CHAPTER IV.

There had been a strange prophecy put forth by some one, and it had made

its way into the daily journals, and had been laughingly or seriously

commented upon, according to the political tone of the paper, or the

passing humor of the writer, that the 4th of March, 1897, would never

dawn upon the American people. There was something very curious and

uncanny about the prediction, and what actually happened was not

qualified to loosen the fearful tension of public anxiety, for the day

literally and truly never dawned upon the City of Washington, and well

deserves its historical name, the “Dawnless Day.” At six o’clock, the

hour of daybreak, such an impenetrable pall of clouds overhung the city

that there came no signs of day. The gathering crowds could plainly hear

the plaintive cries and lamentations put up in the negro quarters of the

city. Not until nearly nine o’clock did the light cease to “shine in

darkness” and the darkness begin to comprehend it.

But although it was a cheerless gray day, even at high noon, its

heaviness set no weight upon the spirits of the jubilant tens of

thousands which completely filled the city and its public parks, and ran

over into camps and hastily improvised shelters outside the city limits.

Not until the day previous had the President announced the names of

those selected for his Cabinet. The South and Far West were fairly

beside themselves with joy, for there had been from their standpoint

ugly rumors abroad for several days. It had even been hinted that Bryan

had surrendered to the “money-changers,” and that the selection of his

constitutional advisers would prove him recreant to the glorious cause

of popular government, and that the Reign of the Common People would

remain but a dream of the “struggling masses.”

But these apprehensions were short lived. The young President stood firm

and fast on the platform of the parties which had raised him to his

proud eminence. And what better proof of his thorough belief in himself

and in his mission could he have given than the following:

Secretary of State—William M. Stewart, of Nevada.

Secretary of Treasury—Richard P. Bland, of Missouri.

Secretary of War—John P. Altgeld, of Illinois.

Attorney General—Roger Q. Mills, of Texas.

Postmaster General—Henry George, of New York.

Secretary Navy—John Gary Evans, of South Carolina.

Secretary Interior—William A. Peffer, of Kansas.

Secretary Agriculture—Lafe Pence, of Colorado.

The first thing that flashed across the minds of many upon glancing over

this list of names was the omission therefrom of Tillman’s. What did it

mean? Could the young President have quarreled with his best friend, his

most powerful coadjutor? But the wiser ones only shook their heads and

made answer that it was Tillman’s hand that filled the blank for

Secretary of the Navy, left there by the new ruler after the people’s

own heart. Evans was but a creation of this great Commoner of the South,

an image graven with his hands.

The inaugural address was not a disappointment to those who had come to

hear it. It was like the man who delivered it—bold, outspoken,

unmistakable in its terms, promising much, impatient of precedent,

reckless of result; a double confirmation that this was to be the Reign

of the Common People, that much should be unmade and much made over, and

no matter how the rich man might cry out in anger or amazement, the

nation must march on to the fulfillment of a higher and nobler mission

than the impoverishment and degradation of the millions for the

enrichment and elevation of the few.

Scarcely had the young President—his large eyes filled with a strange

light, and his smooth, hairless visage radiant as a cloudless sky, his

wife’s arm twined around his, and their hands linked in those of their

children—passed within the lofty portal of the White House, than he

threw himself into a chair, and seizing a sheet of official paper penned

the following order, and directed its immediate promulgation:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., March 4th, 1897.

Executive Order No. 1.

In order that there may be immediate relief in the terrible financial

depression now weighing upon our beloved country, consequent upon and

resulting from the unlawful combination of capitalists and money-lenders

both in this Republic and in England, and that the ruinous and

inevitable progress toward a universal gold standard may be stayed, the

President orders and directs the immediate abandonment of the so-called

“gold reserve,” and that on and after the promulgation of this order,

the gold and silver standard of the Constitution be resumed and strictly

maintained in all the business transactions of the Government.

It was two o’clock in the afternoon when news of this now world-famous

Executive Order was flashed into the great banking centres of the

country. Its effect in Wall street beggars description. On the floor of

the Stock Exchange men yelled and shrieked like painted savages, and, in

their mad struggles, tore and trampled each other. Many dropped in

fainting fits, or fell exhausted from their wild and senseless efforts

to say what none would listen to. Ashen pallor crept over the faces of

some, while the blood threatened to burst the swollen arteries that

spread in purple network over the brows of others. When silence came at

last, it was a silence broken by sobs and groans. Some wept, while

others stood dumb-stricken as if it was all a bad dream, and they were

awaiting the return of their poor distraught senses to set them right

again. Ambulances were hastily summoned and fainting and exhausted forms

were borne through hushed and whispering masses wedged into Wall street,

to be whirled away uptown to their residences, there to come into full

possession of their senses only to cry out in their anguish that ruin,

black ruin, stared them in the face if this news from Washington should

prove true.

1900; or, The last President · 第 4 / 10 章