CHAPTER XI

CLARA BARTON AT SHERBORN

It will be well at this point to make plain three points which were not

clearly understood at the outset, and have sometimes been misunderstood

since.

The first is that Clara Barton, in establishing the Red Cross in

America, was not seeking primarily to provide a place for herself. At

this period she had three homes, and money enough to support herself

comfortably in any one of them. We have an interesting look into the

Dansville home in a letter of her brother David to his daughter, Ida

Barton Riccius. He was ill, and she, not yet recovered from her own

illness, took him in and nursed him back to health. He wrote:

DANSVILLE, June 13, 1880

Clara’s friends met us at the cars and rendered all necessary

assistance. I was very weak and tired.

Clara lives in a very splendid old mansion, in a location unsurpassed,

and a grand view of all the surroundings. Her house is filled with

almost everything that adds to health, comfort, and happiness. Clara

is very attentive to me. I think it came rather hard on her the first

part of the time. Perhaps she will stand it a little better now that I

am better and can possibly assist her a little. I have been gradually

gaining since I arrived, considering how miserable I was when I came.

The living here agrees with me exceedingly well. We have plenty of

good fresh milk, fresh graham bread from the bakery, fresh graham meal

to make puddings, butter, cheese, apple-sauce, any kind of canned

fruit we choose, which generally constitutes our breakfast. For dinner

we have meat, fish, beans, potatoes, and things of that kind. For

supper we have bread, butter, tea or coffee, cheese, and fruit of any

kind. This is the way we live and I enjoy it much. Clara has nearly

all sorts of canned fruit in abundance, but what is best of all is

plenty of nice fresh apples which I go into without mercy.

Clara Barton would have smiled a little at her brother’s arrangement of

her menus. She probably would have said that she had a simple breakfast

of graham bread, fresh butter, and fruit; a hearty midday meal of meat

or fish and vegetables; and a light supper of bread, butter, cheese,

and fruit, with abundance of sweet milk and an unlimited supply of good

red apples.

This was the kind of home which Clara Barton left when she went to

Washington to plead for the Red Cross. She often longed for it, and

thought of going back there. Yet the purpose which had taken her to

Dansville had been accomplished in her restored health. There was no

important work for her to do there, or at Oxford. She could have a roof

and red apples in either place, but she wanted to be promoting what had

become the great object in life for her. That was what brought her back

to Washington.

If, in all the weary months when she was fighting her lonely battles

for the Red Cross, it ever occurred to her that this organization

would give to her a life position, or bring to her either money or

other emoluments, there is no hint of it in her diaries. So far as one

may judge from these intimate self-revelations, her purpose was as

genuinely altruistic as human nature is capable of becoming.

Nor is there any indication that she supposed that this would bring

her additional honor. She already had more honors of certain desirable

kinds than any other woman in America. Her Civil War record was known

throughout the Nation. The lecture platform offered her an inviting and

remunerative invitation to return if she cared to take it up. She had

brought back with her from Europe official decorations such as royalty

neither before nor since has ever bestowed upon an American woman.

Secretary Blaine inquired about these with interest one day, and a few

days later she handed three of them to his secretary with the following

letter:

WASHINGTON, D.C., Oct. 31, 1881

To the Hon. Secretary of State

Washington, D.C.

DEAR MR. BLAINE:

After the words unintentionally dropped at the interview so kindly

granted me on Saturday, it occurs to me that it is perhaps the

suitable thing for me to do, possibly a duty, to explain to you,

as the Head of our foreign relations, my own connection in that

direction. I will with your kind permission take the liberty to pass

in, by the hand of your secretary, the accompanying “Decorations”:

The “Iron Cross of Merit” issued to me in 1872 by the Emperor and

Empress of Germany on the occasion of the seventy-fifth birthday of

the Emperor.

The “Gold Cross of Remembrance” presented to me by the Grand Duke and

Grand Duchess of Baden at the close of the Franco-German War.

The “Red Cross of Geneva,” brought to Strassburg and placed upon my

neck by the Grand Duchess of Baden, near whose court I suppose by

courtesy I in a manner belong, as the winter of 1872 was passed there,

and I left with the faithful promise to return to Europe once in

two years, and pass each alternate winter with her, a promise which

circumstances alone have prevented me from keeping,--the first four

years after my return to America in 1873 were passed as a broken-down

invalid, mainly confined to my room or bed. The four last, since on

my feet, I have been held here by my efforts, and my promise given

repeatedly abroad, to plant the Red Cross on our own soil, and hang

its peaceful humane flag beside our “Stars and Stripes.”

I am glad, Mr. Secretary, that you have seen it, as you have in

the late celebration, for you will be the better able, it may be,

to comprehend and excuse my persistency. Except for this constant

and exhaustive occupation, I should have passed either of the last

winters at Carlsruhe; but it has been sufficient to consume my entire

time, strength, and spare means, and must continue to do so, until

the treaty is disposed of and the Societies of the Red Cross, so

indispensable to the effectiveness and utility of the treaty, are

understood by the people, and measurably established throughout the

country. To this end, I have at this moment in press a small work of

a hundred or so pages, explaining the entire subject, its origin,

history, and purposes, and of which I have ordered five thousand

copies for gratuitous circulation. They will be ready at the opening

of Congress or before, and I have four thoroughly formed societies,

one NATIONAL in this city, completed and incorporated, one Local in

Dansville, New York, one in the city of Rochester, New York, for the

county of Monroe, and one similarly organized in Syracuse, New York.

Both Rochester and Syracuse are forming local, town societies under

them, and all, in the happy absence of war, are using up their surplus

energies on the burnt fields of Michigan, to which their agents have

already taken thousands of dollars to the hungry, and thousands of

garments to the naked.

I must beg, Mr. Blaine, that you do not misinterpret my motive in

making this little revelation of foreign recognition. If the incentive

had been mere personal vanity, I should probably have found a way to

make the facts known, short of a decade, but it comes to me now, that

it is perhaps, under the circumstances, a kind of duty that I should

report to you on “Foreign Affairs.”

Begging your pardon for my too long letter, I remain, Mr. Secretary,

with the most grateful respect,

Very truly

CLARA BARTON

The next thing that should be kept clearly in mind is that she did not

establish an organization dependent upon Government appropriations. In

this respect her organization was quite unlike some of those that were

hastily organized to oppose her. At least one of these was organized

with an eye keenly intent upon one form of then existing Government

service, with which it might possibly be affiliated, with an inviting

prospect of salaried positions and official appointments. When the

Treaty of Geneva was ratified, and not only the Senate but House of

Representatives stood ready to do almost anything for Clara Barton,

many of her friends in Congress assumed that the next step would be a

request for a Congressional appropriation to cover the administrative

expense of the Red Cross organization. To every such suggestion Clara

Barton returned an emphatic negative. This was her little creed

announced at the outset, and often reiterated:

The Red Cross means, not national aid for the needs of the people, but

the people’s aid for the needs of the Nation.

She would not accept a salary or permit any friend of hers in Congress

to introduce a bill for her financial advantage.

How keenly she felt the importance of establishing the Red Cross upon

this basis, and how sensitive she was to the opposition which grew

formidable just before the treaty was adopted, is shown in a letter

of hers to her long-time friend Frances Willard, who wrote to ask the

reason why she was not moving faster in her work for the relief of the

people in the flooded district along the Mississippi:

WASHINGTON, Feby. 11, 1882

DEAR FRANCES WILLARD:

Yes, I did get your letter telling me about the state of things in

Mississippi and that all was lost there. I have no doubt but that it

is the same the country through. It is hard and heavy and bitter; the

shots of malice and detraction fall thick, but I must stand at the

helm and steer my ship safely into port. The _Treaty of Geneva_ must

first be secured. I have but one passage to take it through and that

is lined thick on every side with guns manned by the Society ladies

of the Capital of the Nation. The Red Cross, a little stranger craft

from a foreign land, bearing only the banner of peace and love, and

her messages of world-wide mercy begging shelter and acceptance in our

capacious harbor, has chosen me for her pilot to bring her in. Besides

these guns that open upon her on all sides she runs against the

chains which have so long held her out--fancied Government defenses

of “Non-intervention,” “Self-isolation,” beware of “Entangling

alliances,” “Washington’s Farewell Address,” “Monroe Doctrine,”

apathy, inertia, general ignorance, national conceit, national

distrust, a desire to retain the old-time barbarous privileges of

privateering and piracy which we have hugged as a precious boon

against every humane treaty since we began. All these my little ship

has had to meet and breast and bear down, before this new and personal

attack was opened upon her, so you see I cannot turn aside from my

duties of a true pilot to contest a new foe. I must bring my ship

through the natural dangers and anchor it safely in port, though _it_

and I be riddled with shot. I have thrown over all extra weight, put

on all sail, muzzled my guns, put my poor tired wounded crew to the

pumps, nailed the little flag to the mast; and so you see us without

other word or sign, plunging through the surf, breaking down chain

after chain, through the fire and smoke, making for the shore. Never

a messenger of mercy met a more inhospitable welcome, but the poor

battered pilot has faith in the craft, and faith in God, and at no

distant day, in spite of all, we shall throw out a sturdy old iron

anchor to grapple with the reefs of the coast, and run up a little

pennant beside the cross, “Treaty Ratified.” After this we shall

be freed from our national disgrace, relieved from the charge and

duties of safe conduct for our course, and then if there is call for

arbitration we will be ready.

The success of her work along the Mississippi made it evident that she

must continue the direction of the Red Cross. But that did not by any

means convince her that she was to give up everything else and stay in

Washington. She began to look for something else to do, and something

that would take her far away from the seat of government.

She rather coveted than otherwise the opportunity to show without

advertising the fact that she had other and visible means of support,

and that her work for the Red Cross was not undertaken for lack of

other employment. Moreover, it was expected that its organization would

be kept simple, and its work done promptly in times of emergency.

That was why almost immediately after the Red Cross had become an

actual organization, and she had been constituted its official head

by Presidential nomination and international appointment, and all the

opposing organizations had withered and died, she was willing to accept

a salaried position in work of another kind.

About this time she had a letter from Governor Butler of Massachusetts.

He knew her well and had seen much of her work during the Civil War.

Out of a clear sky came his invitation to her.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT

BOSTON, January 8, 1883

MY DEAR MISS BARTON:

There is a vacancy in the office of Superintendent of the Woman’s

Reformatory Prison of Massachusetts. It wants a woman at once of

executive ability and kind-heartedness, with an honest love of the

work of reformation and care of her living fellow creatures. How would

that suit you? The salary is not very large. It is $1500.00 a year and

house and expenses of living. Please let me hear from you at your

earliest convenience. I am,

Very truly yours

BENJ. F. BUTLER

TO MISS CLARA BARTON

Dansville, New York

Nothing could have surprised her more than this invitation and it was

four months before she decided to accept it. Even then she accepted

with the stipulation that she would need to close her service in time

to attend the International Convention of the Red Cross in Vienna in

the following year.

Her acceptance of the position involved the giving of a bond of

$10,000. With her customary independence she declined to ask any one to

sign her bond, but deposited with the State Treasurer of Massachusetts

$10,000 of interest-bearing bonds and became her own guarantor.

Prison work was something of which Clara Barton knew nothing and she

did not bring to it any considerable number of theories as to how it

ought to be performed. In her first report, rendered at the end of six

months, she took pains to give large credit to those who had preceded

her. She disclaimed for herself either knowledge or achievement. A

portion of this report will bear record here:

With only the little experience of six months, you will readily

concede that it cannot be considered my work; it would be unjust

arrogance in me to assume it. The noble women and men who toiled for

its existence, the faithful, tireless body of commissioners, who have

watched, prayed, and labored unpaid for it, often unthanked since

with its first baby breath it cried aloud. We, the women of the old

Commonwealth, and more than all perhaps the two grand women who have

preceded me in its charge, are entitled to consider Sherborn Prison

their work. The strong brave-hearted woman, Mrs. Atkinson, who first

dared to lay her hand, untried, upon that mass of chaos, and command

order and law, life and reformation, to come out of it, was braver

than a general. The peaceful, skillful, beloved Dr. Mosher who had the

womanly courage to follow her, and strive and labor to shape still

more perfectly the swelling, yeasty mass of human sin and misery till,

like a wounded color-bearer she fell, bravely praying some comrade to

bear them on to victory. These are the people whose work that prison

is, and in their name, and theirs only, let me speak of it a moment

and commend it to your loving interest and tender care.

Last May I found, as I entered its great halls, 230 women convicts.

It has at present 275 to 280 women convicts, and, with those who so

kindly care for them, make up a family of something over 300. These

convicts I am expected to feed, clothe, work, and govern, they in

turn to be fed, clothed, to work and obey. The most comprehensive

and I believe correct report I could make would be, that we all

faithfully perform what is expected of us. The manner in which it is

accomplished, and the causes which lead to the necessity for such

accomplishment, are, then, the remaining points of importance. The

causes are as various and widespread as the sins and mishaps which

beset erring humanity, but if you asked me what proportion I thought

would be left, after all the temptations of liquor and men were

removed, I should not require a large sheet on which to write it down.

Sherborn Reformatory is classed as a State’s Prison, and is thus

squared by the same rule of discipline as ordinary State Prisons for

the retention of State criminals.

And yet it is to be remembered that not a one-fourth part of these

women are guilty of, or convicted of, any real crime, simply

offenses--drunkenness and unseemly appearance upon the streets;

and yet these poor hopeless, misguided, rum-wrecked women and

night-walking girls are sentenced to the same servitude, subjected

to the same code of discipline, and go out with the same brand of

shame upon the brow, nay, far deeper than the clear-headed, cool,

intelligent, calculating men of Concord, where every inmate is

convicted of a crime. The sad conviction settles down upon me every

day that the soul, brains of the crime of the Commonwealth are in

Concord; the wrecks they have made are in Sherborn; and in my dealing

with these women, I cannot lose sight of this fact. They are more

weak than wicked, often more sinned against than sinning. This, to my

mind, invites a parental, maternal system of government, and to this

they are all amenable; even the most obstinate yields to a rule of

kindness, firmly and steadily administered.

The records of this period are necessarily meager. Yet there have

come to the author unsought testimonials of the great work which

Clara Barton accomplished while there. While she never criticized her

predecessors, but gave them generous praise, she stood not at all on

any precedent established by them. She changed the atmosphere of the

place from an institution of punishment to one of instruction and

character-building. One who visited the prison while she was there

has told the author of Clara Barton’s power over the incorrigible;

how women that were violent and untamable by the ordinary methods

became docile under her direction. As for the younger women who were

not hardened, and were often more sinned against than sinning, they

idolized her. She established two letter-boxes in the halls, one to

receive letters addressed to herself. Any one of the three hundred

inmates was at liberty to write to Miss Barton. A number of the letters

which she received were preserved by her and have been read by her

biographer. They were a pathetic group, some of them absurd in their

requests, and others tragic in their appeal for help. The gratitude

of others was quite beyond the poor power of expression possessed by

these girls. In many instances these letters were followed by personal

conferences very fruitful of good.

The other box was for letters of complaint addressed to the Board of

Managers. Any inmate was at liberty to write a letter and place it

there, assured that it would go direct, and that neither Miss Barton

nor any of her assistants would read it. The first box was in constant

use, the second scarcely ever contained a letter.

This was work for which Clara Barton had no natural liking. It was very

far from the type of work she would have chosen. She never supposed

it to be a permanent position. She accepted it because she felt that

her health was sufficiently assured to justify her in undertaking some

definite responsibility, and this was a place where she could go for a

limited time and from it honorably retire. She was glad of a definite

position in some other work than the Red Cross, yet one which did

not compel her to resign her responsibilities in that organization.

She found time while at Sherborn to attend a national gathering of

philanthropic organizations in Denver, and deliver an address on

the Red Cross. And she continued general oversight of its affairs.

She retired from the work with no desire ever to see the inside of

another prison; but also with a deepened interest in all work of that

character, and with increased faith that in such work, as everywhere,

kindness and an appeal to honor and self-respect were more effective

than punishments which degrade and destroy hope.

She continued her work at Sherborn a little longer than she intended,

because the term of Governor Butler was drawing to a close, and he did

not wish to make a temporary appointment. She withdrew at the close of

his term, and the day of her departure was a day of mourning in the

prison at Sherborn.

A few months afterward an international conference was held at

Saratoga and she was invited to deliver an address on prison reform.

The notes of that address are preserved:

Some steps in life are accounted unwise, some foolish, some foolhardy.

Until the present hour perhaps the most foolhardy step I have ever

been led to take was the temporary superintendence of a State Prison

for the management, control, and reformation of women.

Though consenting, however unwillingly, to undertake a work of which I

knew nothing, and under _such_ circumstances, I did undertake it. But,

good, kind, and loving friends, in point of temerity and foolhardiness

the effort of this present hour beggars that. That I, with literally

no experience, no knowledge of the subject, with thoughts running

always in other channels,--should in any way, however tacitly, have

given consent to take my place at this desk this evening beside these

gentlemen who embody in themselves the experimental knowledge of the

world upon this subject, and before this audience, trained to thought,

the cultivated cream of the land, is to me past human comprehension.

The Lord directs--let us obey.

In May, 1883, after four months of combined importunity from the

then Governor, General Butler, and all the people interested in and

controlling the penal institutions of the State of Massachusetts, that

I take the superintendency of Sherborn Reformatory Prison (and it was,

I believe, the only point upon which the Governor and the people ever

did agree), I decided to take it for six months. I remained something

longer.

I entered that prison feeling myself so ignorant of all that pertained

to its line of work and methods and thought, that it seemed to me

positively _wicked_, to waste my own time and that of the community

and those who must come under me, in the strengthless, thoughtless

vacancy of my attempted work--I seemed to myself a kind of empty

balloon.

At the end of eight months I went out of it, with a burden of

thoughts, plans, ways and means, possible and impossible, under which

my body could scarcely hold itself erect or my feet carry me away.

I seemed more to myself like an already heavy-ladened ship, which had

met another in distress and taken on shipwrecked passengers and crew,

till her gunwales hugged the water and her laboring wheels wearily

tugged for the land.

So piled, so criss-crossed, so intricate, so vast, contradictory,

perplexing, so vexed by customs, so hampered by foolish laws, so bound

by mercenary ends, so fettered by political ambitions, aspirations,

asperities and jealousies, to say nothing of the immutable laws of

natural descent as related to crime--so discouraging was all this to

be faced from the latter half of a busy life that I wearily and gladly

turned and laid the burden down on the hands of you skilled laborers,

and have mainly been content to feel and leave it there.

The subject of prison reform seems to me to be so vast, and the

methods by which it is to be attempted so varied, that it can scarcely

be touched in one talk.

The first question might be, What is meant by prison reform? and in

what degree? Palliation or cure? I well remember the one question

which always confronted me from visitors at Sherborn--“Miss Barton,

how is it, do you really reform any one here?” My reply was,

“That depends upon what _you_ consider reform to consist in. If

you mean to ask if we take women here, badly born, worse raised,

with inherited, habitual, vagrant crime in their natures, with the

grogshop and the brothel for their teachers, who never lived a decent

day or knew a decent night, filthy inside and out, and that by a

residence of a few months here we are able to send them out to you

not only good, well-behaved, industrious, cleanly, sober, orderly,

honest, respectable members of society,--something they never were

before,--infallible, proof against all the temptations and vices

which you of the free community on the outside may throw in their

path, so they shall never fall again; then, No, we reform no one,

and our prison is a failure; but, if reform may mean that the habits

which must incidentally grow up in the minds, characters, and tastes

of these women during a term of two years of sober, industrious,

and instructed life, in which they shall see only cleanliness and

order, where the workroom shall replace the street, the quiet cell,

the school-room, and the chapel in the place of the grogshop and the

brothel, kindly spoken words of advice, prayer, praise, and song in

the place of oaths and vulgarity, and a _resolution_ at least to try

to lead a better life,--if all this may be accounted in the direction

of reform, then, Yes, a thousand times Yes, we reform all that come

within our reach.”

The prison in itself is all well, but the danger lies beyond in the

temptations, the lures, and the traps of the community into which

this poor, weak creature is plunged in her first hour of regained

liberty. I never saw one of these women go out with her little bundle

of freedom suit, and watched the eager yet timid and half-frightened

look on her face, and felt the childlike, clinging grasp upon mine,

and heard the universal “Good-bye, don’t forget me,” that through the

tears a great prayer did not rise up in my heart, “O God, strengthen

her weakness--guard her from the temptations and the snares leading

her down to death, of Thy virtuous and free, outside these prison

walls.”

I recall once an official visit from about twenty members of the State

Legislature, at Boston, for the purpose of overlooking the prison

and seeing what it might need and how it could be best officially

served; accordingly they appealed to _me_ for my opinion generally--if

the prison were what it should be in its _appointments_, if it were

_large_ enough or _too_ large, etc., and in a general way what I would

recommend to them to do; as by recent Act they had made me not only

Superintendent but Treasurer and Steward as well. I replied: “This

Prison is all very well--a model prison and certainly as large as it

ought to be for the size of the State; and it is very probable that

there is not very much that you can directly do for it at present, as

an Institution; but, Gentlemen, the Institution from which you come

has the making of the laws by which this Institution exists; any time

when you _there_ will find a way to make it impossible for the people

of this State to get intoxicating liquors, upon which to get drunk, I

will guarantee that in six months the State of Massachusetts may rent

Sherborn for a shoe manufactory.” I am not sure that _they_ believed

what I said, but _I_ did and still do.

True, crime will exist without drunkenness, but to no such extent

as to require two miles of prison galleries for the women of

Massachusetts.

In _this_ country I regard drunkenness as the great father of crime,

and the mother of prisons, almshouses, asylums, and workhouses--the

parent of vice and want and the instigator of murder. Whatever bears

ever so little against this is to my mind “Prison Reform.”

Then follow in their mournful train the sin-bound _cortège_ of primal

and secondary causes of vice and crime and which make necessary the

various methods of treatment which have been so ably discovered that

no words of mine could throw a single ray of added light upon the

subject. I can only _concur_, or perhaps express suggestively some

preferences which may have presented themselves to me.

In regard to intermediate sentences: I may not be sufficiently clear

upon the technical points as presented by our good brother, but in a

general way I would say I am unequivocally in favor of an unfixed term

of imprisonment when the sentence is given. A fixed time of release is

an independence to the prisoner beyond the power of his keepers and

stands directly in the way of all reform.

I would earnestly advocate everywhere, in all prisons, police

stations, houses of detention--in short, everywhere, the placing of

arrested women and women prisoners in charge of women only, and men

in charge of men. It is just and right for every reason of virtue and

decency; here again it is largely this contact that has _destroyed_;

it _cannot restore_.

I would, for every consideration of humanity, have the most careful,

intelligent, and scientific investigation made in all prisons for

any possible tendency to _insanity_ on the part of any prisoner. The

willful subjection to prison rules and penalties of those from whose

benighted souls the light of reason and the power of self-control have

been withdrawn is cruelty inexcusable and accursed in the sight of God

and man.

In the name of all mercy single these out and take them to their own

place.

Again, I would in the name of humanity lessen so far as possible the

stimulating qualities of the food generally given out in prisons--more

of grains, vegetables, and fruit, and less of _meat_. The result of

this I am confident would be seen in the better temper, more tractable

natures, lessened irritability, and happier frame of minds on the part

of all convicts. I would have the food plentiful, but unstimulating,

and the cooking wholesome. The records of the punishments in a prison

could not fail in time to demonstrate the beneficial result of this

course.

Cannot this thought find somewhere and sometime a little consideration

in your deliberations? In the name of humanity I suggest it.

There remains but one subject more which I would name, and but a word

of that--simply the relations and feeling to be maintained between the

inmates of a prison and those in charge of them. I would recommend not

only a uniform kindness and firmness of course on the part of every

attendant, but a uniform politeness as well. Like begets like in spite

of everything. It increases self-respect. This they have lost, and

this they need to have restored so far as may be. Make punishment as

rare as possible, but _sure_, and in all instances as light as the

case will admit of. I regard undue severity of punishment as far more

harmful than no correction at all. Cultivate the love of the convicts

by all proper means; it is more potent than punishment.

I believe the record of my last month at Sherborn shows not a single

punishment among between three and four hundred women. They grew to

feel that the only hurt of their punishment was the pain it gave me.

When I met them for the last night in the chapel, and told them we

should not meet again, and invited each to come and bid me good-bye,

the sobs and wails that went out, and the tears that went over my

hands as I held theirs for the last time, were harder for me than all

the eight months’ work I had done among them. As I passed down the

long corridors in the dark, unheard by them, at ten o’clock, and the

low moans and sobs were still going out, it was too much to bear. I

sought my own room--sank down, cold and shivering with the terrible

thought that rushed over me--Had it not been all wrong? Was I far

enough removed from them? Surely we must be too near alike, if not

akin, or they would never have clung to me with that pitiful love.

I went out from the prison walls of Sherborn next morning. I have

never seen a face there since. I have never returned and I have no

desire to.

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