Monk having thus long declared for a commonwealth, and against a king,
began now to take off the mask; for the old lords had now taken their
places again in the House of Peers, out of which they had been kept so
many years; and by the advice of Monk, Charles Stuart, (who for several
years had lived at Cologne, and, having made a voyage to Spain, was
from thence come, by France, to Brussels,) repaired to Breda: and in
England it being resolved upon to call him back, and to restore him,
he gave forth the following declaration at Breda; thereby to persuade
those that were yet backward to acknowledge him.
‘_Charles, R._
‘Charles, by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland,
France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. To all our
loving subjects, of what degree or quality soever, greeting. If
the general distraction and confusion which is spread over the
whole kingdom, doth not awaken all men to a desire and longing
that those wounds which have for so many years together been kept
bleeding, may be bound up, all we can say will be to no purpose.
However, after this long silence, we have thought it our duty to
declare, how much we desire to contribute thereunto; and that
as we can never give over the hope, in good time to obtain the
possession of that right which God and nature has made our due;
so we do make it our daily suit to the Divine Providence, that he
will, in compassion to us and our subjects, after so long misery
and sufferings, remit, and put us into a quiet and peaceable
possession of that our right, with as little blood and damage to
our people as is possible. Nor do we desire more to enjoy what is
ours, than that all our subjects may enjoy what by law is theirs,
by a full and entire administration of justice throughout the
land, and by extending our mercy where it is wanted and desired.
‘And to the end that the fear of punishment may not engage any,
conscious to themselves of what is past, to a perseverance in
guilt for the future; by opposing the quiet and happiness of
their country, in the restoration both of king, peers, and
people, to their just, ancient, and fundamental rights; we do
by these presents declare, that we do grant a free and general
pardon, which we are ready upon demand to pass under our great
seal of England, to all our subjects, of what degree or quality
soever, who, within forty days after the publishing hereof, shall
lay hold upon this our grace and favour; and shall by any public
act declare their doing so, and that they return to the loyalty
and obedience of good subjects; excepting only such persons as
shall hereafter be excepted by parliament. Those only excepted,
let all our subjects, how faulty soever, rely upon the word of a
king, solemnly given by this present declaration, that no crime
whatsoever, committed against us, or our royal father, before the
publication of this, shall ever rise in judgment, or be brought
in question against any of them, to the least endamagement of
them, either in their lives, liberties, or estates; or as far
forth as lies in our power, so much as to the prejudice of their
reputations, by any reproach, or term of distinction, from the
rest of our best subjects; we desiring, and ordaining, that
henceforward all notes of discord, separation, and difference of
parties, be utterly abolished among all our subjects, whom we
invite and conjure to a perfect union among themselves, under our
protection, for the resettlement of our just rights, and theirs,
in a free parliament, by which, upon the word of a king, we will
be advised.
‘And because the passion and uncharitableness of the times have
produced several opinions in religion; by which men are engaged
in parties and animosities against each other, which, when they
shall hereafter unite, in a freedom of conversation, will be
composed, or better understood; we do declare a liberty to tender
consciences, and that no man shall be disquieted, or called in
question, for differences of opinion in matter of religion, which
do not disturb the peace of the kingdom; and that we shall be
ready to consent to such an act of parliament, as, upon mature
deliberation, shall be offered to us for the full granting of
that indulgence.
‘And because, in the continual distractions of so many years,
and so many and great revolutions, many grants and purchases of
estates, have been made to, and by, many officers, soldiers, and
others, who are now possessed of the same, and who may be liable
to actions at law upon several titles, we are likewise willing
that all such differences, and all things relating to such
grants, sales, and purchases, shall be determined in parliament;
which can best provide for the just satisfaction of all men who
are concerned.
‘And we do further declare, that we will be ready to consent to
any act, or acts of parliament, to the purposes aforesaid, and
for the full satisfaction of all arrears due to the officers, and
soldiers of the army, under the command of general Monk; and that
they shall be received into our service, upon as good pay and
conditions as they now enjoy.
‘Given under our sign manual and privy signet at our court at
Breda, this 14th day of April, 1660, in the Twelfth year of our
reign.’
The original of this declaration was sent to the House of Lords, and a
duplicate in a letter to the House of Commons; and repeated and sent in
a letter to General Monk, the council of state, and the officers of the
army. Hereupon it was resolved by the parliament, to prepare an answer;
and both in the House of Lords, and in the House of Commons, it was
voted to proclaim king Charles at Whitehall, and in London, as lawful
sovereign of his kingdoms, which was done on the 8th of the month
called May.
Now the king, who by the Spaniards was invited to return to Brussels,
and by the French to come to Calais, chose, at the pressing invitation
of the States-general of the United Provinces, to go by Holland: and
so he went, with the yachts of the States, to Rotterdam, and from
thence with coaches to the Hague; where having staid some days, he took
shipping at Schevelinghen for England, and made his entry at London on
the anniversary of his birth-day. Thus we see Charles the Second, (who
not long after was crowned,) restored, not by the sword, but by the
marvellous hand of the Lord.
About this time G. Fox the younger came to Harwich, where he was hauled
out of a meeting, and imprisoned under a pretence of having caused a
tumult. But to give to the reader a true sight of the matter, I must go
back a little.
About four years before this time, some of the people called Quakers,
being come into the said town, one of them spoke a few words by way of
exhortation to the people that came from the steeple-house; and passing
on, he and those with him went to an inn. The mayor hearing thereof,
sent to them, commanding that they should depart the town, which they
did after a short space; but about night they returned, and lodged at
their inn, and the next day passed away peaceably. Not long after, the
woman that kept the inn, was commanded to come before the magistrates;
who threatened to take away her license, unless she promised to lodge
no more such persons. But how eager soever they were for keeping out
the Quakers, yet it proved ineffectual; for it seems some of those
that had been spoken to in the streets, were so reached, that they
came to be obedient to the inward teachings of the Lord they had been
recommended to. And so a way was made for meetings there, whereby the
number of those of that society began to increase. And because they
could no longer comply with superstitious burials, they bought a piece
of ground to bury their dead in, but met with great opposition at their
burials; and once, when several came along to bury a corpse, it was by
force taken from them, and set by the sea side, where having lain above
ground part of two days and one night, it was privately covered by some
with small stones.
In the month called May, G. Fox the younger came to Harwich, to preach
the Truth there. The mayor of the town, whose name was Miles Hubbard,
having heard of this, stopt several that were going to the meeting.
The rude multitude seeing it, grew insolent, and made a hideous noise
before the house where the meeting was kept, and some were for pulling
it down. G. Fox hearing the noise, whilst he was preaching, grew
very zealous, and with a mighty power was made to say, ‘Wo, wo unto
the rulers and teachers of this nation, who suffer such ungodliness
as this, and do not seek to suppress it.’ Some that heard him thus
speaking, went and told the magistrates of it, perhaps not in the
self-same words as were uttered by him. The officers then coming, the
mayor commanded the constables to take the said G. Fox into custody;
who hearing this, said, ‘If I have done any thing worthy of death, or
bonds, I shall not refuse either; but I desire thee to show me what law
I have transgressed; which thou oughtest to do, before thou sendest me
to prison, that I may know for what I am sent thither.’ But the mayor
told him, he should know that afterward; and so he was carried to
prison. Robert Grassingham, who was shipwright of the admiralty in that
port, being at the meeting, out of which G. Fox was hauled, in love
went freely along with him to prison. This seemed to please the mayor,
who some days before had been heard to say concerning Grassingham,
‘If I could but get him out of the town, I should know what course to
take with the other Quakers.’ Some time after G. Fox was imprisoned, a
mittimus was sent to the jailer, in which the prisoner was charged with
causing a tumult in that borough, and disturbing the peace thereof.
This mittimus was signed by Miles Hubbard, mayor, Anthony Woolward, and
Daniel Smith; and these magistrates sent notice of what they had done,
to the parliament, under a specious pretence, that so they might not
fall into disgrace. The parliament receiving this information, issued
forth the following order:
‘_Monday, May 21, 1660._
‘The house being informed, that two Quakers, that is to say,
George Fox and Robert Grassingham, have lately made a disturbance
at Harwich, and that the said George Fox, who pretends to be a
preacher, did lately in his preaching there, speak words much
reflecting on the government and ministry, to the near causing of
a mutiny, and is now committed by the mayor and the magistrates
there.
‘Ordered that the said George Fox and Robert Grassingham be
forthwith brought up in custody; and that the sheriff of the
county of Essex do receive them, and give them his assistance for
the conveying them up accordingly, and delivering them into the
charge of the serjeant at arms attending this house.
‘Ordered, that the thanks of this house be given to the mayor and
magistrates of Harwich, for their care in this business.
WILLIAM JESSOP,
_Clerk of the Common House of Parliament_.’
By this it appeared that the magistrates of Harwich had special friends
in the parliament. R. Grassingham being at liberty, was gone to London;
and when this order came to Harwich, G. Fox was delivered to the
sheriff of Essex and his men: these went with him to London, and upon
the road they met Grassingham, who was coming from London to Harwich,
in pursuance of an order which he had received from the commissioner
of the admiralty and navy, for refitting one of the king’s frigates.
But notwithstanding Grassingham showed his order to the sheriff, yet
he brought him back to London with Fox, and delivered them into the
custody of the serjeant at arms attending the house, who committed
them to Lambeth house. They having been there about three weeks, wrote
a letter to the House of Commons, wherein they gave some account of
the manner of their imprisonment, and desired that they with their
accusers might be brought face to face before the parliament, saying,
that if any thing could be proved against them, worthy of punishment,
they should not refuse it. But they thought it to be unjust and
unreasonable, that a man should be hauled out of a peaceable meeting,
and sent to prison, without being examined, only for declaring against
the cursing and the wickedness of the rude people, and against such as
suffered such ungodliness, and did not seek to suppress it.
This was the chief contents of their paper, which they enclosed in a
letter to the speaker of the House of Commons in these words:
_For the Speaker of the House of Commons._
‘FRIEND,
‘We desire thee to communicate this enclosed to the House of
Commons, it being a few innocent, just, and reasonable words to
them though not in the eloquent language of man’s wisdom, yet it
is in the truth which is honourable.
We are friends to righteousness and truth,
and to all that are found therein.
ROBERT GRASSINGHAM,
GEORGE FOX.’
But the speaker did not deliver the paper, under pretence that it was
not directed with the ordinary title, ‘To the Right Honourable the
House of Commons.’ Therefore by the help of their friends they got it
printed, that so each member of parliament might have a copy of it. Now
after they had lain about fourteen weeks in Lambeth gate-house without
being examined, one of the members of parliament moved this business in
the house; whereupon the following order was made:
‘_Thursday, October 30th, 1660._
’Ordered that George Fox and Robert Grassingham, who by virtue
of a former order of this house, were taken into custody by the
serjeant at arms attending this house, for some disturbance at
Harwich, be forthwith released, and set at liberty, upon bail
first given to render themselves, when they shall be in that
behalf required.
WILLIAM JESSOP,
_Clerk of the House of Commons_.’
Shortly after this order was issued forth, the serjeant at arms sent
his clerk to demand fees and chamber rent of the prisoners, asking
fifty pounds for fees, and ten shillings a week for chamber rent. But
since no evil was laid to their charge, they could not resolve to
satisfy this unreasonable demand, yet offered to pay two shillings
and six pence a week, though the chamber where they had lain, was the
highest room in a lofty tower, and all the windows open, until they
had gotten them glazed, without any charge to the serjeant. Matters
standing thus, their cause was referred to the king’s privy council.
But it lasted yet a good while before they were released; for several
evasions were made use of to keep them in custody.
Whilst G. Fox was prisoner, he wrote a little book, which he called,
‘A Noble Salutation to king Charles Stuart,’ wherein he showed him how
matters had gone in England, viz. That his father’s party scorned those
that appeared in arms against them because of their meanness; for they
were tradesmen, ploughmen, servants, and the like; which contemptible
instruments God made use of to bring down the loftiness of the others.
But those of the parliament party growing from time to time successful,
and prevailing, got into the possessions of those they conquered,
and fell into the same pride and oppression which they had cried out
against in others; and many of them became greater oppressors, and
persecutors than the former had been. Moreover, the author exhorted the
king to observe the hand of the Lord in restoring of him. ‘Therefore,’
said he, ‘Let no man deceive thee, by persuading thee that these things
are thus brought to pass, because the kingdom was thy own proper right,
and because it was withheld from thee contrary to all right; or because
that those called royalists are much more righteous than those who
are now fallen under thee. For I plainly declare unto thee, that this
kingdom, and all the kingdoms of the earth, are properly the Lord’s.
And this know, that it was the just hand of God, in taking away the
kingdom from thy father and thee: and giving it unto others; and that
also it is the just hand of the Lord to take it again from them, and
bring them under thee: though I shall not say, but that some of them
went beyond their commission against thy father, when they were brought
as a rod over you; and well will it be for thee, if thou becomest not
guilty of the same transgressions.
The author further exhorts the king to consider, this his station was
not without danger, because of the changeableness of the people, a
great part of which were perfidious; since one while they had sworn for
a king and parliament; and shortly after they swore against a king,
single person, or house of Lords; and afterwards again they swore for
a single person. Some time after they cried up a parliament again. And
when O. Cromwell had turned out the parliament, and set up himself,
then the priests prayed for him, and asserted his authority to be just;
and when he died, they fawned upon his son Richard, and blasphemously
termed his father the light of their eyes, and the breath of their
nostrils; and they told him, that God had left him to carry on that
glorious work which his father had begun. Nay, some priests compared
Oliver to Moses, and Richard to Joshua, who should carry them into the
promised land. Thus they continually would flatter those that were
at the helm. For when George Booth made a rising, and they thought
there would be a turn, then some of the priests cried out against the
parliament, and cursed such as would not go out against them. But when
Booth was taken, then many began to petition the parliament and to
excuse themselves, that they had no hand in that rising.
Next the author set forth the wickedness of the people by excessive
drinking and drunkenness, thereby as it were to show their loyalty to
the king; and he relates also, how having preached at Harwich, against
the grievous wickedness of the people, he was hauled to prison in the
king’s name. Finally, he exhorts the king, to take heed of seeking
revenge; and to show mercy.
This paper, which was not a small one, for it took up several sheets,
was delivered in writing by Richard Hubberthorn, into the king’s hand
at Whitehall, and was not long after by the author published in print.
Now one of the most eminent royalists drew up divers queries to the
Quakers, desiring them to answer them, and to direct their answer
with this superscription, ‘_Tradite hanc amico Regis_,’ that is,
‘Deliver this to the king’s friend.’ For it was clearly seen, that
several of their predictions came to be fulfilled, of which those of
Edward Burrough were not the least. And therefore some, (as it seems,)
thought that by the Quakers they might get some knowledge whether any
stability of the king’s government was to be expected. By the queries
it appeared, that the author of them was a man of understanding, and of
some moderation also; and though I do not know who he was, yet I am not
without thoughts that Edward, earl of Clarendon, and high chancellor,
may have been the penman thereof. The tendency of these queries chiefly
was to know from the Quakers, what their judgment was concerning the
king’s right to the crown; and whether they ever did foresee his
return; and also whether they could judge that his reign and government
should be blessed or not. Moreover, whether he might justly forgive,
or avenge himself: and whether he might allow liberty of conscience
to all sorts of people, &c. Edward Burrough answered these queries,
and published his answer in print. It was directed to the king and the
royalists. In it he showed, that in some of their writings it had been
signified, that they had some expectations of the king’s restoration.
That the king’s coming to the throne was reasonable and equitable,
because through the purpose of the Lord. That his reign and government
might be blessed, or not blessed, according to his carriage. And that
he might justly forgive his, and his father’s enemies; for though he
and his father might have been injured, yet for as much as they had
applied to the sword to determine their controversy with the nation,
the sword went against them; and by that whereby they thought to stand,
they did fall; and who then should they blame for that which befel
them, seeing the sword, which they themselves did choose, destroyed
them. However, the author signified, that this was not meant of the
king’s death; that being quite another case. And if such, who had
destroyed kingly government in name and title, and pretended to govern
better, and did not make reformation, but became oppressors, having
broke their promises, came to be punished on that account with death
or otherwise, such could not be said to suffer for a good conscience,
nor for righteousness sake; but it was because they were oppressors;
and suffering for that cause could not be called persecution. ‘But none
of us, (thus ran Edward Burrough’s words,) can suffer for that cause,
as not being guilty thereof. If we suffer in your government, it is
for the name of Christ; because nothing can be charged against us in
this capacity as we now stand, and in this state into which we are now
gathered and changed, not in any matter of action or rebellion against
the king nor his father; nor in any thing but concerning the law and
worship of our God, and the matters of his kingdom, and our pure
consciences. And if any that are now amongst us were any way engaged
in the parliament service in the wars, it was not in rebellion against
the king or his father, as that we sought their destruction as men; but
upon sober and reasonable principles, and not for corrupt ends, nor
to get honour and riches to ourselves, as some others might do, who
went into the war for self ends, and continued in action, after the
cause which was once engaged for was utterly lost. And that principle,
which some time led some into action to oppose oppression, and seek
after reformation, that principle is still justified, though we are now
better informed than once we were. For though we do now more than ever
oppose oppression, and seek after reformation, yet we do it not in that
way of outward warring and fighting with carnal weapons and swords;
and you and the king ought to put a difference between such as some
time acted in the wars against you, in and upon sober and reasonable
principles, and that did not make themselves rich and high in the world
through your sufferings, and between such as have acted against you for
self ends, and have insulted over you, and have made themselves great
and rich in this world through your afflictions and sufferings.’ To
the query, whether the great afflictions sustained by the king divers
years, from subjects of his own nation, and the guilt thereof, did
lie upon all the subjects in general; or whether upon any, or some
particular sorts of people, who were such more than others; E. Burrough
made this answer, ‘So far as his sufferings were unjust, the guilt
thereof doth not lie upon all the subjects in general, but upon some
more than others; and such are easy to be distinguished from others,
if it be considered who they are that raised the war in this nation
against the king, and who first preached and prayed up the war, and
prosecuted it against the king’s father, and who cast out the bishops
and prelates from their places, and took their revenues and benefices,
and are become men as corrupted, as covetous and self-seeking, as proud
and ambitious, as unjust persecutors, as ever the men were which they
cast out: and who is it that hath gotten great estates in the nation,
and worldly honour, and raised themselves from nothing by the wars,
and by your sufferings; and who got the estates and titles of their
enemies, and pretended to free them from all oppressions, but have
not done it; but have continued the old oppressions, and have been
striving among themselves who should rule, and who should be great? And
as for us, who are called Quakers, we are clear from the guilt of all
the king’s sufferings. We have not cast out others, and taken their
places of great benefices, neither have we made war with carnal weapons
against any, ever since we were a people. Neither have we broken oaths
and engagements, nor promised freedom and deliverance, and for self
ends and earthly riches betrayed, as others have done, what we have
pretended to. And in many particulars it doth appear that we are clear
from his sufferings, for we have been a suffering people as well as
they, by the same spirit which caused them to suffer, which hath been
much more cruel, wicked, and unjust towards us, than it hath been
towards them, though our persecution hath been in another manner. But
what they have done against us we can freely forgive them, and would
have you to follow the same example. And if you could accuse them in
many things, so could we: but this is not a time to accuse one another,
but to forgive one another, and so to overcome your enemies. When they
had gotten the victory, they did not reform, but became oppressors, as
well as others, and became cruel towards others, that would not say and
do as they: and for this cause the Lord hath brought them down, and may
justly suffer others to deal with them as they have dealt with others.
Yet notwithstanding I must still say, and it is my judgment, that there
was very great oppression and vexation under the government of the late
king, and bishops under his power, which the Lord was offended with,
and many good people oppressed by; for which cause the Lord might and
did justly raise up some to oppose, and strive against oppressions
and injustice, and to press after reformation in all things. And
that principle of sincerity, which in some things carried them on in
opposing oppressions and pressing after reformation, I can never deny,
but acknowledge it; though many soon lost it, and became self-seekers,
forgetting the cause pretended to,’ &c.
* * * * *
This is but a small part of the queries, and the answers thereunto,
which E. Burrough concluded with a bold exhortation to the king, to
fear and reverence the Lord.
* * * * *
Now we return again to G. Fox the elder, whom we left about Bristol;
from whence he passed to Gloucester, Worcester, Drayton, (the place of
his nativity,) and Yorkshire. In that country at that time a Yearly
meeting was kept at Balby, in an orchard, where some thousands of
people were met together. At York, about thirty miles off, notice
being given of this meeting, a troop of horse came from thence; and
when G. Fox stood preaching in the meeting on a stool, two trumpeters
came riding up, sounding their trumpets pretty near him; and then the
captain bid him come down, for he was come, he said, to disperse the
meeting. G. Fox then speaking, told him, he knew they were peaceable
people; but if he did question that they met in an hostile manner, he
might make search among them; and if he found either sword or pistol
about any there, such may suffer. But the captain told G. Fox, he must
see them dispersed, for he came all night on purpose to disperse them.
G. Fox asked him, what honour it would be to him to ride with swords
and pistols amongst so many unarmed men and women? But if he would be
still and quiet, the meeting probably might not continue above two or
three hours; and when it was done, as they came peaceably, so they
should part: for he might perceive, the meeting was so large, that
all the country thereabouts could not entertain them, but that they
intended to depart towards their homes at night. But the captain said,
he could not stay so long. G. Fox desired then, that if he himself
could not stay to see the meeting ended, he would let a dozen of his
soldiers stay. To this the captain said, he would permit them an hour’s
time; so he left six soldiers to stay there, and then went away with
his troop: he being gone, the soldiers that were left, told those that
were met together, they might stay till night, if they would. This
they were not for, but parted about three hours after, without any
disturbance. But if the soldiers had been of such a temper as their
captain, perhaps the meeting would not have ended thus quietly: for
he was a desperate man, having once told G. Fox in Scotland, that he
would obey his superiors’ command; and if it were to crucify Christ,
he would do it; or execute the great Turk’s commands against the
Christians, if he were under him.
Now G. Fox went to Skipton, where there was a general meeting
concerning the affairs of the church. For many of his friends suffered
much, and their goods being taken from them, and some brought to
poverty, there was a necessity to provide for them. This meeting had
stood several years; for when the justices and captains came to break
them up, and saw the books and accounts of collections for relief of
the poor, and how care was taken that one county should help another,
and provide for the poor, they commended such practice, and passed away
in love. Sometimes there would come two hundred poor people, belonging
to other societies, and wait there till the meeting was done: and then
the Friends would send to the baker’s for bread, and give every one of
these poor people a loaf, how many soever there were: for they were
taught to do good unto all, though especially to the household of faith.
From hence G. Fox went to Lancaster, and so to Swarthmore, where he was
apprehended at the house of Margaret Fell, who was now a widow, judge
Thomas Fell, her husband, having been deceased about two years before.
Now some imagined they had done a remarkable act; for one said, he did
not think a thousand men could have taken G. Fox. They led him away
to Ulverstone, where he was kept all night at the constable’s house,
and a guard of fifteen or sixteen men were set to watch him; some of
which sat in the chimney, for fear he should go up the funnel. Next
morning he was carried to Lancaster, but exceedingly abused by the way;
and being come to town, was brought to the house of a justice, whose
name was Henry Porter, and who had granted the warrant against him.
He asked Porter, for what, and by whose order, he had sent forth his
warrant; and he complained to him of the abuse of the constables and
other officers: for they had set him upon a horse behind the saddle,
so that he had nothing to hold by; and maliciously beating the horse,
made him kick and gallop, and throw off his rider. But Porter would
not take any notice of that, and told G. Fox, he had an order; but
would not let him see it, for he would not reveal the king’s secrets.
After many words were exchanged, he was carried to Lancaster prison.
Being there a close prisoner in the common jail, he desired two of his
friends, one of which was Thomas Green, the other Thomas Commings, a
minister of the gospel, (with whom I was very familiarly acquainted,)
to go to the jailer, and desire of him a copy of his mittimus. They
went, but the jailer told them he could not give a copy of it; yet he
gave it them to read; and to the best of their remembrance, the matters
therein charged against him were, that G. Fox was a person generally
suspected to be a common disturber of the peace of the nation, an enemy
to the king, and a chief upholder of the Quakers’ sect: and that he,
together with others of his fanatic opinion, had of late endeavoured
to raise insurrections in these parts of the country, and to embroil
the whole kingdom in blood. Wherefore the jailer was commanded to keep
him in safe custody, till he should be released by order from the king
and parliament. No wonder that the jailer would not give a copy of
his mittimus, for it contained almost as many untruths as words. G.
Fox then wrote an apology, wherein he answered at large to all those
false accusations. And Margaret Fell, considering what injury was
offered to her, by hauling G. Fox out of her house, wrote the following
information, and sent it abroad.
‘_To all magistrates, concerning the wrong taking up,
and imprisoning of George Fox at Lancaster._
‘I do inform the governors of this nation, that Henry Porter,
mayor of Lancaster, sent a warrant with four constables to my
house, for which he had no authority nor order. They searched
my house, and apprehended George Fox in it, who was not guilty
of the breach of any law, or of any offence against any in the
nation. After they had taken him, and brought him before the said
Henry Porter, there was bail offered, what he would demand for
his appearance, to answer what could be laid to his charge: but
he, (contrary to law, if he had taken him lawfully,) denied to
accept of any bail; and clapped him up in close prison. After he
was in prison, a copy of his mittimus was demanded, which ought
not to be denied to any prisoner, that so he may see what is laid
to his charge: but it was denied him; a copy he could not have;
only they were suffered to read it over. And every thing that was
there charged against him, was utterly false; he was not guilty
of any one charge in it, as will be proved, and manifested to the
nation. So, let the governors consider of it. I am concerned in
this thing, inasmuch as he was apprehended in my house; and if he
be guilty, I am so too. So I desire to have this searched out.