CHAPTER XVII.

During the Rebellion and at its close, there was one question that

appeared to overshadow all others; this was Negro Equality. While the

armies were on the field of battle, this was the great bugbear among

many who warmly espoused the cause of the Government, and who approved

all its measures, with this single exception. They sincerely wished

the rebels to be despoiled of their property. They wished every means

to be used to secure our success on the field, including Emancipation.

But they would grow pale at the words Negro Equality; just as if the

liberating of a race, and securing to them personal, political, social

and religious rights, made it incumbent upon us to take these people

into our houses, and give them seats in our social circle, beyond what

we would accord to other total strangers. No advocate of Negro Equality

ever demanded for the race that they should be made pets. Protect them

in their natural, lawful, and acquired rights, is all they ask.

Social equality is a condition of society that must make itself.

There are colored families residing in every Southern State, whose

education and social position is far above a large portion of their

neighboring whites. To compel them to associate with these whites would

be a grievous wrong. Then, away with this talk, which is founded in

hatred to an injured people. Give the colored race in the South equal

protection before the law, and then we say to them--

“Now, to gain the social prize,

Paddle your own canoe.”

But this hue and cry about Negro Equality generally emanates from a

shoddy aristocracy, or an uneducated class, more afraid of the negro’s

ability and industry than of his color rubbing off against them,--men

whose claims to equality are so frail that they must be fenced about,

and protected by every possible guard; while the true nobleman fears

not that his reputation will be compromised by any association he

may choose to form. So it is with many of those men who fear negro

competition. Conscious of their own inferiority to the mass of mankind,

and recognizing the fact that they exist and thrive only by the aid of

adventitious advantages, they look with jealousy on any new rivals and

competitors, and use every means, fair and unfair, to keep them out of

the market.

The same sort of opposition has been made to the introduction of female

labor into any of the various branches of manufacture. Consequently,

women have always been discriminated against. They have been restricted

to a small range of employments; their wages have been kept down; and

many who would be perfectly competent to perform the duties of clerks

or accountants, or to earn good wages in some branch of manufacture,

have been driven by their necessities either to suicide or prostitution.

But the nation, knowing the Southerners as they did, aware of the deep

hatred to Northern whites, and still deeper hatred to their ex-slaves,

who aided in blotting out the institution of slavery, it was the duty

of the nation, having once clothed the colored man with the rights of

citizenship and promised him in the Constitution full protection for

those rights, to keep this promise most sacredly. The question, while

it is invested with equities of the most sacred character, is not

without its difficulties and embarrassments. Under the policy adopted

by the Democrats in the late insurrectionary States, the colored

citizen has been subjected to a reign of terror which has driven him

from the enjoyment of his rights and leaves him as much a nonenity

in politics, unless he obeys their behests, as he was when he was in

slavery. Under this condition of things to-day, while he if properly

protected in his rights would hold political supremacy in Mississippi,

Georgia, South Carolina, Louisiana, Alabama, and Florida, he has

little or no voice in either State or National Government.

Through fear, intimidation, assassination, and all the horrors that

barbarism can invent, every right of the negro in the Southern States

is to-day at an end. Complete submission to the whites is the only way

for the colored man to live in peace.

[Illustration: KU-KLUX EMBLEMS.]

Some time since there was considerable talk about a “War of Races,” but

the war was all on the side of the whites. The freedman has succumbed

to brute force, and hence the war of races is suspended; but let him

attempt to assert his rights of citizenship, as the white man does at

the North, according to the dictates of his own conscience and sense of

duty, and the bloody hands of the Ku-Klux and White Leaguer will appear

in all their horrors once more--the “dream that has passed” would

become a sad reality again.

My Southern Home: Or, the South and Its People · 第 17 / 29 章