To Sir John Lenthal, knight, marshal
of the King’s Bench, or his deputy.
G. Fox having been prisoner now above twenty weeks, was thus very
honourably set at liberty by the king’s command. After it was known
that he was discharged, several that were envious and wicked, were
troubled, and terror seized on justice Porter; for he was afraid G.
Fox would take the advantage of the law against him, for his wrong
imprisonment, and thereby undo him: and indeed G. Fox was put on by
some in authority, to have made him and the rest examples. But he said,
he should leave them to the Lord; if the Lord did forgive them, he
should not trouble himself with them.
* * * * *
About this time, Richard Hubberthorn got an opportunity to speak with
the king, and to have a long discourse with him, which soon after he
published in print. Being admitted into the king’s presence, he gave
him a relation of the state of his friends, and said,
‘Since the Lord hath called us, and gathered us to be a people,
to walk in his fear, and in his truth, we have always suffered
and been persecuted by the powers that have ruled, and been made
a prey of, for departing from iniquity; and when the breach of
no just law could be charged against us, then they made laws
on purpose to ensnare us; and so our sufferings were unjustly
continued.’
King. It is true, those who have ruled over you have been cruel,
and have professed much which they have not done.
R. H. And likewise the same sufferings do now abound in more
cruelty against us in many parts of this nation: as for instance,
one at Thetford in Norfolk, where Henry Fell, (ministering unto
the people,) was taken out of the meeting and whipt, and sent out
of the town, from parish to parish, towards Lancashire; and the
chief ground of his accusation in his pass, (which was shown to
the king,) was, because he denied to take the oath of allegiance
and supremacy; and so because that for conscience sake we cannot
swear, but have learned obedience to the doctrine of Christ,
which saith, “Swear not all;” hereby an occasion is taken against
us to persecute us; and it is well known that we have not sworn
for any, nor against any, but have kept to the truth, and our yea
hath been yea, and our nay, nay, in all things, which is more
than the oath of those that are out of the truth.
King. But why can you not swear? for an oath is a common thing
amongst men to any engagement.
R. H. Yes, it is manifest, and we have seen it by experience; and
it is so common amongst men to swear, and engage either for, or
against things, that there is no regard taken to them, nor fear
of an oath; that therefore which we speak of in the truth of our
hearts, is more than what they swear.
King. But can you not promise before the Lord, which is the
substance of the oath?
R. H. Yes, what we do affirm, we can promise before the Lord,
and take him to our witness in it; but our so promising hath not
been accepted, but the ceremony of an oath they have stood for,
without which all other things were accounted of no effect.
King. But how may we know from your words that you will perform?
R. H. By proving of us; for they that swear are not known to be
faithful, but by proving of them; and so we, by those that have
tried us, are found to be truer in our promises, than others by
their oaths; and to those that do yet prove us, we shall appear
the same.
King. Pray, what is your principle?
R. H. Our principle is this, “That Jesus Christ is the true
light, which enlighteneth every one that cometh into the world,
that all men through him might believe;” and that they were to
obey and follow this light as they have received it, whereby they
may be led unto God, and unto righteousness, and the knowledge of
the truth, that they might be saved.
King. This do all Christians confess to be truth; and he is not a
Christian that will deny it.
R. H. But many have denied it, both in words and writings, and
opposed us in it; and above an hundred books are put forth in
opposition unto this principle.
Then some of the Lords standing by the king, said, that none
would deny that every one is enlightened.
And one of the lords asked, how long we had been called Quakers,
or did we own that name?
R. H. That name was given to us in scorn and derision, about
twelve years since; but there were some that lived in this truth
before we had that name given unto us.
King. How long is it since you owned this judgment and way?
R. H. It is near twelve years since I owned this truth, according
to the manifestation of it.
King. Do you own the sacrament?
R. H. As for the word sacrament, I do not read of it in the
Scripture; but as for the body and blood of Christ I own, and
that there is no remission without blood.
King. Well, that is it; but do you not believe that every one is
commanded to receive it?
R. H. This we do believe, that according as it is written in the
Scripture, that Christ at his last supper took bread and brake
it, and gave to his disciples, and also took the cup and blessed
it, and said unto them, “And as often as ye do this, (that is, as
often as they brake bread,) you show forth the Lord’s death till
he come;” and this we believe they did; “and they did eat their
bread in singleness of heart from house to house;” and Christ did
come again to them according to his promise; after which they
said, “We being many are one bread, for we are all partakers of
this one bread.”
King’s friend. Then one of the king’s friends said, It is true;
for as many grains make one bread, so they being many members,
were one body.
Another of them said, if they be the bread, then they must be
broken.
R. H. There is a difference between that bread which he brake at
his last supper, wherein they were to show forth, as in a sign,
his death until he came; and this whereof they spake, they being
many, are one bread; for herein they were come more into the
substance, and to speak more mystically, as they knew it in the
spirit.
King’s friends. Then they said, it is true, and he had spoken
nothing but truth.
King. How know you that you are inspired by the Lord?
R. H. According as we read in the Scriptures, that “The
inspiration of the Almighty giveth understanding;” so by his
inspiration is an understanding given us of the things of God.
Then one of the lords said, How do you know that you are led by
the true spirit?
R. H. This we know, because the Spirit of Truth reproves the
world of sin, and by it we were reproved of sin, and also are led
from sin, unto righteousness, and obedience of truth, by which
effects we know it is the true spirit; for the spirit of the
wicked one doth not lead into such things.
Then the king and his lords said it was truth.
King. Well, of this you may be assured, that you shall none of
you suffer for your opinions or religion, so long as you live
peaceably, and you have the word of a king for it; and I have
also given forth a declaration to the same purpose, that none
shall wrong you or abuse you.
King. How do you own magistrates, or magistracy?
R. H. Thus we do own magistrates: whosoever is set up by God,
whether king as supreme, or any set in authority by him, who are
for the punishment of evil-doers, and the praise of them that
do well, such we shall submit unto, and assist in righteous and
civil things, both by body and estate: and if any magistrates
do that which is unrighteous, we must declare against it; only
submit under it by a patient suffering, and not rebel against any
by insurrections, plots, and contrivances.
King. That is enough.
Then one of the lords asked, Why do you meet together, seeing
every one of you have the church in yourselves?
R. H. According as it is written in the Scriptures, the church
is in God, Thes. i. 1. “And they that feared the Lord, did
meet often together in the fear of the Lord,” and to us it is
profitable, and herein we are edified and strengthened in the
life of Truth.
King. How did you first come to believe the Scriptures were truth?
R. H. I have believed the Scriptures from a child to be a
declaration of truth, when I had but a literal knowledge, natural
education, and tradition; but now I know the Scriptures to be
true, by the manifestation and operation of the Spirit of God
fulfilling them in me.
King. In what manner do you meet, and what is the order in your
meetings?
R. H. We do meet in the same order as the people of God did,
waiting upon him: and if any have a word of exhortation from
the Lord, he may speak it; or if any have a word of reproof or
admonition, and as every one hath received the gift, so they may
minister one unto another, and may be edified one by another;
whereby a growth into the knowledge of the Truth is administered
to one another.
One of the lords. Then you know not so much as you may know, but
there is a growth then to be admitted of.
R. H. Yes, we do grow daily into the knowledge of the Truth, in
our exercise and obedience to it.
King. Are any of your friends gone to Rome?
R. H. Yes, there is one in prison in Rome.
King. Why did you send him thither?
R. H. We did not send him thither, but he found something upon
his spirit from the Lord, whereby he was called to go to declare
against superstition and idolatry, which is contrary to the will
of God.
King’s friend said, There were two of them at Rome, but one was
dead.
King. Have any of your friends been with the great Turk?
R. H. Some of our friends have been in that country.
Other things were spoken concerning the liberty of the servants of the
Lord, who were called of him into his service, that to them there was
no limitation to parishes or places, but as the Lord did guide them in
his work and service by his spirit.
So the king promised that we should not any ways suffer for our opinion
or religion; and so in love passed away.
* * * * *
The king having promised Richard Hubberthorn over and again, that his
friends should not suffer for their opinion, or religion, they parted
in love. But though the king seemed a good-natured prince, yet he was
so misled, that in process of time he seemed to have forgot what he so
solemnly promised on the word of a king.
* * * * *
Now in this discourse mention being made of Rome, &c. I will say by the
bye, that one John Perrot and John Love being come to Leghorn in Italy,
and having been examined there by the inquisition, they answered so
well that they were dismissed. Being come afterwards to Venice, Perrot
was admitted to the doge, or duke, in his palace, spoke with him, and
gave him some books: and from thence he went with his fellow-traveller
to Rome. Here they bore testimony against the idolatry committed there,
in such a public manner, that they were taken into custody. John Love
died in the prison of the inquisition; and though it was divulged, that
he had fasted to death, yet some nuns have told that he was despatched
in the night, for fear he should annoy the church of Rome. However it
was, he died in sincerity of heart, and so was more happy than Perrot,
who though then perhaps he was in a pretty good frame of mind, yet
afterwards turned an eminent apostate, having continued prisoner at
Rome a great while, and at length got his liberty. He was a man of
great natural parts, but, not continuing in true humility, ran out into
exorbitant imaginations, of which more may be said hereafter. About
this time Samuel Fisher and John Stubbs were also at Rome, where they
spoke with some of the cardinals, and testified against the popish
superstition. They also spread some books amongst the friars, some of
whom confessed the contents thereof to be truth: but, said they, if we
should acknowledge this publicly, we might expect to be burnt for it.
Notwithstanding Fisher and Stubbs went free, and returned unmolested.
The case of Mary Fisher, a maiden, and one of the first Quakers, so
called, that came into New England, as hath been mentioned before, I
cannot pass by in silence. She being come to Smyrna, to go from thence
to Adrianople, was stopt by the English consul, and sent back to
Venice, from whence she came by another way to Adrianople, at the time
that Sultan Mahomet the fourth was encamped with his army near the said
town. She went alone to the camp, and got somebody to go to the tent
of the grand vizier, to tell him that an English woman was come who
had something to declare from the great God to the Sultan. The vizier
sent word, that next morning he should procure her an opportunity
for that purpose. Then she returned to the town, and repaired next
morning to the camp again, where being come, she was brought before
the sultan, who had his great men about him, in such a manner as he
was used to admit ambassadors. He asked by his interpreters, whereof
there were three with him, whether it was true what had been told him,
that she had something to say to him from the Lord God? She answered,
‘Yea.’ Then he bade her speak on: and she not being forward, weightily
pondering what she might say, and he supposing that she might be
fearful to utter her mind before them all, asked her, whether she
desired that any might go aside, before she spoke? She answered, ‘No.’
He then bade her speak the word of the Lord to them, and not to fear,
for they had good hearts, and could hear it. He also charged her, to
speak the word she had to say from the Lord, neither more nor less, for
they were willing to hear it, be it what it would. Then she spoke what
was upon her mind.
The Turks hearkened to her with much attention and gravity, till she
had done; and then the sultan asking her whether she had any thing more
to say? She asked him, whether he understood what she said? And he
answered, ‘Yes, every word,’ and further said, that what she had spoken
was truth. Then he desired her to stay in that country, saying, that
they could not but respect such an one, as should take so much pains
to come to them so far as from England, with a message from the Lord
God. He also proffered her a guard to bring her into Constantinople,
whither she intended. But she not accepting this offer, he told her
it was dangerous travelling, especially for such an one as she; and
wondered that she had passed so safe so far as she had: saying also,
it was in respect to her, and kindness that he proffered it, and that
he would not for any thing she should come to the least hurt in his
dominions. She having no more to say, the Turks asked her, what she
thought of their prophet Mahomet? She answered warily that she knew him
not; but Christ, the true prophet, the Son of God, who was the light
of the world, and enlightened every man coming into the world, him she
knew. And concerning Mahomet she said, that they might judge of him
to be true or false, according to the words and prophecies he spoke;
saying further, ‘If the word that a prophet speaketh, come to pass,
then shall ye know that the Lord hath sent that prophet; but if it come
not to pass, then shall ye know that the Lord never sent him.’ The
Turks confessed this to be true; and Mary having performed her message,
departed from the camp to Constantinople, without a guard, whither
she came without the least hurt or scoff. And so she returned safe to
England.
Concerning Catharine Evans, and Sarah Cheevers, two women, who at
this time lay in the prison of the inquisition at Malta, and were not
released till after three years confinement, where they suffered most
grievous hardships; I intend to speak hereafter, when I come to the
time of their deliverance; and then I propose to make a large and very
remarkable description concerning it.
In the meanwhile I return to the affairs of England, where the
government now was quite altered. Many of the late king’s judges
were now hanged and quartered: among those was also colonel Francis
Hacker, of whom, about six years before this time, it hath been said
that he took George Fox prisoner. But he now himself was in prison,
and impeached not only as one of those that kept the king prisoner,
but also that he signed the warrant for the king’s execution, and had
conducted him to the scaffold. To all which, and more, he said little,
but that what he did, was by order of his superiors; and that he had
endeavoured to serve his country. But this did not avail him, for he
was condemned for high treason, and hanged and quartered in October.
A day or two before his death Margaret Fell visited him in prison;
and when he was put in mind of what formerly he had done against the
innocent, he remembered it, and said, he knew well whom she meant,
and had trouble upon him for it. For G. Fox, (who had compared him to
Pilate,) bade him, when the day of his misery and trial should come
upon him, to remember what he said to him. And as Hacker’s son-in-law,
Needham, then did not stick to say, that it was time to have G. Fox
cut off, so it came to be the lot of Hacker himself to be cut off at
Tyburn, where he was hanged. Such now was the end of many, who were not
only guilty of the king’s death, and the putting to death of others who
were for king Charles the Second, but had also transgressed against God
by persecuting godly people. They had been often warned, and several
times told that God would hear the cries of the widows and fatherless,
that had been cruelly oppressed by them; and as they had made spoil
of the goods of those whom in scorn they called Quakers, so now fear
and quaking was brought upon them, and their estates became a spoil
to others. How plainly E. Burrough had foretold this, hath been said
before; and not to mention others, I will only say, that one Robert
Huntington came once into the steeple-house at Brough, near Carlisle,
with a white sheet about him, and a halter about his neck, to show
the Presbyterians and Independents there, that the surplice was to be
introduced again, and that some of them should not escape the halter.
Now how mad soever this was said to be, yet time showed it a presage of
the impending disaster of the cruel persecutors: for when king Charles
had ascended the throne, his most fierce enemies were despatched out of
the way.
The parliament sitting at this time, some of those called Quakers were
admitted to appear in the House of Lords, where they gave reasons
why they should not frequent the public worship, nor swear, nor pay
tithes; and they were heard with moderation. The king also about this
time showed himself moderate; for being solicited by some, and more
especially by Margaret Fell, he set at liberty about seven hundred of
the people called Quakers, who had been imprisoned under the government
of Oliver and Richard Cromwell. This passed the easier, because
those that were now at the helm, had also suffered under the former
government: there seemed likewise some inclination to give liberty of
conscience; but there being among those that were now in authority,
some also of a malicious temper, they always found means to hinder
this good work; and it just now fell out so that something started up,
which put a stop to the giving such a liberty as aforesaid; though it
was advanced so far, that an order was drawn up for permitting the
Quakers the free exercise of their worship; only the signing and seal
to it was wanting, when all on a sudden the Fifth Monarchy-men made an
insurrection. There was at that time a great number of this turbulent
people in England; who, perceiving that their exorbitant opinion was
inconsistent with kingly government, which now had taken place, thought
it not meet for their cause to sit still while the government, which
was yet but new, should be fully settled and established. Perhaps they
had also some intent to free some of the late king’s judges, who were
imprisoned; for among these was also sir Henry Vane, who having been
one of the chief of the commonwealth party, was likewise said to be
one of the heads of the Fifth Monarchy-men. It was in the night when
these people made a rising; which caused such a stir, that the king’s
soldiers sounded an alarm by the beating of drums.
The train-bands appeared in arms, and all was in an uproar, and both
the mob and soldiers committed great insolences for several days; so
that the Quakers, though altogether innocent, became the object of the
fury of their enemies, and many were hauled to prison out of their
peaceable meetings.
At that time George Fox was at London, and being lodged in Pall-mall,
at night a company of troopers came, and knocked at the door where he
was; which being opened, they rushed into the house, and laid hold
on him. One of these that had formerly served under the parliament,
clapped his hand to G. Fox’s pocket, and asked, whether he had any
pistol? G. Fox told him, he knew he did not use to carry pistols, why
then did he ask such a question of him, whom he knew to be a peaceable
man? Others of these fellows ran up into the chambers, and there found
esquire Marsh, before mentioned, in bed, who though he was one of the
king’s bed-chamber, yet out of love to G. Fox, came and lodged where
he did. When the troopers came down again, they said, ‘Why should we
take this man away with us? We will let him alone.’ ‘Oh,’ said the
parliament soldier, ‘he is one of the heads, and a chief ringleader.’
Upon this the soldiers were taking him away. But esquire Marsh hearing
of it, sent for him that commanded the party, and desired him to let
G. Fox alone, since he would see him forthcoming in the morning, and
then they might take him. Early in the morning there came a company of
foot to the house; and one of them drawing his sword, held it over G.
Fox’s head, which made him ask, wherefore he drew his sword at a naked
man? At which his fellows being ashamed, bid him put up his sword: and
sometime after they brought him to Whitehall, before the troopers came
for him. As he was going out, he saw several of his friends going to
the meeting, it being then the First day of the week; and he intended
to have gone thither himself, if he had not been stopped: but now
it being out of his power to keep them company, he commended their
boldness, and encouraged them to persevere therein. When he was come to
Whitehall, seeing the soldiers and people were exceeding rude, he began
to exhort them to godliness. But some great persons coming by, who
were envious to him, said, ‘What, do you let him preach? Put him into
such a place, where he may not stir.’ So he was put into that place,
and the soldiers watched over him; but G. Fox told them, though they
could confine his body, and shut that up, yet the word of life they
could not stop. Some then asked him, what he was? He told them he was
a preacher of righteousness. After he had been kept there two or three
hours, esquire Marsh spoke to the lord Gerard, who came, and bid them
set G. Fox at liberty. When he was discharged, the marshal demanded
fees. G. Fox told him he could not give him any: and he asked him, how
he could demand fees of him who was innocent? Nevertheless he told him,
that in his own freedom, he would give them two-pence, to make him and
the soldiers drink. But they shouted at that, which made him say, if
they would not accept it, they might choose; for he should not give
them fees. Then he went through the guards, and came to an inn, where
several of his friends at that time were prisoners under a guard, and
about night he went to the house of one of his friends.
This insurrection of the Fifth-Monarchy-men, caused great disturbance
in the nation; and though the Quakers did not at all meddle with
those boisterous people, yet they fell under great sufferings because
of them; and both men and women were dragged out of their houses to
prison, and some sick men off their beds by the legs; among which was
one Thomas Pachyn, who being in a fever, was dragged by the soldiers
out of his bed to prison, where he died.
This persecution going on throughout the nation, Margaret Fell went
to the king, and gave him an account how her friends, that were in
nowise concerned in the said insurrection and riots, were treated;
for several thousands of them were cast into prison. The king and
council wondered how they could have such intelligence, since strict
charge was given for the intercepting of all letters, so that none
could pass unsearched. But notwithstanding this, so much was heard
of the numbers of the imprisoned, that Margaret Fell went a second
time to the king and council, and acquainted them of the grievous
sufferings of her friends. G. Fox then wrote a letter of consolation
to his suffering friends; and also published in print a declaration
against all seditions, plotters, and fighters, wherein he manifested,
that they were an harmless people, that denied wars and fightings,
and could not make use of the outward sword, or other carnal weapons.
This declaration was presented to the king and his council, and was of
such effect, that the king gave forth a proclamation, that no soldiers
should go to search any house, but with a constable. When afterwards
some of the Fifth-Monarchy-men were put to death because of their
insurrection, they did the Quakers, so called, that right, that they
cleared them openly from having an hand in, or knowledge of their plot.
This and other evidences caused the king, being continually importuned
thereunto, to issue forth a declaration, that the Quakers should be set
at liberty without paying fees.
Many of the Presbyterian preachers now temporized, and for keeping
their benefices, joined with the Episcopalians, and did not stick to
put on the surplice. But this gave occasion to many of their hearers to
leave them, and join with the Quakers, so called, who could not comply
with the times. Others, who were a little more steadfast, made use of
their money to get liberty, though under the government of Cromwell
they would permit no liberty of conscience to others; insomuch that
one Hewes, an eminent priest at Plymouth in Oliver’s days, when some
liberty was granted, prayed that God would put it into the hearts of
the chief magistrates of the nation, to remove this cursed toleration.
But this Hewes, after the king was come in, being asked by one, whether
he would account toleration accursed now, answered only by shaking his
head.
Now though many of the Quakers, as hath been said, were released from
prison, yet they suffered exceedingly in their religious assemblies.
Once a company of Irishmen came to Pall-mall, when G. Fox was there;
but the meeting was already broke up; and he being gone up into a
chamber, heard one of those rude persons, who was a colonel, say, he
would kill all the Quakers. Whereupon G. Fox came down, and told him,
‘The law said, an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth; but thou
threatenest to kill all the Quakers, though they have done thee no
hurt:’ but said he further, ‘Here is gospel for thee: here’s my hair,
here’s my cheek, and here’s my shoulder,’ turning it to him. This so
surprised the colonel, that he and his companions stood amazed, and
said, ‘If this be your principle as you say, we never saw the like in
our lives.’ To which G. Fox said, ‘What I am in words I am the same
in life.’ Then the colonel carried himself lovingly; though a certain
ambassador who stood without and then came in, said, that this Irish
colonel was such a desperate man, that he durst not come in with him,
for fear he should have done great mischief.
Notwithstanding such like rude encounters, yet by the change of the
government, some stop was put to the fierce current of persecution;
for the king being but newly settled on the throne, showed yet an
inclination to lenity. But this quiet did not last long, and was but a
time of respiration: for the churchmen, instigated, as it seems very
probable, by the favourers of popery, continued envious, and staid but
for an opportunity to show their malice. An instance of which hath been
seen already on the insurrection of the Fifth-Monarchy-men, and in
the sequel will be seen much clearer: since, though they did not seem
to persecute for conscience-sake, yet under a colour of justice, laws
were made use of, that had formerly been enacted for the suppression of
popery, and to secure the kingdom against Jesuits, and other traiterous
Papists; these being the laws, of which G. Fox in his letter to the
king had said, that they held up persecution about religion.
That it may be known what laws those were, and that it may also appear
what an unreasonable use hath been made thereof, I shall here set them
down, or abstracts of them; that so it may be more plainly seen, what
awkward means have been made use of, and how sinistrously the laws
were executed. Sometimes I may interweave among these abstracts, some
observations, or an account of a case, which, though not placed in due
time, may yet be serviceable to give a true notion of things. I now
repair to those laws.
* * * * *
In the 27th year of king Henry the eighth, a law was made for payment
of tithes: for that king having either given or sold many chapels and
abbeys to laymen, those laymen had no right, as priests claimed to
have, to summon to ecclesiastical courts those that failed in paying of
tithes. But for this a law was provided, by virtue of which, a judge of
an ecclesiastical court might be helpful to laymen, and in that law it
was said,
‘If the judge of an ecclesiastical court make complaint to
two justices of peace, (_quorum unus_,) of any contumacy, or
misdemeanor committed by a defendant in any suit there depending
for tithes, the said justices shall commit such defendant to
prison, there to remain till he shall find sufficient surety to
be bound before them by recognizance, or otherwise to give due
obedience to the process, proceedings, decrees, and sentences of
the said court.’
By this law, which is pretended to be still in force, many honest
people have suffered, and been kept very long in prison; for they
refusing to find surety for the payment of tithes, which for
conscience-sake they could not give to such ministers who lived from
a forced maintenance, and did not, as they judged, profit the people;
it was in the power of the priests to detain them prisoners, till the
pretended debt was paid; which the persecuted judged so unreasonable,
that some have therefore continued in prison for many years, choosing
rather to die in jail, than to uphold such preachers, by paying tithes
to them. And the Quakers, so called, have never offered resistance, but
suffering and forbearance have always been their arms, though they were
almost continually vexed with laws that were never made against them;
and more especially were they molested with the oath of supremacy,
which was made in the beginning of the reign of queen Elizabeth,
though, it may be, projected in the time of Henry the eighth, which
runs thus:
‘I _A. B._ do utterly testify and declare in my conscience,
that the [king’s] highness is the only supreme governor of
this realm, and of all other (his) highness’s dominions and
countries, as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things
or causes, as temporal. And that no foreign prince, prelate,
state, or potentate, hath, or ought to have any jurisdiction,
power, superiority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical
or spiritual, within this realm: and therefore I do utterly
renounce, and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers,
superiorities, and authorities, and do promise, that from
henceforth I shall bear faith, and true allegiance to the
[king’s] highness [his] heirs and lawful successors; and to my
power, shall assist and defend all jurisdiction, privileges,
pre-eminences, and authorities, granted, or belonging to the
[king’s] highness [his] heirs and successors, or united and
annexed to the imperial crown of his realm. So help me God, and
the contents of this book.’
In the first year of queen Elizabeth, an act was made for uniformity of
common-prayer, and church-service, having this clause:
‘Every person shall resort to their parish church, or upon let
thereof, to some other, every Sunday and holiday, upon pain
to be punished by censures of the church, and also to forfeit
twelve-pence, to be levied by the church-wardens, there, for the
use of the poor, upon the offender’s goods, by way of distress.’
Here is to be noted, that some have prosecuted the pretended offenders
on this clause, to obviate greater severities; although this law was
made because of the Papists, thereby to force them to come to church;
for about that time there were not so many Protestant Dissenters
in England, as afterwards; but these appearing in time, were as
well under the lash of this law as the Papists; for their religious
assemblies were not reckoned to be churches as the steeple-houses by
a metonymy generally have been called; at the same rate as the Jews’
meeting-houses have been called synagogues, though the word itself
properly signifies the assembly of the people.
* * * * *
Now, since the aforesaid law was not strictly obeyed, not only by
Papists, but also by others, who aiming at a further reformation, could
not longer comply with the rites of the church of England, in the 23d
year of Elizabeth, a more severe law was made, with this clause:
‘Every person not repairing to church, according to the statute
of 1 Eliz. 2, shall forfeit twenty pounds for every month they
so make default; and if they so forbear by the space of twelve
months, after certificate thereof, made by the ordinary unto the
King’s Bench, a justice of assize, jail-delivery, or peace of
the county where they dwell, shall bind them with two sufficient
sureties in 200_l._ at least, to their good behaviour, from which
they shall not be released until they shall repair to church
according to the said statute.’
This law it seems was not thought severe enough; therefore in the 29th
year of the said queen, another law was made with this clause:
‘The queen may seize all the goods, and two-third parts of the
lands and leases of every offender not repairing to church as
aforesaid, in such of the terms of Easter and Michaelmas, as
shall happen next after such conviction, for the sum then due for
the forfeiture of twenty pounds a month, and yearly after that,
(in the same terms,) according to the rate of twenty pounds a
month for so long time as they shall forbear to come to church
according to the said statute of 23 Eliz. 1.’
Upon these acts many were prosecuted; but in the height of this
proceeding, George Whitehead, Gilbert Latey, and others, solicited
king Charles the Second in the behalf of their friends; which had such
effect, that the king ordered stay of process in divers counties; yet
afterwards the prosecution was continued till after his death, both as
to imprisonment, as well as seizing of goods: and other old laws were
also made use of: for in the 35th year of queen Elizabeth’s reign, when
the Papists sometimes were forming plots against the queen, an act was
made, containing the effect of this clause:
‘If any of above sixteen years of age shall be convicted to have
absented themselves above a month from church, without any lawful
cause, impugned the queen’s authority in causes ecclesiastical,
or frequented conventicles, or persuaded others so to do, under
pretence of exercise of religion, they shall be committed to
prison, and there remain until they shall conform themselves,
and make such open submission as hereafter shall be prescribed:
and if within three months after such conviction, they refuse
to conform, and submit themselves, being thereunto required by
a justice of the peace, they shall in open assize, or sessions,
abjure the realm: and if such abjuration happen to be before
justices of the peace in sessions, they shall make certificate
thereof at the next assize, or jail-delivery.’
‘And if such an offender refuse to abjure, or going away
accordingly, doth return without the queen’s license, he shall be
adjudged a felon, and shall not enjoy the benefit of clergy; but
if before he be required to abjure, he makes his submission, the
penalties aforesaid shall not be inflicted upon him.’
Though it may be supposed this act was made chiefly against Papists,
yet some few of the Quakers, so called, had been prosecuted thereupon,
which was for their lives; for if they had been willing to depart
the realm, yet such, who for conscience-sake could not swear at all,
could not oblige themselves by oath that they would do so. And this
being very well known, it once happened, that one William Alexander,
of Needham in Suffolk, being with several more indicted upon this act,
was asked, ‘Guilty or not guilty?’ He not being hasty to answer,
the judge said, ‘Why don’t you plead guilty or not guilty?’ To which
Alexander replied, ‘What would’st thou advise us to plead?’ The judge,
(who sometimes used to be severe enough,) said, ‘Do you ask my advice?’
‘Yes,’ said Alexander. ‘Then,’ returned the judge, ‘you shall have it;
and I’ll advise you to plead not guilty.’ So the prisoners accordingly
pleaded not guilty. Then said the judge to the prosecutors, ‘Now you
must prove these men, neither to have been at their own parish church,
nor at any other church or chapel, else they are not within this act,
which is a sanguinary law.’ Thus the judge carried on his discourse, to
a discharge of Alexander and his friends from that severe indictment:
for the prosecutors were not able to prove this with evidence, as
the law required. One William Bennet, had also been long in prison
at Edmondsbury in Suffolk, on this act, and one Richard Vickris near
Bristol. But now I go back again.
* * * * *
After the demise of queen Elizabeth, when James the First had ascended
the throne, the Papists still continued their wicked designs, of which
the gunpowder plot may serve for an instance. To suppress therefore
these malicious people, and for the better discovering of them, in
the third year of that king’s reign, an act was made, in which was
contained the following oath, which was to be taken by popish recusants:
‘I _A. B._ do truly and sincerely acknowledge, profess, testify,
and declare in my conscience before God and the world, that our
sovereign lord king James, is lawful and rightful king of this
realm, and of all other his majesty’s dominions and countries;
and that the pope, neither of himself, nor by any authority
of the church, or see of Rome, or by any other means, with
any other, hath any power or authority to depose the king, or
to dispose of any of his majesty’s kingdoms or dominions, or
to authorise any foreign prince to invade, or annoy him, or
his countries, or to discharge any of his subjects from their
allegiance and obedience to his majesty, or to give license or
leave to any of them to bear arms, raise tumults, or to offer
any violence or hurt to his majesty’s royal person, state,
or government, or to any of his majesty’s subjects, within
his majesty’s dominions. Also I do swear from my heart, that
notwithstanding any declaration, or sentence of excommunication,
or deprivation, made or granted, or to be made or granted, by the
pope or his successors, or by any authority derived, or pretended
to be derived from him or his see, against the said king, his
heirs, or successors, or any absolution of the said subjects
from their obedience, I will bear faith and true allegiance to
his majesty, his heirs and successors, and him and them will
defend to the uttermost of my power, against all conspiracies
and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against his or
their persons, their crown and dignity, by reason or colour of
any such sentence or declaration, or otherwise: and will do my
best endeavour to disclose, and make known unto his majesty, his
heirs and successors, all treasons, and traiterous conspiracies,
which I shall know or hear of to be against him, or any of
them. And I do further swear, that I do from my heart abhor,
detest, and abjure, as impious and heretical, this damnable
doctrine and position, that princes which be excommunicated,
or deprived by the pope, may be deposed, or murdered by their
subjects, or any other whatsoever. And I do believe, and in my
conscience am resolved, that neither the pope, nor any person
whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this oath, or any part
thereof, which I acknowledge by good and full authority to be
lawfully ministered unto me, and do renounce all pardons and
dispensations to the contrary. And all these things I do plainly
and sincerely acknowledge, and swear according to the express
words by me spoken, and according to the plain and common sense
and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, or
mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I do make
this recognition and acknowledgment, heartily, willingly, and
truly, upon the true faith of a Christian. So help me God.’
This oath, commonly called the oath of allegiance, was afterwards
called by the name of the test; and the introduction of it makes
mention of the gunpowder-plot, and signifies that this expedient was
contrived to discover Papists; and yet many of the people called
Quakers, have suffered thereby many years; for though they did not
refuse to declare their allegiance, yet because it was well known they
were not for swearing at all, this oath was continually made use of
as a snare to imprison them. Now the punishment stated against these
recusants, was a _premunire_: and how grievously many Quakers have been
oppressed on that account, though not easily related, yet I may give
instances in due places of several in the sequel. Other severe laws for
persecution have been made since, as will be seen in their proper time.
* * * * *
At the close of this year, E. Burrough wrote a consolatory epistle to
his fellow labourers in the ministry of the gospel, which I cannot omit
to insert here, because it shows very evidently how valiant he was in
the service of Truth, which epistle is as followeth:
‘Dearly and well-beloved brethren, in the heavenly relation,
and blessed immortal birth, of which we are born most dearly in
our Father’s love; my salutation extendeth unto you all, as one
with you perfectly in sufferings and in rejoicings, in faith and
patience, and even in all things which you do and suffer for
in the name of the Lord our God; and my soul greets you, and
embraces you, and fervently wishes peace, love, and unity, and
the increase of every good gift unto you all; for I am perfectly
one with you; if you receive of our father’s fulness, I am
refreshed; and if you rejoice, I am glad; and if you suffer, and
be in heaviness, I freely partake with you; whatsoever is yours,
whether liberty or bonds, whether life or death, I partake of the
same; and whatsoever I enjoy, the same also is yours; we are of
one birth, of one seed, of one line, even of the generation of
him who is without beginning of days, or end of life, who is an
high priest, made after the power of an endless life; and as he
was blessed of the Father, so are we, because we are of the same
birth, and are partakers of his nature, and he lives in us, and
we in him.
‘Well, my dear companions, I need not multiply words unto you,
as if you knew not these things; for what know I, that you know
not? Or, what can I say, but you know the same? Yet bear with
me, for my heart is very full, and my soul ready to be poured
forth, that I may once more express a little quantity of what is
abounding in my heart; for love, even perfect love, even that
love wherewith we are beloved of the Father, filleth my heart at
this time towards all of you, from the least to the greatest;
and I know nothing but love towards you all; and I doubt not but
in the same love you do receive this my salutation, which is from
the fountain of love, which at this time is opened in my heart.
‘Now, dearly beloved, the present considerations of my heart are
very many concerning the great love of the Father, which hitherto
hath been showed unto us; we all know, how that he called us by
his grace, and turned our hearts from the vanities and evil ways
of this world, and sanctified us by his word, and put his image
upon us, and called us by his name, and redeemed us unto himself,
and gave us the testimony of his holy Spirit in our own hearts,
that we should be his people, and he would be our God; he taught
us, and instructed us, and fed us, and gave us peace and rest in
himself, and freed us from the bondage of sin and corruption,
and from his terror because of sin; and he removed our
transgressions, and blotted them out, and ceased to smite us any
more, but brought us into the land of rest, flowing with mercy,
and peace, and knowledge, and all good things: this did the Lord
our God do for us in the days of our infancy, even when we were
yet in our sins he called us forth, and cleansed us from them:
and when we were strangers to him, he made himself known unto us;
and when we were wholly ignorant, he gave us knowledge; and when
we were not a people, he raised us up, and made us worthy to be
called by his name; and thus, after this manner, did the Father
love us, and show his love unto us: this you know, even as I do,
and the consideration of it causeth me thus to express it.
‘Again, when he had thus wrought for us, and showed his love unto
us, he was pleased to call us out into his work, to the turning
and converting of others unto the way of life; he put his Spirit
into us, and gave us gifts of knowledge and utterance, and armed
us with wisdom, and strength, and courage, and every way fitted
us for that work and service in which he hath carried us on; he,
I say, fitted us for his work, and called us into it, and carried
us on joyfully in it, and all this of his free love, and infinite
power; and what we have been, and what we have done, it hath been
only of the Lord, and not of ourselves, even of his love, which
to us may be admirable: for alas! what were we but children,
and neither prophets, nor prophets’ sons, and our education
unanswerable for these things, and to perform this calling? And
therefore it is the Lord, and only he that hath effected his own
purpose through us, and by us, as instruments mean of ourselves,
but by him very excellent.
‘Again, he hath mightily prospered us in his work, and a glorious
effect we have beheld of our labours, and travels, and testimony;
yea, the Lord hath been with us abundantly, and his arm hath
compassed us about, and he hath often given us great victory
over the wise and prudent of this world; he hath made his own
word often very powerful in our mouths, to the wounding of
the consciences of our enemies; and the Lord hath blessed our
testimony, to the confounding the wisdom of this world, and to
the gathering of many unto himself; and he hath gone forth before
us in his authority, and been always with us in his own work; and
our testimonies, labours, and travels have been very precious
and pleasant unto the Lord, and all his people; and the effect
thereof causeth my soul to rejoice, because the Lord hath been
with us, and prospered us into a great people, who have received
our witness, and accepted thereof unto their salvation; and unto
the Lord alone, the glory of all this appertaineth.
‘And for these eight years and upward, the hand of the Lord hath
carried us through great labours and travels in his service, and
many dangers, and persecutions, and afflictions have attended
us all this time; and ye know that many a time hath the Lord
delivered us from the hands of such as would have destroyed us;
and we have been delivered again and again, out of dangers and
difficulties, and the Lord hath been a present help unto us,
in the time of our trouble; for the plotting of the wicked,
for the purpose of ungodly men, hath often been broken for our
sakes, even many a time have we been delivered out of the snare
that hath been laid for us, and we have seen our enemies fall
before us on the right hand, and on the left, even the wise in
their worldly wisdom, and the foolish in their brutishness, both
professors and profane hath our God often cut short in their
desires and endeavours for our destruction; and we have been
wonderfully preserved unto this day; and all this I attribute to
the infinite love and power of the Lord God, who is blessed for
evermore.
‘And through all these things we are yet alive, and the Lord
doth not fail us unto this hour, but he lives and walks in us,
and his testimony is with us, even the seal of his good Spirit
in our hearts, that we are his sons and servants, and we are
confirmed by many tokens that he is our God, and we are his
people, and that great oppressions which we have met withal,
have not restrained us, but through it all, have we grown, and
prospered unto this day: and concerning the things whereof we
have testified these divers years, I am no way doubtful but our
God will fulfil them, neither can my confidence be shaken by what
is or can come to pass; for antichrist must fall, false ministry
and worship, false ways and doctrines, God will confound, false
power and false church the Lord will lay low, and truth and
righteousness must reign; and God will gather his people more and
more, and glorious days will appear; God will exalt his kingdom
upon earth, and throw down the kingdom of the man of sin; all
oppression must cease, and the oppressors shall be no more; and
God will free his people, and they shall be happy in this world,
and for ever: these things have we prophesied from day to day;
and my faith is constant and unmoveable, that God will effect
these things in his season: for the Lord never yet deceived me,
but what he hath said, will surely come to pass.
‘And therefore, brethren, let us be in hope and patience, and
live in the word of patience, and not be faint-hearted, as though
the Lord had forgotten us, or was unmindful of us, or as though
he would not perform what he had testified of by us; for he is
not a man, that he should lie, nor as a man, that he is given to
change: but lift up your heads, for the Lord is with us, even in
our greatest tribulations and afflictions, and he will accomplish
his purpose; for he is mighty to save his people, and to destroy
his enemies.
‘It is true, the gates of hell at this time seem to be open
against us, and we are a people like to be swallowed up of our
enemies, and floods of wickedness seem to overflow, and the
waves of the great sea seem to be void of mercy, and the hope
of our adversaries is to extinguish us from being a people, and
to destroy us from the face of the earth; and the hands of our
persecutors are highly exalted at this day, as though all that
we have done for the Lord, by our labours and travels, should now
be made of none effect.
‘Well, dear brethren, though it be thus, yet our God can deliver
us, and confound our adversaries; and we can appeal unto our
God, and can spread our cause before him: and he knows that our
sufferings and afflictions are altogether unjust, and unequal,
and unrighteous, and that our persecutors do afflict us out of
their envy, and without any just cause administered unto them by
us; our God knows it, angels and saints know it, that we are at
this day a persecuted people, for religion’s sake; and this our
present affliction is not any just punishment, either from the
justice of God, or from the justice of men.
‘For God hath given us the witness of his eternal Spirit, that
wrath is not in him towards us; his wrath be to his enemies, but
unto us is joy and peace for evermore: and the Lord clears us,
and he justifies us, who then shall condemn us? He chargeth no
guilt upon us, as if we were unto ourselves the cause, by our
evil deeds, of these our present sufferings, and as if this were
come to pass upon us, as punishment from the hand of God: I say,
it is not so; these our present sufferings are not out of God’s
anger towards us, for his love is to us, let his wrath be to his
enemies: and as I said, neither is this suffering in the justice
of men; for unto all the world we can say, (and God himself
shall plead our cause,) whom have we wronged or done evil to?
What evil have we done to any man’s person? Whose goods have we
falsely taken or coveted? Against whom have we designed mischief?
Even the Lord himself be judge between us and our persecutors
in this matter; for unto him we are known that we do desire
the good of all, and not the hurt of any, and yet we are dealt
with as evil-doers; when as the God of heaven is witness in our
consciences, that we neither plot nor contrive, nor agitate in
thought or word the hurt of any man’s person: but we walk justly
towards all, it being our principle to do to others as we would
be done unto; and we can plead our cause unto our God, and he
shall plead our cause with our enemies, and this is the present
state of our case; what we suffer at this time it is singly
in the cause of God, and for righteousness-sake, and for the
testimony of Jesus, which we hold; therefore freely let us commit
our cause unto the God of heaven, and if we die, it is for him,
and if we live, it is to him; and we seek not vengeance against
our enemies, but leave it to the Lord to plead with them.
‘And, dearly beloved, I hope I need not exhort you to be patient
and faithful in this day of our trial, knowing that the cause is
so excellent in which we are tried, it is God’s cause and not
our own; and I hope you all have the testimony of his Spirit in
your consciences, verifying the truth of the cause for which we
suffer; and having that evidence, we need not to be doubtful as
towards God, nor ashamed before men, if so be that every one
feels the evidence of the Spirit of God bearing witness, that we
suffer for righteousness-sake, and for the name of Christ Jesus.
‘And so dear brethren, lift up your heads, and be assured, that
we are the Lord’s, and in his cause we are tried, and he will
judge and avenge our persecutors in his season, and we shall be a
people when the Egyptians lie dead upon the sea-shore, and when
the raging sea is dried up, this same people shall be safe; for
hath the Lord done so excellent things for us? Hath he led us
forth, and blessed us unto this day? And hath he preserved us
hitherto through many tribulations and dangers? Hath he showed
infinite love and favour unto us to this hour? And will he now
suffer us to be destroyed from being a people? Surely no. Will
he give our enemies their heart’s desire to cut us all off,
that they may blaspheme his name? Surely no. And if it be the
pleasure of the Lord, that some of us should seal our testimony
with our blood, good is the will of the Lord; not ours, but his
will be done; for the testimony that we have borne for these
divers years, hath been so excellent in itself, and in its fruits
and effects, that the finishing of it deserves the best seal
that possibly we can sign it with, which is indeed our heart’s
blood; and this dwells upon my spirit; and yet, though it should
be thus, my confidence is sure, that the work of the Lord shall
prosper, and our testimony shall be glorious for ever, and this
people shall never be extinguished from being a people.
‘And I know not any thing that remains upon our part at this day,
but that we commit ourselves into the hand of the Lord, living in
the seed of God, wherein our election is sure, before the world
was, and for ever; and let us remember one another, and pray one
for another; and let us stir up all the children of our Father to
faithfulness and patience, while we have time; I say, let us walk
to the glory of the Lord, keeping faith and a good conscience to
our last end; our testimony shall never die, nor our memories
ever perish when we are ceased to be; and though we suffer now
the loss of life, and all we have, yet the effects thereof will
be glorious in ages to come, and our present sufferings will
hasten the glory of God’s work throughout the world: receive this
as my salutation to you all.
‘It is now eight days since I left Ireland, where my service hath
been precious for the Lord for full six months, all which time
the Lord carried me in much faithfulness and diligence in his
service, to the confirming of many in the truth of God, and to
the converting of others; and through and because of the presence
of the Lord which was with me, I had a very precious time, and
was wonderfully preserved through many dangers and trials; and I
travelled near two thousand miles to and fro in that land, and
had very free passage in the principal cities and towns, till my
work for the present was fully ended there, having more time than
could be expected to clear my conscience to all people. It would
be too large to mention every particular transaction, wherein I
perceived the eminent hand of God with me; and also many things
I observed concerning the present state of things which I shall
not mention; for what have we to do with the affairs of worldly
kingdoms? But as for friends, it was well with them, they grow
and increase in the blessings and fulness of the Father; and when
I came thence all was quiet, and very few in prison, though, I
suppose, the tidings of things as they are here, will produce
the same sufferings upon them: but I hope they will be bold and
valiant for the truth, in giving their testimony by faithful
sufferings, till these things be finished.
‘Thus I remain in life and death, and when I am no more, in
everlasting remembrance, your dear brother and companion, by
doing and suffering for the name of the Lord and his truth. I am
well, and at liberty, as yet.