By this letter it appears, that there was an endeared mutual love
between this virtuous couple. He was a man of great knowledge, but when
his understanding came to be opened by the preaching of G. Fox, he
would say, sometimes, ‘Ah, what have we been doing! Or what availeth
our great profession? All our building tumbles down; our profession
is high as the wind; the day of the Lord is upon it, and his word,
as a fire, consumes it as dry stubble; and puts an end to all empty
professions and high notions, without life or substance; to all the
wisdom of fallen man. We must forsake the world, and all its glory; it
is all but vanity and vexation of spirit: it is a Saviour that I long
for; it is him that my soul pants after. O that I may be gathered into
his life, and overshadowed with his glory, sanctified throughout by
his word, and raised up by his eternal power!’ He continuing in this
state of daily supplication and inward travail of soul, it pleased the
Lord at length to furnish him with an extraordinary qualification to
proclaim his word, which he did some years faithfully, and with great
zeal. And though his wife loved him dearly, and preferred his company
above what the world could give; yet in regard of his gospel service,
she gave him up freely to be much from home; whereby during a great
part of the time of their marriage, she had not his desirable company.
In the meanwhile he laboured diligently in the Lord’s harvest, till
his bodily strength failing, and meeting with hard imprisonments, he
was seized with a most violent cough, which was followed by a fever,
so that his sleep was taken from him, which made him grow very weak;
but he bore his sickness with great patience, and said once, that
in those great meetings in the orchard at Bristol, he often forgot
himself, not considering the inability of his body, from a desire to
be heard by all: but that his reward was with him, and he content to
be with the Lord, which his soul valued above all things. Not long
before his departure, being visited by some of his friends, he spoke so
comfortably, and with such power, as one that was beyond the feeling
of his weakness. To his wife, who was big with child, and nigh her
delivery, well knowing how tenderly she loved him, he said, ‘My will is
in true subjection, submitting to the will of the Lord, whether life or
death; and therefore give me up freely to his disposing.’ And she, how
dear soever he was to her, did so; which gave him some ease, seeing her
sincere resignedness; and being sometimes overcome with joy, he praised
God in his sickness; nay so ardent was his zeal, that once, though
very weak, he desired to be helped up in bed upon his knees; and thus
he fervently supplicated the Lord in the behalf of his churches, that
they might be preserved in the truth, out of the evil of the world,
and that his gospel might spread, and be published to the gathering
of all that pertain to Israel. His strength now diminishing daily, he
sweetly departed at the age of thirty-four years, about three weeks
after the fever first seized him. And his widow, who ten days after
his decease was delivered of a son, behaved herself discreetly, and
said afterwards in a paper concerning him: ‘The eternal God, who by his
providence, joined us together in marriage, in our young days, in his
blessed counsel also caused his day to spring from on high upon us: in
the marvellous light, and bright shining whereof, he revealed his Son
Christ in us, and gave us faith to believe in him, the eternal word of
life, by which our souls came to be quickened, and made alive in him:
and also in and by the quickening of his holy power, were made one in
a spiritual and heavenly relation, our hearts being knit together in
the unspeakable love of truth, which was our life, joy, and delight,
and made our days together exceeding comfortable: as being that whereby
all our temporal enjoyments were sanctified, and made a blessing to
us. How hard it was, and how great a loss, to part with so dear and
tender an husband as he was to me, is far beyond what I can express:
the dolour of my heart, my tongue or pen is not able to declare. Yet
in this I contented myself, that it was the will of the Lord that he
was taken from the evil; and that my loss, though great, was not to
be compared to his eternal gain.’ This widow, in process of time, was
married to Thomas Camm, son of John Camm, her former husband’s bosom
friend. She was indeed a woman of great virtue, but now I part with
her, with intention to say more of her when I shall come to the time of
her decease.
I return to Francis Howgill, whom we left in prison, and who now
appeared again at the assizes, which were holden at Appleby, in the
month called August. And he having got liberty to speak with the clerk
of the assizes, who told him, that he must prepare himself to come to
a trial, answered, he was prepared, but thought that all he could say,
would little avail, believing they purposed to prosecute him with all
severity: which proved so, as will appear by what follows; for the
county justices had incensed the judges against him beforehand. Yet
Howgill endeavoured all he could to convince them of his innocency; and
to that end drew up the substance of the oath into several heads which
he could subscribe to; to this he joined another paper to judge Turner,
showing the cause of his first commitment and the former proceedings
against him: and how unequal it was to prosecute him upon a statute
made against popish recusants. He also signified in that paper, that he
was a man of a tender spirit, and feared the Lord from a child, and he
had never taken any oath but once in his life, which was twenty years
ago; and that his refusing to take the oath of allegiance, was not in
any evil intent to the king’s person or government, but merely upon a
conscientious account, and that he could not swear, being otherwise
persuaded of the Lord, seeing it was against the command of Christ,
and the apostle James’s doctrine. Besides, that he was able to make
it evident to be against the example of the primitive Christians for
divers hundred years, and so no new opinion. That he did neither in
wilfulness nor obstinacy refuse it, being sensible of the damage that
would come thereby, if they did prosecute him upon that statute, he
having a wife and children, and some small estate, which he knew lay at
stake in the matter; but that though it were his life also, he could
not revolt from, or deny that which he had most certainly believed in;
but if any could convince him either by scripture or reason, he had
an ear to hear. And therefore all those things considered, he desired
he might he dismissed from his bonds, and from their persecution of
him upon that account. These papers were delivered to the judges and
justices before he appeared in court, and were read by them. He then
being called to the bar at the assizes holden at Appleby, judge Turner
said to him, ‘Here is an indictment against you for refusing to take
the oath of allegiance; so you must plead to it, either guilty or not
guilty.’
F. H. with a heart girded up with strength and courage, said,
‘Judge Turner, may I have liberty to speak, and make my defence,
for I have none to plead my cause but the Lord?’
Judge. You may.
F. H. I will lay the true state of my case before thee, and of
the proceedings against me from the first, seeing judge Twisden
is not here, who had knowledge of all the proceedings hitherto. I
am a countryman, born and brought up in this country; my carriage
and conversation is known, how I have walked peaceably towards
all men, as I hope my countrymen can testify. About a year ago
being at my neighbouring market-town about my reasonable and
lawful occasions, I was sent for by an high constable out of the
market to the justices of peace, before whom I went; and when
I came there, they had nothing to lay to my charge, but fell
to ask me questions to ensnare me about our meetings; and when
they could find no occasion, they seemed to tender the oath of
allegiance to me, though they never read it to me, neither did
I positively deny it, yet they committed me to prison; and so
I was brought hither to this assize, and then the mittimus by
which I was committed, was called for, and the judge read it,
and said to the justices it was insufficient: nevertheless judge
Twisden tendered the oath of allegiance to me; many things I
did allege then, and many more I have to say now, if time will
permit: from that time I was under an engagement to appear at
the next assizes, and so was called, and did appear at the last
jail-delivery, and a further obligation was required of me for
good behaviour, which I could not give, lest I should be brought
into a further snare; and since that time I have been committed
prisoner these five months, of which time I have been kept
under great restraint, my friends not permitted to speak to me:
and thus briefly I have given thee an account hitherto. As to
the oath, the substance thereof, with the representation of my
case, is presented to the court already, unto which I have set
my hand, and also shall in those words testify the same in open
court, if required; and seeing it is the very substance the law
doth require I desire it may be accepted, and I cleared from my
imprisonment.
Judge. I am come to execute the law, and the law requires an
oath, and I cannot alter it; do you think the law must be
changed for you, or only for a few; if this be suffered, the
administration of justice is hindered, no action can be tried,
nor evidence given for the king, nor other particular cases
tried; and your principles are altogether inconsistent with
the law and government; I pray you show me which way we shall
proceed, show me some reason, and give me some ground.
F. H. I shall: in the mouth of two or three witnesses every truth
is confirmed; and we never denied to give, and still are ready
to give evidence for the king wherein we are concerned, and in
any other matter for the ending of strife between man and man in
truth and righteousness, and this answers the substance of the
law.
Judge. Is this a good answer, think you? whether to be given with
or without oath: the law requires an oath.
F. H. Still evidence is and may be given in truth, according
to the substance of the law, so that no detriment cometh unto
any party, seeing that true testimony may be borne without an
oath; and I did not speak of changing the law: yet seeing we
never refused giving testimony, which answereth the intent and
substance of the law, I judged it was reasonable to receive our
testimony, and not to expose us to such sufferings, seeing we
scrupled an oath only upon a conscientious account, in tenderness
of conscience, for fear of breaking the command of Christ, the
Saviour of the world, which if we do, there is none of you able
to plead our cause for us with him.
Judge. But why do not you go to church, but meet in houses and
private conventicles, which the law forbids.
F. H. We meet together only for the worship of the true God
in Spirit and Truth, having the primitive Christians for our
example, and to no other end, but that we may be edified, and God
glorified; and when two or three are met together in the name of
Christ, and he in the midst of them, there is a church.
Judge. That is true: but how long is it since you have been at
church? Or will you go to the church the law doth allow of? Give
me some reasons why you do not go.
F. H. I have many to give thee, if thou hast patience to hear me:
first, God dwells not in temples made with men’s hands. Secondly,
the parish house hath been a temple for idols, to wit, for the
mass and the rood; and I dare have no fellowship with idols, nor
worship in idols’ temples; for what have we to do with idols,
their temples and worship?
Judge. Were there not houses called the houses of God, and
temples?
F. H. Yes, under the law; but the Christians, who believed in
Christ, separated from these, (and the temple was made and left
desolate,) and from the Gentiles’ temples too, and met together
in houses, and broke bread from house to house; and the church
was not confined then to one particular place, neither is it now;
many more things I have to say: the judge interrupted.
Judge. Will you answer to your indictment?
F. H. I know not what it is, I never heard it, though I have
often desired a copy.
Judge. Clerk, read it.
So he read it: how that F. H. had wilfully, obstinately, and
contemptuously denied to swear when the oath was tendered.
F. H. I deny it.
Judge. What do you deny?
F. H. The indictment.
Judge. Did you not deny to swear? And the indictment convicts you
that you did not swear.
F. H. I gave unto the court the substance of the oath, as you all
know. Secondly, I told you I did not deny it out of obstinacy or
wilfulness, neither in contempt of the king’s law or government;
for my will would rather choose my liberty, than bonds; and I am
sensible it is like to be a great damage to me; I have a wife
and children, and some estate, which we might subsist upon, and
do good to others, and I know all this lies at stake; but if it
were my life also, I durst not but do as I do, lest I should
incur the displeasure of God; and do you judge I would lose my
liberty wilfully, and suffer the spoiling of my estate, and the
ruining of my wife and children in obstinacy and wilfulness?
Surely nay.
Judge. Jury, you see he denies the oath, and he will not plead to
the indictment, only excepts against it because of the form of
words, but you see he will not swear, and yet he says he denies
the indictment, and you see upon what ground.
And then they called the jailer to witness and swear that at the last
assizes F. H. did refuse, &c. which he did; and the jury, without going
from the bar, gave in their verdict, guilty, and then the court broke
up that night.
The next day towards evening, when they had tried all the prisoners,
Francis was brought to the bar to receive his sentence.
Judge stood up and said, ‘Come, the indictment is proved against
you, what have you to say why sentence shall not be given?’
F. H. I have many things to say, if you will hear them. First, as
I have said, I denied not out of obstinacy or wilfulness, but was
willing to testify the truth in this matter of obedience, or any
other matter wherein I was concerned. Secondly, because swearing
was directly against the command of Christ. Thirdly, against the
doctrine of the apostle. Fourthly, even some of your principal
pillars of the church of England; as bishop Usher, some time
primate of Ireland, he said in his works, the Waldenses did deny
all swearing in their age, from that command of Christ and the
apostle James, and it was a sufficient ground; and Dr. Gauden,
late bishop of Exeter, in a book of his I lately read, he cited
very many ancient fathers, to show, that the first three hundred
years Christians did not swear, so that it is no new doctrine.
To which the court seemed to give a little ear, and said nothing,
but talked one to another, and Francis stood silent, and then the
judge said,
Judge. Sure you mistake.
F. H. I have not the books here.
Judge. Will you say upon your honest word they denied all
swearing?
F. H. What I have said is true.
Judge. Why do you not come to church, and hear service, and be
subject to the law, and to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s
sake?
F. H. We are subject, and for that cause we do pay taxes,
tribute, and custom, and give unto Cæsar the things that are his,
and unto God the things that are his, to wit, worship, honour,
and obedience; and if thou mean the parish assembly, I tell thee
faithfully, I am persuaded, and upon good ground, their teachers
are not the ministers of Christ, neither their worship the
worship of God.
Judge. Why; it may be for some small things in the service, you
reject it all.
F. H. First, it is manifest they are time-servers, one while
preaching up that for divine service to people, that another
while they cry down, as popish, superstitious and idolatrous;
and that which they have preached up twenty years together, made
shipwreck of all in a day; and now again call it divine, and
would have all compelled to that themselves once made void.
Judge. Why; never since the king came in?
F. H. Yes, the same men that preached it down once, now cry it
up; for they are so unstable and wavering, that we cannot believe
they are the ministers of Christ. Secondly, they teach for hire,
and live by forced maintenance, and would force a faith upon
men, contrary to Christ and his apostle’s rule, who would have
every one persuaded in their own minds, and said, whatsoever is
not of faith is sin; and yet they say, faith is the gift of God;
and we have no such faith given; but yet they would force theirs
upon us, and because we cannot receive it, they cry, you are not
subject to authority and the laws, and nothing but confiscations,
imprisonment and banishment is threatened, and this is their
greatest plea; I could mention more particulars; then the judge
interrupted.
Judge. Well, I see you will not swear, nor conform, nor be
subject, and you think we deal severely with you, but if you will
be subject, we should not need.
F. H. I do so judge indeed, that you deal severely with us for
obedience to the commands of Christ; I pray thee canst thou show
me how any of those people, for whom the act was made, have been
proceeded against by this statute, though I envy no man’s liberty.
Judge. Oh yes, I can instance you many up and down the country
that are premunired, I have done it myself, pronounced sentence
against divers.
F. H. What, against Papists?
Judge. No.
F. H. What, against the Quakers? So I have heard indeed; though
then that statute was made against Papists, thou lettest them
alone, and executest it against the Quakers.
Judge. Well, you will meet in great numbers, and do increase, but
there is a new statute will make you fewer.
F. H. Well, if we must suffer, it is for Christ’s sake, and for
well doing.
Francis then being silent, the judge pronounced the sentence, but
spake so low, that the prisoner, though near to him, could scarce
hear it.
The sentence was, You are put out of the king’s protection, and
the benefit of the law, your lands are confiscated to the king
during your life; and your goods and chattels for ever, and you
to be prisoner during your life.
F. H. A hard sentence for my obedience to the commands of Christ;
the Lord forgive you all.
So he turned from the bar; but the judge speaking, he turned
again, and many more words passed to the same purpose, as before:
at last, the judge rose up and said.
Judge. Well, if you will yet be subject to the laws, the king
will show you mercy.
F. H. The Lord hath showed mercy unto me, and I have done nothing
against the king, nor government, nor any man, and blessed be
the Lord, and therein stands my peace; for it is for Christ’s
sake I suffer, and not for evil doing. And so the court broke up.
The people were generally moderate, and many were sorry to see
what was done against him; but Francis signified how contented
and glad he was, that he had any thing to loose for the Lord’s
precious Truth, of which he had publicly borne testimony, and
that he was now counted worthy to suffer for it.
This he did cheerfully, and died in bonds, after above four years
imprisonment, as may be related in its due time. He was a man of
learning, and a great writer among his fellow believers; insomuch, that
during his confinement he wrote not only several edifying epistles to
exhort them to constancy and steadfastness, in the doctrine of Truth,
but also some books to refute the opposers of it.
We have here seen how the judge said, there is a new statute which
will make you fewer. This statute bore the title of an act to prevent
and suppress seditious conventicles. And though the act made two years
before did extend to banishment, yet that punishment was renewed, and
expressed more at large in this, which was as followeth:
Whereas an act made in the five and thirtieth year of the reign
of our late sovereign lady queen Elizabeth, intitled an act to
retain the queen’s majesty’s subjects in their due obedience,
hath not been put in due execution by reason of some doubt of
late made, whether the said act be still in force; although it be
very clear and evident, and it is hereby declared, that the said
act is still in force, and ought to be put in due execution:
II. For providing therefore of further and more speedy remedies
against the growing and dangerous practices of seditious
sectaries, and other disloyal persons, who under pretence of
tender consciences, do at their meetings contrive insurrections,
as late experience hath showed;
III. Be it enacted by the king’s most excellent majesty, by and
with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal,
and commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the
authority of the same, that if any person of the age of sixteen
years or upwards, being a subject of this realm, at any time
after the 1st day of July, which shall be in the year of our
Lord, one thousand six hundred sixty and four, shall be present
at any assembly, conventicle or meeting, under colour or pretence
of any exercise of religion, in other manner than is allowed by
the liturgy or practice of the church of England in any place
within the kingdom of England, dominion of Wales, and town of
Berwick-upon-Tweed; at which conventicle, meeting, or assembly,
there shall be five persons or more assembled together, over
and above those of the same household; then it shall and may be
lawful to and for any two justices of the peace of the county,
limit, division or liberty wherein the offence aforesaid shall
be committed, or for the chief magistrate of the place where
such offence aforesaid shall be committed, (if it be within a
corporation where there are not two justices of the peace,) (2)
and they are hereby required and enjoined upon proof to them or
him respectively made of such offence, either by confession of
the party, or oath of witness, or notorious evidence of the fact,
(which oath the said justices of the peace, and chief magistrate
respectively, are hereby empowered and required to administer,)
to make a record of every such offence and offences under their
hands and seals respectively; (3) which record so made, as
aforesaid, shall to all intents and purposes be in law taken
and adjudged to be a full and perfect conviction of every such
offender for such offence: and thereupon the said justices and
chief magistrate respectively shall commit every such offender
so convicted, as aforesaid, to the jail or house of correction,
there to remain without bail or mainprize, for any time not
exceeding the space of three months, unless such offender shall
pay down to the said justices or chief magistrate such sum of
money not exceeding five pounds, as the said justices or chief
magistrate, (who are hereby thereunto authorized and required,)
shall fine the said offender at, for his or her said offence;
which money shall be paid to the church wardens for the relief of
the poor of the parish where such offender did last inhabit.
IV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if
such offender so convicted, as aforesaid, shall at any time again
commit the like offence contrary to this act, and be thereof in
manner aforesaid convicted, then such offender so convicted of
such second offence, shall incur the penalty of imprisonment in
the jail or house of correction, for any time not exceeding six
months, without bail or mainprize, unless such offender shall
pay down to the said justices or chief magistrate, such sum of
money, not exceeding ten pounds, as the said justices or chief
magistrate, (who are thereunto authorized and required, as
aforesaid,) shall fine the said offender at, for his or her said
second offence, the said fine to be disposed in manner aforesaid.
V. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if
any such offender so convicted of a second offence contrary to
this act in manner aforesaid, shall at any time again commit the
like offence contrary to this act, then any two justices of the
peace, and chief magistrate, as aforesaid, respectively, shall
commit every such offender to the jail, or house of correction,
there to remain without bail or mainprize until the next general
quarter sessions, assizes, jail-delivery, great sessions, or
sitting of any commission of Oyer and Terminer in the respective
county, limit, division or liberty which shall first happen; (2)
when and where every such offender shall be proceeded against by
indictment for such offence, and shall forthwith be arraigned
upon such indictment, and shall then plead the general issue of
not guilty, and give any special matter in evidence, or confess
the indictment: (3) and if such offender proceeded against, shall
be lawfully convicted of such offence, either by confession or
verdict, or if such offender shall refuse to plead the general
issue, or to confess the indictment, then the respective
justices of the peace at their general quarter sessions, judges
of assize and jail-delivery, justices of the great sessions at
the great sessions, and commissioners of Oyer and Terminer at
their sitting, are hereby enabled and required to cause judgment
to be entered against such offender, that such offender shall
be transported beyond the seas to any of his majesty’s foreign
plantations, (Virginia and New England only excepted,) there to
remain seven years: (4) and shall forthwith under their hands
and seals make out warrants to the sheriff or sheriffs of the
same county where such conviction or refusal to plead or to
confess, as aforesaid, shall be, safely to convey such offender
to some port or haven nearest or most commodious to be appointed
by them respectively; and from thence to embark such offender
to be safely transported to any of his majesty’s plantations
beyond the seas, as shall be also by them respectively appointed,
(Virginia and New England only excepted:) (5) whereupon the said
sheriff shall safely convey and embark, or cause to be embarked
such offender, to be transported, as aforesaid, under pain of
forfeiting for default of so transporting every such offender,
the sum of forty pounds of lawful money, the one moiety thereof
to the king, and the other moiety to him or them that shall
sue for the same in any of the king’s courts of record, by
bill, plaint, action of debt, or information; in any of which
no wager of law, essoign or protection shall be admitted: (6)
and the said respective court shall then also make out warrants
to the several constables, headboroughs, or tithingmen of the
respective places where the estate real or personal of such
offender so to be transported shall happen to be, commanding
them thereby to sequester into their hands the profits of the
lands, and to distrain and sell the goods of the offender so to
be transported, for the reimbursing of the said sheriff all such
reasonable charges as he shall be at, and shall be allowed him
by the said respective court for such conveying, or embarking of
such offender so to be transported, rendering to the party, or
his or her assigns, the overplus of the same, if any be, unless
such offender, or some other on the behalf of such offender so to
be transported, shall give the sheriff such security as he shall
approve of, for the paying all the said charges unto him.
VI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
in default of defraying such charges by the parties to be
transported, or some other in their behalf; or in default of
security given to the sheriff, as aforesaid, it shall and may
be lawful for every such sheriff to contract with any master of
a ship, merchant, or other person, for the transporting of such
offender at the best rate he can: (2) and that in every such
case it shall and may be lawful for such persons so contracting
with any sheriff for transporting such offender, as aforesaid,
to detain and employ every such offender so by them transported,
as a labourer to them or their assigns, for the space of five
years, to all intents and purposes, as if he or she were bound
by indentures to such person for that purpose: (3) and that the
respective sheriffs shall be allowed or paid from the king, upon
their respective accompt in the exchequer, all such charges by
them expended, for conveying, embarking and transporting of such
persons, which shall be allowed by the said respective courts
from whence they received their respective warrants, and which
shall not have been by any of the ways aforementioned paid,
secured, or reimbursed unto them, as aforesaid.
VII. Provided always, and be it further enacted, that in case the
offender so indicted and convicted for the said third offence,
shall pay into the hands of the register or clerk of the court
or sessions where he shall be convicted, (before the said court
or sessions shall be ended,) the sum of one hundred pounds, that
then the said offender shall be discharged from imprisonment and
transportation, and the judgment for the same.
VIII. And be it further enacted, that the like imprisonment,
indictment, arraignment and proceedings shall be against every
such offender, as often as he shall again offend after such
third offence; nevertheless is dischargeable and discharged, by
the payment of the like sum as was paid by such offender for
his or her said offence next before committed, together with
the additional and increased sum of one hundred pounds more
upon every new offence committed; (2) the said respective sums
to be paid as aforesaid, and to be disposed as followeth, viz.
the one moiety for the repair of the parish church or churches,
chapel or chapels of such parish within which such conventicle,
assembly, or meeting shall be held; and the other moiety to the
repair of the highways of the said parish or parishes, (if need
require,) or otherwise for the amendment of such highways as the
justices of peace at their respective quarter sessions shall
direct and appoint. (3) And if any constable, headborough or
tithingman, shall neglect to execute any the said warrants made
unto them for sequestering, distraining, and selling any of the
goods and chattels of any offender against this act, for the
levying such sums of money as shall be imposed for the first or
second offence, he shall forfeit for every such neglect, the sum
of five pounds of lawful money of England, the one moiety thereof
to the king, and the other moiety to him that shall sue for the
same in any of the king’s courts of record, as is aforesaid. (4)
And if any person be at any time sued for putting in execution
any of the powers contained in this act, such person shall and
may plead the general issue, and give the special matter in
evidence; (5) And if the plaintiff be nonsuited, or a verdict
pass for the defendant thereupon, or if the plaintiff discontinue
his action, or if upon demurrer, judgment be given for the
defendant, every such defendant shall have his or their treble
costs.
IX. And be it further enacted, that if any person against whom
judgment of transportation shall be given in manner aforesaid,
shall make escape before transportation, or being transported
as aforesaid, shall return unto this realm of England, dominion
of Wales, and town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, without the special
license of his majesty, his heirs and successors, in that behalf
first had and obtained, that the party so escaping or returning,
shall be adjudged a felon, and shall suffer death as in case of
felony, without benefit of clergy, (2) and shall forfeit and lose
to his majesty all his or her goods and chattels forever; and
shall further lose to his majesty all his or her lands, tenements
and hereditaments for and during the life only of such offender,
and no longer: and that the wife of any such offender by force of
this act, shall not lose her dower, nor shall any corruption of
blood grow, or be by reason of any such offence mentioned in this
act; but that the heir of every such offender by force of this
act, shall and may after the death of such offender, have and
enjoy the lands, tenements and hereditaments of such offenders,
as if this act had not been made.
X. And for better preventing of the mischiefs which may grow
by such seditious and tumultuous meetings, under pretence of
religious worship, (2) Be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that the lieutenants or deputy-lieutenants, or any
commissioned officers of the militia, or any other of his
majesty’s forces, with such troops or companies of horse or
foot; and also the sheriffs and justices of peace, and other
magistrates and ministers of justice, or any of them-jointly or
severally, within any the counties or places within this kingdom
of England, dominion of Wales, or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed,
with such other assistance as they shall think meet, or can
get in readiness with the soonest, on certificate made to
them respectively under the hand and seal of any one justice
of the peace, or chief magistrate, as aforesaid, of his
particular information or knowledge of such unlawful meetings
or conventicles held or to be held in their respective counties
or places, and that he, (with such assistance as he can get
together, is not able to suppress or dissolve the same,) shall
and may, and are hereby required and enjoined to repair unto the
place where they are so held, or to be held, and by the best
means they can to dissolve and dissipate, or prevent all such
unlawful meetings, and take into their custody such of those
persons so unlawfully assembled as they shall judge to be the
leaders and seducers of the rest, and such others as they shall
think fit to be proceeded against according to law for such their
offences.
XI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
every person who shall wittingly and willingly suffer any such
conventicle, unlawful assembly, or meeting aforesaid, to be held
in his or her house, outhouse, barn or room, yard or backside,
woods or grounds, shall incur the same penalties and forfeitures
as any other offender against this act ought to incur, and be
proceeded against in all points, in such manner as any other
offender against this act ought to be proceeded against.
XII. Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that if any keeper of any jail or house of correction, shall
suffer any person committed to his custody for any offence
against this act, to go at large, contrary to the warrant of his
commitment according to this act, or shall permit any person who
is at large, to join with any person committed to his custody by
virtue of this act, in the exercise of religion, differing from
the rites of the church of England, then every such keeper of a
jail or house of correction, shall for every such offence forfeit
the sum of ten pounds, to be levied, raised, and disposed by such
persons and in such manner as the penalties for the first and
second offences against this act are to be levied, raised, and
disposed.
XIII. Provided always, that no person shall be punished for any
offence against this act, unless such offender be prosecuted for
the same within three months after the offence committed: (2) and
that no person who shall be punished for any offence by virtue of
this act, shall be punished for the same offence by virtue of any
other act or law whatsoever.
XIV. Provided also, and be it enacted, that judgment of
transportation shall not be given against any feme covert, unless
her husband be at the same time under the like judgment, and
not discharged by the payment of money as aforesaid; but that
instead thereof, she shall by the respective court be committed
to the jail or house of correction, there to remain without bail
or mainprize, for any time not exceeding twelve months, unless
her husband shall pay down such sum, not exceeding forty pounds,
to redeem her from imprisonment, as shall be imposed by the said
court, the said sum to be disposed by such persons, and in such
manner, as the penalties for the first and second offence against
this act are to be disposed.
XV. Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that the justices of the peace, and the chief magistrate
respectively empowered as aforesaid to put this act in execution,
shall and may, with what aid, force, and assistance they shall
think fit, for the better execution of this act, after refusal or
denial, enter into any house, or other place, where they shall be
informed any such conventicle as aforesaid, is or shall be held.
XVI. Provided, that no dwelling-house of any peer of this realm,
whilst he or his wife shall be there resident, shall be searched
by virtue of this act, but by immediate warrant from his majesty
under his sign manual, or in the presence of the lieutenant, or
one of the deputy lieutenants, or two justices of the peace,
whereof one to be of the quorum of the same county or riding: (2)
nor shall any other dwelling-house of any peer or other person
whatsoever, be entered into with force by virtue of this act, but
in the presence of one justice of the peace, or chief magistrate
respectively, except within the city of London, where it shall
be lawful for any such other dwelling-house to be entered into
as aforesaid, in presence of one justice of the peace, alderman,
deputy alderman, or any one commissioner for the lieutenancy for
the city of London.
XVII. Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that no person shall by virtue of this act be
committed to the house of correction, that shall satisfy the said
justices of the peace, or chief magistrate respectively, that he
or she, (and in case of a feme covert, that her husband,) hath an
estate of freehold, or copyhold, to the value of five pounds per
annum, or personal estate to the value of fifty pounds; any thing
in this act to the contrary notwithstanding.
XVIII. And in regard a certain sect called Quakers, and other
sectaries, are found not only to offend in the matters provided
against by this act, but also obstruct the proceedings of justice
by their obstinate refusal to take oaths lawfully tendered unto
them in the ordinary course of law; (2) Therefore be it further
enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any person or persons
being duly and legally served with process, or other summons, to
appear in any court of record, except courtleets, as a witness,
or returned to serve of any jury, or ordered to be examined
upon interrogatories, or being present in court, shall refuse
to take any judicial oath legally tendered to him by the judge
or judges of the same court, having no legal plea to justify
or excuse the refusal of the same oath; (3) Or if any person
or persons being duly served with process, to answer any bill
exhibited against him or them in any court of equity, or any suit
in any court ecclesiastical, shall refuse to answer such bill
or suit upon his or their corporal oath, in cases where the law
requires such answer to be put in upon oath; or being summoned to
be a witness in any such court, or ordered to be examined upon
interrogatories, shall for any cause or reason, not allowed by
law, refuse to take such oath, as in such cases is required by
law; (4) that then, and in such case, the several and respective
courts wherein such refusal shall be made, shall be, and are
hereby enabled to record, enter, or register such refusal, which
record or entry shall be, and is hereby made a conviction of such
offence; (5) and all and every person and persons so as aforesaid
offending, shall for every such offence incur the judgment and
punishment of transportation in such manner as is appointed by
this act for other offences.
XIX. Provided always, that if any the person or persons aforesaid
shall come into such court, and take his or their oath in these
words:
I do swear that I do not hold the taking of an oath to be
unlawful, nor refuse to take an oath on that account.
XX. Which oath the respective court or courts aforesaid, are
hereby authorized and required forthwith to tender, administer,
and register before the entry of the conviction aforesaid, (2)
or shall take such oath before some justice of the peace, who
is hereby authorized and required to administer the same, to be
returned into such court, (3) such oath so made shall acquit him
or them from such punishment; any thing herein to the contrary
notwithstanding.
XXI. Provided always, that every person convicted as aforesaid
in any courts aforesaid, (other than his majesty’s court of
king’s bench, or before the justices of assize, or general
jail-delivery,) shall by warrant containing a certificate of
such conviction under the hand and seal of the respective judge
or judges before whom such conviction shall be had, be sent to
some one of his majesty’s jails in the same county where such
conviction was had, there to remain without bail or mainprize
until the next assizes, or general jail-delivery, (2) where, if
such person so convicted shall refuse to take the oath aforesaid,
being tendered unto him by the justice or justices of assize or
jail-delivery, then such justice or justices shall cause judgment
of transportation to be executed in such manner as judgment of
transportation by this act is to be executed: but in case such
person shall take the said oath, then he shall thereupon be
discharged.
XXII. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that if any peer of this realm shall offend against
this act, he shall pay ten pounds for the first offence, and
twenty pounds for the second offence, to be levied upon his goods
and chattels by warrant from any two justices of the peace, or
chief magistrate of the place or division where such peer shall
dwell: (2) and that every peer for the third, and every further
offence against the tenour of this act, shall be tried by his
peers, and not otherwise.
XXIII. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that this act shall continue in force for three years
after the end of this present session of parliament; and from
thence forward to the end of the next session of parliament after
the said three years, and no longer.
A learned man at London, of what persuasion I know not, published a
little book in relation to this act, wherein he showed from the laws
of England, the absurdity of it: since all religious acts, exercised
by six persons, not according to the formality of the church of
England, were forbidden; and that at this rate it might be reckoned a
transgression, if a woman being in travail, and in danger of life, one
of the company said a prayer; or if any one spoke something to comfort
the near relations of a deceased person; or prayed for the health or
happiness of a young married couple, &c. by which it might happen, that
some by the malice of their enemies, might not only incur imprisonment
for three months, but also by virtue of the act of banishment, might
be condemned to transportation. That this was not without danger, did
appear sufficiently by what judge Orlando Bridgman said at Hertford
to the jury, viz. ‘You are not to expect a plain punctual evidence
against them for any thing they said or did at their meeting; for they
may speak to one another, though not with or by articular sound, but
by a cast of the eye, or a motion of the head or foot, or gesture of
the body. So that if you find or believe in your hearts that they were
in the meeting under colour of religion in their way, though they sat
still only and looked upon each other, it was an unlawful meeting.’ At
this rate the jurymen, who ought to be impartial judges, or mediators,
were swayed, so that without fear they might find the Quakers that were
met together guilty of transgressing the law.
Now, since at that time they were resolved to banish the Quakers, so
called, George Whitehead published a little book, in which he showed
the unreasonableness of the persecutors, and also strengthened his
friends with solid arguments against the charge of stiffneckedness,
answering some specious objections; amongst the rest, that the Quakers
might keep small meetings, and so not fall under the lash of the law;
for if they did not meet above five in number, they kept without
the reach of the law; and by keeping private meetings they might
also acquit their consciences before God. But to this G. Whitehead
answered, that it might have been objected to the prophet Daniel,
that he might have prayed secretly, and not with open windows and
thrice a day, after king Darius had signed the decree, that whosoever
should ask a petition of any god or man for thirty days, save of
the king, he should be cast into the den of lions; but that Daniel,
notwithstanding this decree, had continued to pray to God as before.
‘Since then,’ said G. Whitehead, ‘our meetings are kept in obedience
to the Lord God, and according to the freedom he hath given us, we
may not leave off our testimony for God in that case; but we must be
faithful to him, whatever we suffer on that account. For neither the
threatenings of men, nor their severity or cruelty acted against us,
how far soever it may be extended, can make us to forsake the Lord in
not keeping our assemblies, or to be ashamed of Christ before men, lest
hereafter he be ashamed of us before his Father which is in heaven.’
Besides, he showed how unreasonable it was to incite the jury on an
ill-grounded suspicion, without leaving them the liberty of their own
judgment: and the judges he showed their duty from the law, and Magna
Charta. He also showed how unequal it was, that soldiers, who abused
his friends in their meetings, should be called as witnesses against
them; and that they should be locked up with thieves and felons, since
this was contrary to the right of a free-born Englishman. But this
representation of G. Whitehead was slighted, since they were resolved
to go on with banishing of the Quakers, and to transport them to the
West Indies; which however, according to the ancient laws, might not
be done to a free-born Englishman against his mind. Josiah Coale about
this time gave forth also a paper, being a warning to the king and both
houses of parliament, to dissuade them from persecution. But this did
not avail, for persecution went on.
In the month called August, eight of those called Quakers, viz. Francis
Prior, Nicholas Lucas, Henry Feast, Henry Marshal, Jeremiah Hern,
Thomas Wood, John Blendale, and Samuel Trahern, were tried at Hertford
before judge Orlando Bridgman, already mentioned. The indictment
contained, that they had been at an unlawful meeting under colour and
pretence of religion; and the witnesses declared, that they had met
together above the number of five, and were taken at such times, and
such places; for they must have transgressed thrice before they could
be condemned to banishment: but the witnesses declared also, that
they neither heard them speak any words, nor saw them do any thing at
their meeting, but sit still. The indictment having been delivered to
the grand jury, they could not agree in their verdict; for there were
some amongst them whose consciences would not give them leave to be
accessary to this work of persecution; and therefore they brought in
their verdict _ignoramus_. Now, though such a verdict as this ought
not to be rejected, yet judge Bridgman standing up, and seeming to be
angry, spoke to the jury after this manner: ‘My masters, what do you
mean to do? Will you make a nose-of-wax of the law, and suffer the
law to be baffled? Those that think to deceive the law, the law will
deceive them. Why do not ye find the bill?’ To which one of the jury
said, that it concerned them to be wary, and well satisfied in what
they did, for they were upon men’s lives for ought they knew. ‘No,’
said the judge, ‘I desire not their lives, but their reformation:’ and
then he gave the jury some directions, and he so coloured the matter,
that they going out again soon returned, and found the bill.
Then four of the prisoners were called to the bar, their indictment
read, and they asked, guilty, or not guilty; to which they answered,
‘Not guilty,’ and that they had transgressed no just law. ‘But,’ said
the judge, ‘ye have transgressed this law, (having the act in his
hand,) and ye have been twice convicted already upon record, and if
ye are found guilty by the jury this time, I must pass the sentence
of transportation upon you. Now, therefore ye shall see that we do
not desire to strain the law to the highest severity; neither do I
believe that it was the aim of the law-makers to be severe, but for
conforming. If ye will promise that ye will not go, or be at any more
such meetings, I will show you this favour, as to acquit you for what
is past: this favour ye may receive before the jury is charged with
you; but afterwards I cannot do it. And know also, if the jury for want
of punctual evidence, should not find you guilty, yet if ye are taken
again, ye will be in the same case ye now are in. What say you? Will ye
promise to meet no more?’ To this the prisoners answered, they could
promise no such thing. Then a jury was called, and the indictment read
a second time, containing, that the prisoners had been at an unlawful
meeting at such a time and place, the first, second, and third time.
The witnesses being called, gave the same evidence as before; and then
the judge said thus to the jury: ‘My masters, the jury, ye hear what
evidence the witnesses give; how they took them at such times, at such
places, which are places they use to meet in; and that they were above
the number of five, besides the persons of the family where they met;
and that they are twice convicted already upon record: and this is
the third offence, which incurs the sentence of transportation, if ye
find them guilty.’ Then he spoke these words which have been mentioned
already, viz. ‘Ye are not to expect a plain punctual evidence against
them for any thing they said or did at their meeting, &c. for dumb
men may speak to one another, so as they may understand each other by
signs: and they themselves say, that the worship of God is inward, in
the spirit, and that they can discern spirits, and know one another in
spirit. So that if ye find or believe in your hearts that they were in
the meeting, under colour of religion in their way, though they sat
still only, it was an unlawful meeting; and their use and practice not
according to the liturgy of the church of England; for it allows and
commands when people meet together in the church, that divine service
shall be read, &c. And ye must find the bill; for ye must have respect
to the meaning and intent of the law, which the king and parliament
have in wisdom and policy made, not only against conventicles, but the
words assembly and meeting were added; for we have had late experience
of the danger of such meetings under colour of religion: and it is
an easy matter at such meetings to conspire and consult mischief.
Therefore the wisdom and policy of the king and parliament, lest they
should be undermined, have made this law, which is not a law against
conscience, for it doth not touch conscience at all, as I confess some
other laws do, which enjoin coming to church, and some other things.’
This and more judge Bridgman spoke to the jury, to persuade them to
bring the prisoners in guilty. And the jury being gone out, within the
space of an hour returned, and their foreman said, that Nicholas Lucas,
and the other three, were guilty.
What the judge had said, that they had had late experience of the
danger of such meetings under colour of religion, was of no force at
all; for it never had appeared that the Quakers in religious meetings
did any thing else than the performing of their worship, though there
were other evidences concerning the Fifth monarchy-men; but it was
universally known that the Quakers had no part therein, nor joined
with them in the least degree. It was also a very absurd saying of the
judge, that this law did not touch conscience: for it was merely for
conscience-sake that the Quakers frequented not the public service
and liturgy of the church of England, and kept religious meetings by
themselves. But the jury seemed well satisfied with what the judge had
told them; and he having thus obtained his aim, read the prisoners’
names, and said to them, ‘What can ye say for yourselves, that judgment
of transportation should not pass, or be given against you?’ To which
they said, ‘We are innocent, and have transgressed no just law; if we
must have that sentence, we give up our bodies freely into the hands
of the Lord; the will of the Lord be done.’ ‘Have ye nothing more to
say?’ said the judge. ‘Nothing, but that we are innocent,’ replied the
prisoners, ‘we have wronged no man.’ ‘Then hearken to your sentence,’
said the judge. ‘Ye shall be transported beyond the seas, to the island
of Barbadoes, there to remain seven years.’
Then Jeremiah Hern and Thomas Wood were called to the bar, and their
indictment read, to which they pleaded, ‘Not guilty, but innocent;’
and Jeremiah said, he was no such person as the act mentioned, for
plotting and contriving insurrections. Then the judge interrupting him,
said, ‘You are a forward man, you have an estate;’ and so he caused
him to be set by: and to Thomas Wood he said, ‘I hear a good report of
you; consider what you do; I am sorry, seeing you have a good report
among your neighbours, that you should be found guilty, which I fear
you will if you put yourself upon trial: I am willing to show you
favour; and it may be one man may fare the better for another.’ This
reflected on Jeremiah, who, by the malice of one John King, had been
falsely represented to the judge. Yet Jeremiah having shown how he had
been wronged, the judge said, they should both partake of his favour,
if they would but desire it, and this favour consisted in this, as he
himself said, that he would wave the proceedings of the court, and give
them till the next assizes, to consider better with themselves. ‘What
say you, (thus he continued,) will ye have it deferred till the next
assizes? for if the jury find the bill, you will be sent to Jamaica;
ye must not all go to one place.’ To this the prisoners returned, ‘We
have transgressed no law of God, nor wronged any man: we leave it to
the court; we desire it not.’ ‘If you will not desire it,’ replied the
judge, ‘I cannot, nor will do it.’
Then three other prisoners were brought to the bar, among whom was one
John Reynolds, who, according to the deposition of the witnesses, had
been within a yard of the door of the meeting-place, with his face from
it. The judge then said, ‘God forbid that I should do any thing that
is not right and just against my conscience; there is that which is
written upon the wall before me, which puts me in mind, that I should
not judge for man, but for God.’ Then turning to the jury, he spoke to
them almost after the same manner, as he did concerning the other four
prisoners: and to induce them to declare Reynolds, (who was taken but
not in the meeting,) guilty, he spoke thus: ‘Suppose a man be killed in
a house, and nobody saw him killed, but a man is met coming out of the
house with a bloody knife in his hand, it is a very probable evidence
that he is guilty of the murder. So though the witnesses do not say
that they saw and took him in the meeting, yet they swore he was within
a yard of the door with his face from the place where they usually met;
and he hath been taken twice already, and convicted upon record. My
masters, I leave it to you, go forth.’ Then a bailiff was called, and
charged to provide the jury a room, and to let none speak with them,
nor to let them have either bread, drink, or candle, till they brought
in their verdict. The jury being gone out, soon agreed, and after they
were returned said, that four of the five prisoners were guilty, and
that the other who stood without the door was not guilty. So he was
acquitted; but the other four being brought to the bar, the judge asked
them, what they could say why judgment of transportation should not
be given against them. Their answer was, ‘We are innocent, and have
not offended any just law of God or man, to deserve that sentence; we
leave it to the witness of God in thy or your consciences.’ Then the
judge said, ‘Ye have offended against this law, (having the act before
him,) which is made by the king and parliament, and executed by us
their subordinate ministers: if it be not righteous and just, we must
answer for that.’ One of the prisoners had said before, ‘If I have
transgressed any just law, let me suffer; and if not, he that judgeth
for God will not condemn me.’ To which the judge returned, ‘You do well
to put me in mind of my duty; pray think of your own.’ And now he asked
the prisoners, ‘Have you any more to say?’ To which they answered,
‘Nothing, but that we are innocent.’ Then he said, ‘Hear your sentence:
you shall be transported beyond the seas, to the island of Jamaica,
being one of his majesty’s foreign plantations, there to remain seven
years. Now I have this one thing to acquaint you with, that if you, and
either of you, will pay down here into the court, an hundred pounds
before the court riseth, you and every one of you shall be discharged,
and clearly acquitted for what is past. And I will show you this
favour, not to discharge the court at this present, but shall adjourn
it till afternoon.’ This was done; and the court being met again, the
judge sent to the condemned prisoners to know if they would pay down
the hundred pounds; but they answering, ‘No,’ the court was then soon
discharged.
Seven of these prisoners not long after were carried on ship-board to
be transported to the West Indies; but (which was remarkable,) the
ship by contrary winds and stormy weather was hindered going to sea.
Not only the master, whose name was Thomas May, but also his men, grew
very uneasy at this: for they believed that Heaven was against them:
nay, the sailors threatened to leave the ship, if the master would
not set those prisoners ashore. And he himself, considering how after
having lain long in the Downs, and more than once set sail, they were
hindered to go on by contrary winds, resolved at length, after having
lingered about two months, to set the banished ashore; and so he did,
giving them a certificate, of which I have a copy in my custody, that
they were not run away, but freely put ashore by him, for which, among
others, he gave these reasons, that seeing the great adversities
they had met with, he concluded from thence, that the hand of God
was against him, and that therefore he durst not go off with these
prisoners, because he found them to be honest men, who had not deserved
banishment. And also that there was a law extant, that no Englishman
might be transported against his mind. And that his men refused to
proceed on the voyage if he would carry away these people. This
certificate he gave under his hand, and so let them go away free; and
not long after the ship set sail with a fair wind. I do not find that
the banished, who returned home again, were prosecuted on this account:
for the sentence against them was executed as far as it could at that
time, and they had made no opposition, but had been sufferers.
Persecution in the meanwhile did not cease: but this did not discourage
those called Quakers; they continued valiant, as I have seen in many
letters sent about that time to some of my acquaintance. One said in
the court of justice, ‘We are in the service of the Lord, and may not
leave it;’ another who was offered to be freed of banishment, if he
would pay down an hundred pounds, said, ‘Though I had an hundred lives
to lose, and could redeem them all for an hundred pence, yet I would
not do it.’ But this could not stop the violence of the persecutors;
till an heavier hand reached them, as may be related hereafter.
In the months of October and December many were condemned to
transportation, and among these several women, whose trials I shall
but cursorily speak of: for if I should relate all particulars, the
description would far exceed my limits; and therefore I will but touch
upon some few things.
On the 13th of October, sixteen of those called Quakers were tried
at Hicks’s Hall, in Middlesex, for the third offence, as they called
it.--The grand jury consulting together about finding the bill of
indictment, could not well agree. And the justices giving them a
check, one of the jurymen desired to know, by what law they ought to
find a bill against any persons, without witnesses to testify the
fact committed. To which answer was made by the court, that their
records testified the crime or fact, and that such their record was a
sufficient witness without the testimony of any man. And for a proof
of this it was further said, ‘The records in Chancery serve as a
sufficient testimony; and if it be so in Chancery, why not here?’ The
jury having been twice upon this business, was sent up a third time;
and Edward Shelton, the clerk, said he would go up also to help them,
and so he did; it having been threatened, that if the jurymen did not
find a bill, they should be fined. Nevertheless, at their return they
answered, ‘No verdict.’ Whereupon the justices finding the jurymen
not to answer their ends, took them apart, and examined them one by
one, telling them that the only thing they were to look upon was,
that they did assemble together above the number of five in company;
which, according to what they said, their records showed. This made
some of the jury comply; but others stood it out, and signified that
in conscience they could not consent to what was required of them. But
the major part complying with the justices, upon their threatening
them, and the others being strongly pressed, the bill was, by a kind
of force, accepted at length. But how hard a case this was to some,
appeared by the mournful confession of one of the jury, who to ease
his conscience published in print a small book, with the title of ‘The
Wounded Heart, or The Juryman’s Offences,’ &c. in which he openly
disapproved the fact, to which he had been induced by human fear. The
pains had been so great to persuade the jury to bring in a verdict
according to the mind of the court, that the clerk, as was reported,
said, he had rather have given twenty pounds, than have been so
troubled.
The next day the prisoners were brought to the bar, and William
Proctor, of Gray’s Inn, sat as judge in the court. The questions and
answers I pass by for brevity sake. One Hannah Trigg pleading she was
innocent, was asked how old she was; to which she saying she was not
sixteen years old; one of the justices did not stick to say, she told
a lie; and that he thought the Quakers would not lie. In the meanwhile
it appeared, that he only said so by guess to baffle her; for by a
certificate of some that were present at her birth, (which was divulged
in print,) it was proved that she, being the daughter of Timothy Trigg,
was born at London on the 20th of the month called August, 1649; and
so was but fifteen years of age, and dealt with against the law; which
was the harder, because this maid falling sick, died in prison, after
the sentence of banishment had been past upon her: which sentence was
now pronounced against twelve persons, among whom were four maids; and
four married women were condemned to a confinement of eleven months in
Bridewell. The judge in the pronouncing the sentences was so disturbed
in his mind, that ordering some to be transported to Virginia, and
others to Barbadoes, he condemned some also to be sent to Hispaniola;
at which the people were not a little surprised, for he made it plainly
appear, that he did not consider what he said; since Hispaniola was
no place in the dominions of the king of England: but he was so
confounded, that he also accused the prisoners of having transgressed
the laws of the commonwealth, forgetting that England was no more a
commonwealth, as it was before the restoration of king Charles II.
On the 15th of October above forty of the prisoners called Quakers,
were tried before the judges Hide and Keeling. To mention all the
exhorbitances of this trial, which were not few, I count needless;
for as to the questions and answers, and the passing of sentence, the
reader may form to himself an idea of it from what hath been said
already of the trial at Hertford, &c. A maid being asked, guilty, or
not guilty, answered, ‘I never was taken at any seditious meeting or
conventicle in my life.’ To which the judge said, ‘But, woman, were
not you taken at the Bull and Mouth the 21st of August?’ She answered,
‘I am innocent in the sight of God and all good people.’ That this was
true the judge did not deny, but said, ‘I believe that, woman, but you
have transgressed a law.’ She replied, ‘As for the Bull and Mouth. I
believe I have been there an hundred times, and if the Lord permit me
life and liberty, I do not know but I may go there an hundred times
more.’ The judge then saying, ‘Woman, will you plead or no, guilty or
not guilty, or else I must pass sentence upon you.’ She answered, ‘The
will of the Lord be done, I am innocent.’ Yet this could not avail her,
though judge Hide had said a little before concerning the prisoners,
‘If they are innocent, then they are not guilty.’ But she was set by
as mute, or _pro confesso_, as to the fact charged against her in
the indictment. Others who complained of the unreasonableness of the
proceedings, were hectored as impudent: and the jury showing themselves
dissatisfied concerning the witnesses, judge Hide said to them, it was
no untruth if a man did mistake in the time, and that his evidence was
good, though he did not see one in the house: ‘For,’ said he, ‘if forty
men be in a room, and one is brought out of the room to me, standing at
the door, cannot I swear that he was in that room, if I see him come
out? You must not make such scruples.’
In the meanwhile there were some among the witnesses who did not know
the prisoners by face; so that there was reason enough to disprove
their testimony. But whatever was objected, the business must go on:
for though one of the witnesses declared that the meeting, from which
the prisoners had been taken was peaceable; and though one of the
prisoners said, that the law was made against seditious meetings,
and that nothing of sedition had been proved against them: yet judge
Keeling said, the act was made to prevent such meetings, because
under colour and pretence of religion, plots and conspiracies might
be carried on. And when a prisoner said, that he was at a peaceable
godly meeting, and received much comfort there; the judge returned,
‘That is as much as we desire. You confess you were there; and though
it was a peaceable meeting, yet it was an unlawful one.’ Another of
the prisoners who pleaded that the law the court acted by was contrary
to Magna Charta, and the ancient fundamental laws of the land, was
answered by judge Hide, ‘If the king and parliament should make a law
that two justices without a jury should adjudge a man to death for the
third offence as a felon, without benefit of clergy, it would be a
good law, and according to Magna Charta, and the law of the land; and
we should be bound to execute it.’ It seems this judge, (who not long
after was suddenly summoned hence to appear before the divine assizes,)
was of opinion, that since the legislative power resided in the king
and parliament, all that they resolved and enacted, must pass for good
law. But if I should mention all the absurdities I meet with in these
proceedings, when should I come to an end? True it is, that sometimes
a show was made of pity: for judge Keeling said to two maids, ‘We are
sorry that such young maids should be thus deluded.’ But because they
would not promise to go to the public church, though they declared
themselves ready to assist at divine service, they were deemed as
guilty. Another prisoner being asked by judge Hide, whether he would go
to church, answered, ‘If I have my liberty, I shall go to church.’ But
when it appeared that he did not mean the established or public church,
this promise could not save him. One Richard Poulton, a lad of fifteen
years of age, who by a certificate showed, that he was not yet sixteen
years old, and therefore no transgressor of the law, was asked, if he
would swear he was not sixteen, just as if he could have remembered the
time of his birth; to which he answered, that he was not brought up to
swearing: and being asked, whether he would promise to go to church, he
answered, he should promise no such thing. Then he was returned to the
rest that were to be sentenced.
This was on the 17th of the aforesaid month; when nineteen persons,
among which were some women, were condemned to banishment, and four
married women to twelve months imprisonment in Bridewell. None of the
judges it seems had a mind to pronounce sentence, and therefore they
left this business to the city recorder. He then bidding the prisoners
to hearken to the judgment of the court, spoke so softly, that he
could not well be heard, which made one of the prisoners say, that he
ought to speak louder, for they could not hear him. But he continuing
to speak softly as before, two or three others of the prisoners told
him, they could not tell what he said. To which he answered, he cared
not whether they did or no; and then said, ‘Hearken to your sentence,
You and every of you, shall be transported beyond the seas, the men
to Barbadoes, and the women to Jamaica, being two of his majesty’s
plantations, there to remain seven years.’ Thus the persecutors
endeavoured to be rid of the Quakers: but though persecution now
was very hot, yet they fainted not, neither were they in want of
such vigilant assistants, as both by example and words continually
encouraged them to faithfulness: who yet, (which was remarkable,) were
not condemned to banishment, as many others.
Among these was Josiah Coale also, who about this time, as I have
been told, was in prison at London; and both by writing, and by word
of mouth, did exhort his fellow-believers to constancy: for, (when
under confinement,) he betook himself to his pen, and recommended to
his friends, that they would not forsake their meetings, though they
were to undergo great sufferings, since it was God’s good pleasure to
let their patience be tried. ‘And,’ said he, ‘that these afflictions
come upon us is by God’s permission: who then shall gainsay him, or
endeavour to reason with him about matters of so great a concern, since
his way is hid from man.’ He also signified to them that this was done
to try their faith, and that therefore they ought to continue bold,
and persevere valiantly. ‘And though,’ said he, ‘great sufferings
and afflictions attend us, yet my heart, praised be the Lord, is not
troubled, neither hath fear seized me, because I see the intent of the
Lord in it.’ And in one letter he spoke thus: ‘Friends, this know: that
for the sake of the residue of the seed which is yet ungathered, is
my life freely sacrificed up into the hand of the Lord; and ready and
willing am I to lay it down for the testimony of God’s blessed truth,
which he hath given me to hear, if thereunto I am called: for bonds
and afflictions attend me daily, and I may say, we are in jeopardy of
our lives daily: so let your prayer to God be for me, that I may be
kept unto the end, to finish my testimony with joy, and in all things
to bring glory and honour to the name of the Lord, who is over all,
blessed for ever.’ This his Christian desire he obtained, as will be
said in due place. It was a time of suffering; and those to whose share
it fell, continued valiant: whilst others did not neglect to exhort the
king and parliament to leave off persecution. Among these was William
Bayly, who gave forth a very serious exhortation and warning against
the persecution to the king and parliament, &c. beginning thus:
‘_For the King and Parliament, &c._
‘FRIENDS,
‘The God of heaven hath put it into my heart to write a few
words unto you, in the fear and dread of his name, and in the
counsel of his own will, concerning the work which ye have
taken in hand against him and his people; this is not the end
and work for which the Lord God hath permitted you into the
places of government and rule, in this nation, (nor the way for
you to prosper, nor to prolong your days in the earth,) thus
to persecute and afflict an innocent and harmless people, who
are peaceable, and walk uprightly towards God and man; therein
endeavouring, in all things, to keep their consciences void of
offence, and who have no helper in the earth but the Lord alone;
neither is their kingdom of this world, but they are verily
the children and servants of the most high God, whom he hath
gathered from amongst men, and from the kindness of the earth, to
be the first fruits unto him, and to the Lamb in this age; and
we are his, and not our own, he hath brought us, and redeemed us
unto himself, and to him alone have we committed our innocent
cause, and he hath undertaken to plead it for us, with all our
adversaries; and no weapon formed against us shall ever prosper,
but be broken to pieces.
‘Therefore friends, be awakened and open your eyes, and see
what a stir and ado here is in this nation; to haul and drag up
and down a company of tender, innocent, and harmless people,
men and women, and children, from their peaceable meetings, who
meet together in the fear and tender love of God, without any
evil or bad intent toward any; but have good-will and compassion
toward all men, even to the worst of our enemies, as the Lord
bears us witness; and these are they that are driven as sheep
to the slaughter, and thrown into your noisome jails, and
prisons, and houses of correction; by rude and brutish people,
your servants, whom you have set on work by your authority,
till many of them have (patiently) suffered till death, whose
innocent blood will assuredly be required at your hands, (though
they shall not go free of the guilt, who have had the least
hand in it, without speedy repentance.) And thus ye may see
and read, how the disciples of Christ Jesus, are as sheep and
Lambs in the midst of wolves in this age, and as a lily among
thorns, and all this is only for obeying his commands, and for
worshipping the everlasting invisible God, in the spirit, and in
the truth, according to the Scriptures, the which, if you knew
and understood, you would tremble to think what you have done
against them, to cause so many of the little ones, which believe
in Christ, so grievously to suffer, who said, it were better
a millstone were hanged about his neck, and be drowned in the
depth of the sea, that should offend one of these little ones,
that believe in me; and as true as Christ Jesus suffered, and
rose again, and as God liveth, who raised him from the dead, we
are some of those his little ones that believe in him, who, (in
derision and scorn in this age,) are called Quakers, as ye might
call Moses, the prophets and apostles, (in days past,) who did
quake and tremble at the presence of the Lord, who is the same
now as ever he was, though the ungodly know him not, nor his
power: and we are of that poor and afflicted people, mentioned
Zeph. iii. 12. 19. “Whose trust is in the name of the Lord, who
will undo all that afflict them.”
‘But what shall I say unto you; if ye will not, or cannot believe
our faithful testimony, (or the testimony of God through us,)
and the innocency of our cause and sufferings, neither will ye
believe, if one should rise from the dead and declare it unto
you; for many tender visitations, and timely warnings, and gentle
reprehensions have you had, from the pure spirit of the Lord
God, both from his witness in your own consciences, and from his
faithful servants, and messengers, who have written and declared
unto you in his name and power in this your day. And as for my
part, who am one of the least of the thousands of Israel, I could
willingly have been silent as toward you at this time, but the
Lord, whom I serve in my spirit, hath laid it upon me to warn
you once more, for whose sakes I have borne a burden, in the
true sight and sense of your sad estate, and of the day of thick
darkness, wrath, and distress, which is hastening upon you from
the Almighty.
‘Wherefore be not proud nor rebellious, but hear, and obey the
word of the Lord; for thus saith the Lord God that made heaven
and earth, let my innocent people alone, and touch them not any
more, as ye have done; for they are mine, and I have called them,
and chosen them, and redeemed them; they are my jewels, which
I am making up, they shall show forth my glory before men to
the whole world; I have anointed them, and I will preserve them
and deliver them, and crown them with an everlasting salvation.
I will rebuke kings and rulers for their sakes, and distress
nations, and dethrone the mighty from their seats that rise up
against them, as I have done; and let my everlasting gospel have
a free passage in these nations; and do not reproach and afflict
my servants and messengers so any more, whom I have chosen and
sent to preach and declare the way of life and salvation to the
ends of the earth, but bow your ear and your heart unto them and
their testimony, that it may be well with you, and prolong your
days; for he that blesseth them shall be blessed, and he that
curseth them shall be cursed, and every hand shall wither that
opposeth them, as hath been, and shall be, henceforth for ever: I
the Lord have spoken it.
‘But and if you will not hear, but will still persist, and go on,
as ye have done, to oppress my heritage, and harmless people,
and make war and opposition against my power and truth, and thus
set yourselves and your power against me, the living God, I will
bring you down suddenly, to the astonishment of nations, and I
will cut your day short, and turn your pleasures into howling and
lamentation, and shame and contempt shall cover your memorial
as a garment. Thus will I work for the deliverance of my seed,
and none shall let it; for the year of my redeemed is come, and
the day of vengeance is in my heart, to plead its cause with all
flesh.
‘Therefore, consider your ways, and see what ye are doing, and
what the effect of this your work will be; ye are but men, and
the children of men, who were but as yesterday; your breath also
is in your nostrils, and your life is but a vapour, which will
soon vanish away: you labour in the very fire, and bring forth
wind, which blows up the flame of that which will consume you,
and deprive you of all happiness for ever: O that ye had but
hearts to consider it! For the more you strive with the Lord,
and oppress his people, the more will they multiply, and grow
stronger and stronger: and you shall wax weaker and weaker, and
your works shall be your heavy burden; for life and immortality
is risen, and the power of God is stirring in the hearts of
thousands, and light and understanding, the excellent spirit
which was in Daniel, is breaking forth like the lightning, which
shines out of the east into the west, in the sight of many
people, whereby they know, it is the day of the coming of the
Son of Man, with power and great glory, that every eye may see
him, and they that have pierced him shall mourn bitterly: so,
your labour is in vain, and your works for the fire, and your
striving with your Maker to no purpose, as to effect your end and
aim. And of these things you have been often forewarned, and the
Lord hath been very long suffering towards you, in sparing you
thus long, and suffering you thus far to act against him and his
dear people; and his mercy and forbearance hath been evidently
showed in a large measure unto you, in deferring his heavy
judgments thus long, which must have been confessed to be just
upon you. And will you thus requite the Lord, by increasing your
tasks of oppression upon his tender innocent people? O unwise
and ungrateful generation! Hath not God yet showed you, that
you should do justly, and love mercy, and walk humbly? But are
these your fruits and practices, fruits of mercy or justice? Or
if there be any tincture or spark of love, or humility in them,
let God’s witness, the light in all your consciences, and in
people, answer. I tell you plainly, that such fruits and doings
among you, that profess yourselves Christians, have made the very
name of Christ and Christianity, a proverb of reproach through
nations, and have caused the God of heaven to be blasphemed;
and how could it be otherwise, seeing you who profess the most
knowledge of God, and have talked of converting the heathen, as
some of your leaders have done, are found the least in the life
and fruits thereof. But to what would they convert them? to pride
and swearing, and drunkenness, and oppression, and all manner
of excess, and to persecute people for their good conscience?
They have no need of that; for, some of them have said, they
did not use to swear and be drunk, &c. till they came among the
Christians, and learned of them; they did not do so in their own
country: ye are so far from converting them, being out of the
life of what ye profess and talk of yourselves, that the very
heathen or infidels, (as ye call them,) do judge and condemn
you, who are making inquiry, concerning these your proceedings
against this harmless people, among whom some of them have been
kindly entreated, who visited them at the Lord’s requiring,
though contrary in opinion and religion; and this doth rise up in
judgment against you.
‘But, friends, have you yourselves been under sufferings, and
some of you been driven into strange countries, or lands, for
your cause, as it was called? Nay, did not the king himself once
flee for refuge to a tree, to save himself from his enemies’
hands? If not, why are there such representations made of it,
in so many places in the nation? And was not this as great a
mercy and deliverance from God, so to obscure and preserve him,
from them who pursued him, and many of you also? And are these
things forgotten? Can mercy be loved, except it be remembered?
And do you remember and love his mercies, by doing justly, and
walking humbly with him, as he doth require? Or do you boast
in vain glory, as if your own arm had done it, or your own
strength or deserts had delivered you? If so, then God must
needs be forgotten, and his mercies trodden under foot, and his
visitations and counsels cast behind your back; and so, all that
forget God, shall be torn in pieces, and there shall be none to
deliver them, as it is written.
‘And were these your sufferings, which you sustained by them ye
opposed, unjust and unequal? And if you should say, they were:
then I say, it is much more unjust and very unequal in the
sight of God, and all sober people that fear him, for you, thus
to inflict such cruel sufferings as imprisoning, and stifling
up to death in your noisome jails and holes among thieves and
murderers, and to pronounce sentence of banishment upon an
innocent, harmless, peaceable people, that do not oppose you in
the least, with any outward force, neither do so much as the
thoughts of it lodge within our breasts, as the Lord God knoweth,
who hath called us to peace, but on the contrary have sought and
do seek your welfare and happiness, both in this world, and in
the world to come, which in time shall be manifest to the whole
earth.
‘And if you say, your sufferings were unjust and unequal, though
you did oppose them, and make war against them so long as you
could, because they deprived you of your rights and privileges,
and just liberties, and natural birthrights, &c. which were
your due to enjoy, as being free-born of the nation: then how
much more is it unjust, and unequal, and unrighteous, thus to
inflict sufferings upon your friends, and oppress your peaceable
neighbours, who are free-born people of the same nation, and
do not oppose you, but are tender towards you, as aforesaid,
and subject to all wholesome just laws, and tributary to you,
for which causes we ought to have our just liberty, and enjoy
the privilege of our birthright, which is our due so long as
we live peaceably and harmlessly, but if it be not a privilege
to be pleaded for, then are all your own grounds and reasons,
and cause, without a foundation, and you and the whole nation
may be swept away by any that are able to do it, without being
charged with injustice or oppression, which is contrary to the
just balance, the light of Christ in all people’s consciences.
And as we are the dearly beloved people of the most high God, who
doth bless us with his presence, and manifest his everlasting
love and good-will towards us daily, and overshadows us with his
power and tender mercies, whom he hath gathered out of the evil
ways and spirit of this world, and all the vanities thereof,
unto himself, to walk with him who is invisible, in the upright,
blameless, undefiled life, in the midst of a crooked and perverse
generation; I say, considering these things, how greatly and
unrighteously do our sufferings appear to all sober people, whose
eyes are open, and will be more open to discern and savour the
bitterness of that proud, envious, wrathful spirit, which thus
hath acted and deceived you: and its end is numbered by them that
have wisdom from above.
‘For friends, set aside the reproachful name of Quakers, and
the other titles of derision and scorn, which the envious and
blood-thirsty spirit hath invented to render the people of God
odious in all ages, and tell me what ye have justly to charge
against this people, whom you so furiously pursue to the dens and
caves of the earth, to the loss of the lives of so many of them;
by which children are made fatherless, and tender-hearted women,
mournful widows, and let it come forth to open view, and declare
it abroad, as your articles against them, to the whole world, and
speak the truth, and nothing but the truth, as you use to tell
one another, that all people may rightly know and understand the
very ground and most secret cause, who do inquire, of these your
present proceedings against them; for notice is taken by many,
and ere long it must be manifest to all men, as the folly and
madness of Jannes and Jambres were, that withstood Moses; for you
withstand no less than him of whom Moses wrote; who said, “I am
the light of the world,” against whom Saul was once exceedingly
mad, and had thoughts to do very much against that way, which was
then as well as now, called Heresy, till the light of Jesus, whom
he persecuted, met with him, with his letters, or warrants, to
haul men and women to prison, as your servants do, and smote him
to the ground, and made him tremble, who, from that time, became
such a Quaker, as you now persecute and imprison till death; but
the light of Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God, will meet
with all persecutors, and oppressors about religion, let them be
never so mad, or think they ought to do much against that way,
they call Heresy, as some of you have said, who have made a mock
at the light, even publicly, which many took notice of, and even
marvelled at such blasphemy in an open court, against the Saviour
of the world: and there is no other name under heaven by which
men shall be saved, but him who said, John, vii. 7. 12. and 16.
“I am the light of the world, who lighteth every man that cometh
into the world.”
‘And this is he, in whom we have believed, and of whom we have
declared, and must declare and hear testimony, as long as we have
a being; and the world shall know that our testimony is true;
and for his name and truth only, do we thus patiently suffer the
contradictions of sinners, as our brethren did by the zealous
Jews in ages past; but you are not so zealous for Christ’s law
and commandments, as they were of Moses and the prophets, which
Christ ends and fulfils, who thought it was not lawful to do good
on the Sabbath-day, as to heal the sick, for then would you “Do
to all men, as ye would they should do to you;” for his law runs
thus, “And be ye merciful,” &c. and “Love you your enemies; and
swear not at all,” &c. as ye may read.
‘But behold, how both Jews and Gentiles take notice, and are
ashamed and grieved, to hear and see what a deal of bad works you
do, even on your Sabbath-day, as some of you call it, and how you
profane the day of your worship, with your cattle, and servants,
which are within your gates, what riding and running, and
toiling, in rage and fury, like madmen, sweating, and swearing,
and cursing, and dragging, and hauling the innocent members of
Christ’s body out of their peaceable meetings, into your jails
and holes; on your day of worship. But are your sacrifices, ye
offer at that time, accepted? Have ye peace whilst these things
are acting in your name, and by your authority? If you have peace
and pleasure therein, let me tell you from the righteous God,
you are hardened in your sins against him, and he will break
your peace speedily, and turn your pleasure into bitterness and
lamentation: and his innocent people’s meetings shall stand,
and be increased; and their way shall prosper, and the truth
shall spread and prevail, and have dominion over all nations;
and their enemies shall fall and be confounded, let them strive
what they can against them; for they are of God, and not of man,
or the will of man, and they seek his glory and not their own;
and such as abide faithful to him, shall triumph over all the
principalities, and powers of the rulers of the darkness of this
world, and make a show openly of the victory over all that do
or may oppose them; for their life is immortal, and the Lord of
heaven and earth is their strength, who is with them as a mighty
terrible one; therefore shall their persecutors fall before them.
‘And let me tell you again, that by these your unreasonable, and
unjust dealings, the understandings of thousands are the more
opened; and the tender, sober part, or principle in them, doth
feel the weight and burden of this grievousness, which you have
prescribed, and do so eagerly pursue, to the imprisoning to death
so many innocent persons and free-born people of this nation,
besides hundreds are liable to the same, which yet remain in
your prisons. And your unnatural, cruel sentence of banishment,
to separate dear and tender husbands from their dear and tender
wives, and tender children, and little innocent babes: Oh! how
do you rend the bowels of the meek of the earth, whom God hath
blessed? What is become of all your promises of liberty for
tender consciences? God’s curse and vengeance will come upon you,
and his plagues will pursue you to destruction if ye proceed in
this work; and your wives shall be widows, and your children
fatherless; the Lord hath spoken it. If you had the hearts of
men, or of flesh, ye would be afraid, and blush at the very
thoughts hereof; my heart and soul melts within me, and I am
even bowed down, with cries to God, in my spirit, to think of the
hardness of your hearts.
* * * * *
‘God Almighty, cut short thy work in righteousness, and shorten
the days of oppression and cruelty for thine elect’s sake;
which cry night and day unto thee, and make known thy name and
power to the ends of the earth; and let the heathen hear, and
fear, and bow to thy righteous sceptre, and let the kings of
the earth lay down their crowns at the feet of the Lamb, that
through thy righteous judgments they may partake of thy tender
mercies, which endure for ever; that their eyes may be no longer
withholden, nor blinded by the god of this world, the power and
prince of darkness, but that they may come to see thee, who art
invisible, and enjoy the same precious life of pure unfeigned
love, which abounds in the hearts of thy hidden ones; and receive
thy peaceable wisdom, to be governed, and to govern therein;
then would they surely know, that we are thine, and confess to
thy glorious truth, and speak good of thy name, and magnify thy
power, and no longer count the blood of thy everlasting covenant,
(wherewith we are sanctified,) as an unholy thing.
‘But, O thou righteous, holy, pure, eternal God, art unknown
unto all them that sit in darkness, and dwell in the spirit of
enmity against thee and thy people; though thou art come near
to judgment, according to the promise, Mal. iii. 5. And thy way
of life and salvation is hid from them, therefore they hate us
without a cause, and thus evilly entreat us in the darkness of
their minds, and in the ignorance and hardness of their hearts;
for which my soul doth pity them, and even entreat thee for
them, that if possible their eyes may be yet opened, and their
hearts yet softened, and their spirit humbled, that they may
see what they are doing in the dark, and consider the effect of
their work, which will assuredly follow: and if thy warnings and
gentle visitations will not humble them, then let thy judgments
awaken them, and bring them down, and humble them, that they may
perceive something of what thou art doing, in these latter days,
and art resolved to do to the ends of the earth, though the whole
world should gather and band together to oppose thy work and
people; for thou hast begun, and thou wilt go through and perfect
thy work; thou wilt raise thy seed, and gather thine elect from
the four winds, and bring them from the ends of the earth, and
scatter the proud in the vain imaginations of their hearts; and
thou wilt break thy way through all that oppose thee in this the
day of thy mighty power, in which thou art arisen, as a giant to
run his race, to finish transgression, and make an end of sin,
and bring in and establish everlasting righteousness; that the
kingdom of this world may become thy kingdom, and of thy Christ,
as thou hast promised, and art now fulfilling; glory and honour,
and thanks, and everlasting praises be to thy glorious name,
world without end. Amen.
‘So friends, ye are and have been warned again and again by the
faithful messengers and servants of the Lord, in love to your
souls; and you are left without excuse, if never words more
should be mentioned unto you; by which ye might perceive, how the
Lord doth strive with you, that ye might repent, and be saved
from the wrath to come, though some of you feel little of it in
your own consciences; but his spirit will not always strive with
you: for if you will not believe them, but slight and reject
them, and neither make conscience of what hath proceeded out of
your own mouth, nor regard to perform your own words and public
engagements, in that which is just, which the Lord requireth
of you, nor remember his by-past and present mercies, and long
suffering towards you, but trample all under foot; I say, if it
be thus with you, and you are resolved to go on, you will wholly
be given up, and be exceedingly hardened, and grow desperate in
cruelty and oppression against God, and his truth and people,
till your whole earth is filled with violence; and then, (as
true as God liveth,) will the flood come upon you, and ye shall
fall after the manner of Egypt; and the weight of the dreadful
judgments, due for all your abominations and cruelties, shall
sink you down into the pit that is bottomless, and that suddenly,
as the Lord hath spoken.
By his servant, who is a lover of the
welfare of all your souls, and I am
thus far clear of all your blood,