provided him with
some clothing against winter, part of that was also taken from him: for
such plundering now went on with a full career; and the basest men were
authorized to deprive others of their goods, if there was but a justice
that favoured such.
At Buyton, in Suffolk, Edmund Bally was by warrant from justice Burwel,
despoiled of what he had, both within doors and without, his goods
having been distrained five times; and though he was fain to lie on
straw, yet he was not left unmolested, for they came in the night,
armed with pistols, and broke open his door, threatening to destroy
him. It happened there also, that a poor blind widow, on her sick bed,
was visited by some persons; and this was made a conventicle, and they
were fined, and warrants issued out by the aforesaid justice to make
distress on their goods. In many other places things went no better;
but I may not detain my reader with every particular.
This year died in prison William Dobson, of Brightwell in Berkshire,
having been spoiled of his goods from time to time, during the space
of thirteen years, and almost always in prison too, till his hard
sufferings ended with his life.
It was also in this year that William III. prince of Orange, came
from Holland into England, and there entered into matrimony with the
princess Mary, eldest daughter of the duke of York, which in process of
time made way for him to the throne of Great Britain. He accomplished
his marriage there on the 4th of November, being his birth-day; and not
long after returned to Holland with his spouse.
1678.
About the beginning of the year 1678, G. Fox came to London, and the
parliament sitting at that time, he and G. Whitehead presented to them
an account of the grievous sufferings of their friends, by laws made
against the Papists; and they were not without hopes of obtaining some
ease, because several of the members of that august assembly seemed to
favour them; but the parliament was suddenly prorogued, whereby a stop
was put to their endeavours.
G. F. then travelling through many places, came home to Swarthmore in
the latter part of the year; and since many of his friends at this time
were under great persecution, and in prison, he wrote the following
epistle to them:
‘_My dear Friends_,
‘Who are sufferers for the Lord Jesus’ sake, and for the
testimony of the truth, the Lord God Almighty with his power
uphold you, and support you in all your trials and sufferings;
and give you patience, and content in his will, that ye may
stand valiant for Christ and his truth upon the earth, over the
persecuting and destroying spirit, which makes to suffer, in
Christ, (who bruises his head,) in whom ye have both election
and salvation. And for God’s elect sake the Lord hath done much
from the foundation of the world; as may be seen throughout the
Scriptures of Truth; and they that touch them, touch the apple
of God’s eye, they are so tender to him. And therefore it is
good for all God’s suffering children to trust in the Lord, and
to wait upon him; for they shall be as mount Sion, that cannot
be removed from Christ, their rock and salvation, who is the
foundation of all the elect of God, of the prophets and the
apostles, and of God’s people now, and to the end: glory to the
Lord and the Lamb over all. Remember my dear love to all friends;
and do not think the time long, for all time is in the Father’s
hand, his power. And therefore keep the word of patience,
and exercise that gift; and the Lord strengthen you in your
sufferings, in his holy Spirit of faith. Amen.