THE YEARS OF LONELY STRUGGLE
For several years after the Franco-Prussian War, Europe was at peace.
But trouble was brewing between Russia and Turkey, and no one knew
what the end of it would be. The probability that there would be war
in Europe appeared to Clara Barton to indicate a possibly favorable
condition of public sentiment in America for the consideration of the
Red Cross. If there was to be war in Europe, and we were to be asked
to help in the relief of the suffering it would cause, it would seem
fitting that there should be some international organization by which
relief could be gathered on this side and distributed upon the other.
The American public would then see some reason why America should be
interested in an organization of this character.
Clara Barton communicated with Dr. Louis Appia, who had called upon
her in Switzerland, and with whom she had been associated in the
Franco-Prussian War, offering to assist, in such way as she might be
able, in effecting a suitable organization.
From Dr. Appia and from President Gustave Moynier, she received prompt
letters, and, with these, official appointment to represent in America
the International Committee of the Red Cross. This correspondence is
lengthy, but of the greatest possible value and must be included in
full:
DANSVILLE, May 17, 1877
DR. LOUIS APPIA
Member Société Internationale of the Red Cross
of Geneva
MY ESTEEMED AND DEAR FRIEND:
If years have passed since any word from my pen told you of my
existence, and if the precious letter from you has lain many months
unanswered, it has not been the fault of my memory, nor the loss of
friendship, nor interest in you nor in the glorious and holy work
which engrosses and fills your noble life. It has been simply that,
ill, weak, worn, and suffering, I have been lost to the work of the
world, and to the friends I honored and loved. Four long years have
found and held me powerless to strike a blow on the great anvil of
humanity, or labor one day in its vineyards, and for the most part
too weak even to hear of those who did. But the strong brothers and
sisters have toiled bravely on while I waited. The great wheels have
slowly turned, until they have ceased to crush me so low, and grind
me so small, and once more I begin, under God’s Providence, to reach
out my hands into the passing atmosphere of life and feel the breezes
blow over the seared and fevered palms. Once more I dare turn my eyes
toward the labor-fields and their faithful workers; in my land, bright
with its western sunbeams, aglow with beauty and abounding in plenty,
they sew and glean in peaceful valleys.
But beyond the eastern waves, in that dear old land that four years
of life there taught me to love so well, I see again the flash of
the bayonet, the march of armies trampling down the harvests; the
terror-stricken fly for rescue, and the wounded cry for help. Again
the Red Cross, like the bow of promise, rises over the scene, again
the shout from its inspired origination rings out amid the din of
arms, and its clear, brave tones reach me even here in my quiet
chambers, and my heart, with all its old memories stirred to their
depths, goes out in response; it bids me seize my pen and say to you
that what there is of me is still ready for my work; that like the
old war horse that has rested long in quiet pastures, I recognize the
bugle-note that calls me to my place, and, though I may not do what I
once could, I am come to offer what I may. Then, would I have taken
the next steamer, and in two weeks have stood beside you, asking where
to go, and what to do, but as that is not for me now, my brain and
heart must do what my hands cannot. My plans are made, and, such as
they are, I send them to you for acceptance and coöperation.
First, I cannot quite rid myself of the lingering hope that the
terrible vision of war before you will vanish before its full
realization, but if not and the nations are drawn into its vortex,
God only knows the end. I cannot foresee it, but I can foresee that
my country will open its heart and its hand in aid as soon as the
cry of want and suffering shall reach it; this never fails. The
American nature is free and impulsive, its sympathies are quick and
responsive, and it has neither power nor desire to withhold aught
from the distressed. But, ready as America will be, she is far away
from the scene, can understand but vaguely the steps necessary to
the proper gathering, sending, and bestowal of her gifts. So without
some definite and well-arranged organization, however large and
generous her donations, she will fail of accomplishing any real or
perceptible good, as she has always failed before in all similar
efforts, at foreign aids. Foreseeing this, I would, if possible, step
in to fill this place, and hold back this waste of waters till they
can be turned into their proper channels. And for this, my honored
friend and brother, I write to you, to ask if I can be of service in
this direction. If so, I will do my best to form such an organization
in America, if you and your Committee desire it. As it is now, in
spite of all efforts which you have so generously made to spread the
knowledge of your society and its great objects in this country, it
is almost unknown, and the Red Cross, in America, is a Mystery. I am
safe in asserting that not one person in a hundred on this side of
the Atlantic ever heard of it; not one in five hundred has any clear
idea of its uses or design. The Franco-German War failed entirely
in introducing it either to the people or the Government, and so
will this present war, unless some active hand takes hold of it,
to organize the war reliefs under its escutcheon. It is not enough
that some good person stands inactively as the _representative_ of
the society in this broad country. To be learned it must be brought
into active use. It must have a National Headquarters, sanctioned
by the Government, where the flag of the beautiful Red Cross floats
day and night, in war and in peace. It must have its different State
organizations, and its smaller relief societies all working under its
insignia. This accomplished, the charities gathered from the people
should be passed to the State and thence to the National Headquarters,
and, these being always in communication with you, they would be
shipped intelligently and reach at once a field in need of them.
My heart aches when I think of all the thousands upon thousands of
dollars in goods and grains sent to France in the best of faith by our
people in 1871 and wasted; lost, squandered, and sold on its borders,
it being impossible to gain transportation or penetrate the army
lines; and all for the want of the proper knowledge and organization
at home. It will be the same thing again unless some method is taken
to centralize, organize, and prevent.
I have only a word more to add, and I feel called to make the
suggestion I make by the fact that I am perhaps almost the only
American who you can feel has been a co-worker with you, whose manner
of work you _know_ something of, and whom you can class as a personal
friend and thus address familiarly. And my suggestion is, that if you
feel that I can serve your cause, and humanity through it, in the
manner I have described, you will let me know your desires _at once_.
If you will write me immediately upon receipt of this, asking in your
own name or that of the International Society, that I do all in my
power to aid you in the work, and to use my power with my people and
my Government, so that it can be seen here that such a want is felt,
such a work needed, and that the call is from the highest and original
source of international relief in war, investing it with the highest
importance, I will have your letter placed before our President and
Government and ask their sanction and approval, if not the pecuniary
aid; for that I never ask. And if it is inclined to be so gracious, it
may perhaps appoint a Head to the work, thus, by its notice, investing
it with an importance, and throwing about it a protection, which
it could in no other wise secure. This would forever establish the
knowledge and the work of the Red Cross for which its noble founders
have striven so bravely and faithfully in every mile of American soil.
The soldier would learn to trust it, the father would honor and bless
it, the mother would bind it over her torn and aching heart as she
kissed her soldier boy good-bye, and the little children even in the
wilds would come to know and love its beautiful face.
Now, my honored friend, this is not an appeal that you make _me_ the
head of your noble order in this country, the active working head
I mean, for I have little ambition at best and none now, but it is
to tell you that such a head must be made before the order here can
ever come to be of the smallest possible use to the world. Thus far
it has failed, and I see no way to establish it but by a call coming
earnestly from you and being actively and unselfishly and powerfully
and wisely placed before the moving powers of this Nation and the
people. If you have already some person in your mind who will do this,
or who you prefer should attempt it, then it is all well, only see
that he does his duty and is not asleep at his post. There is no more
time for this. But if you have not such a person in mind, and feel
that I can serve you acceptably, you have but to let me know and I
will do all in my power. Please write me at once. The stronger your
appeal to me, the better use I can make of it, and meanwhile I shall
not be idle or inactive, but will hope to hear from you within the
next six weeks, say by the 1st of July.
Please accept my most grateful thanks for the kind sympathies
expressed in your letters of last year which I was too ill to answer,
and remember me in great respect to your family and the mutual friends
in my home in Geneva.
Perhaps to you, as a physician, it would be proper to state that my
long illness has been, as you most likely would suspect, “prostration
of the nervous system,” and you know how slowly one rallies from this,
and with what difficulty the strength is regained. I am now at my
best by far since 1873; am about my house and grounds, ride, walk,
meet friends, and sleep tolerably well, not as in the old days on the
ground without bed or pillow, but comfortably, and am always gaining a
little in strength.
I trust this may find you well, and it will carry to you the best
wishes and most sincere esteem of
Your friend
CLARA BARTON
[_Translation_]
PARIS, June 14, 1877
MISS BARTON, AND HONORED FRIEND:
It is in French that I write to you, for you would laugh at my bad
English. I am at present in Paris on a visit at my brother’s. I hear
that Mr. Moynier has written to you on the same subject which will
make the contents of this letter. I expect Mr. Moynier in Paris in a
few days, which will give me the opportunity to talk the proposition
over with him, which we both wish you to take an interest in.
Mr. Moynier has undoubtedly told you that our Committee has tried
for these last ten years to give to an American Committee an active
existence, but we failed. In the first years our communications were
made through a Mr. Bowles, then residing at Paris, with whom we ceased
to correspond, not seeing that we arrived to any certain result by
this channel. Later we have been in direct communication with Dr.
Henry W. Bellows, President of a phantom Committee in New York, from
whom we seldom receive an answer. Having therefore no proof that that
committee was active, we ceased to correspond, and we at last learned
officially that that committee was officially and entirely dead. From
that time, about a year since, we considered the Red Cross as not
existing any more in America. I need not speak here of the disease
which has caused that death. You are an American and you know better
than we the temperament of your Nation. Our hope to entertain the life
has been nourished in us by the reading of the admirable work which
America had made for the care of the wounded during the Secession
War. We spoke of it at length in the thick volume which Mr. Moynier
and myself have published under the title, “The War and Charity,” and
which obtained the integral prize of the central committee in Berlin.
Mr. Moynier has told you, without doubt, how happy we should be to
see a work come into life again in your rich and generous America,
which had shone with such a bright luster at the epoch when it was
stimulated by the mighty auxiliary of the patriotic motive. We know
little what America has done for the victims of the Franco-German War,
which you have seen and during which we have for some time worked
together, and I am not surprised that many generous gifts have been
lost for want of a good organization, and especially for want of
being able to establish regular communications with the armies by the
channel of an American auxiliary committee residing in Europe and
which would offer all the security.
If you, my honored friend, could succeed in organizing something
durable in America, in relation to the Oriental War which appears
only in its beginning, you would have nobly crowned the work of
devotedness to which you have consecrated your life. I do not know
what means of execution Mr. Moynier proposed. I shall write again
upon that subject, when I shall have seen him, so that we agree
completely together in what we tell you. Permit me, however, now to
communicate to you some ideas. You can without doubt become the soul
of this revising work, but you cannot be its _body_. America is not
so different from Europe that my experience cannot profit you for
your country. Now, medicine teaches us that a soul without a body
has no life at all, at least upon earth. Perhaps even it is better
that a woman should be the soul; her moral influence, her earnest
entreaties near the Governments and authorities are often better
accepted and consequently more efficacious. I do not therefore see
any inconvenience that you should be for America the _head of the
Order, the active working head_,--why not? If you feel to have the
brain power as much as I know you have the moral power, but then
create immediately under that head a body, arms to write, to arrange
methodically, to publish, to keep the correspondence, either alone or
under your dictation, for copying, etc., after that, feet for running,
to go, to come, to collect, to buy, to make multitudes of visits and
receive visitors, as we were obliged to do in Geneva in 1870, where
during two months my ten rooms were never empty all day long, each one
containing a secretary, man or woman, to write and to receive a host
of visits which would have killed a President, and of which hardly
a quarter had really any other practical use than to enlighten the
public and to keep up its zeal, not always rational.
Surround yourself at once with a little body of persons full of
good-will and capacity, docile to your directions, either women or
young men, especially doctors. Amongst the latter choose a secretary
who must be entirely at your service and who probably ought to be paid.
1. The first work seems to me to be to awaken the attention, the
sympathy, and the confidence of the public. Without the public, no
money, and without money no material help. You know as well as myself
the means to attain this end is publicity, the power of which is, I
believe, greater in America than in any other country.
2. Complete study of the practical and sure means to carry an
efficacious relief to the armies in the Orient. To that effect
one needs to correspond very often with all the relief committees
of Russia, of Rumania, of Serbia, of Montenegro, and even of
Constantinople. It is necessary not to conceal to one’s self that
these intercourses, easy enough on paper, are very difficult in
reality, if one does not want the money or the relief to be lost
to the profit of the war, rather than to the profit of the unhappy
victims.
In order to obtain this, and our Committee can be of use to you,
and between Mr. Moynier and myself we shall do all we can to help
to enlighten you. But you must also have direct intercourse with
the relief committees of the different countries which are at this
moment engaged in the war, although administratively the international
communications from neutral countries are made by the International
Committee. You know by experience that many letters are in that
case lost in the hands of employees, subordinates, or men too much
occupied, and that one needs to throw the bait often and on several
sides, at the risk of losing much time.
3. You must put yourself in direct communication with your President.
I see in it the use, first, to augment your credit in the country;
second, especially to obtain that your letters and your sendings be
given up by persons in high positions and influential, in particular
ambassadors and consuls. You know that question by your experience in
the American war better than I do, and I shall not enlarge upon it.
4. You must have money, and you know the means to procure it. The
Sanitary Commission has collected sixty millions of francs during your
war, especially by immense bazaars. In our country bazaars always
succeed, much more so than collections, and produce three to four
times as much. They always succeed, while collections oftentimes fail.
5. Once having the necessary money, the question rises, if it would
be advisable to choose two commissaries,--for example, two young
physicians supplied with a recommendation from your President,--who
should go together to Europe with instructions and _plein-pouvoir_
from your new Committee, directed to go first to Geneva to the
International Committee and from there to go directly to the
Headquarters of the Russian army, in order to make its acquaintance
and to obtain from it the authorization to circulate in the army
and to gather all the information necessary for your work. It would
be desirable that they speak tolerable French, this language being
the official one in Europe; if they speak and write only English,
they would lose time and would not always be understood. Those two or
three commissaries should be posted on the theater seat of the war
and should give you all the news by an active correspondence. They
ought probably to engage themselves not to write on politics. I never
did it in war-time of Italy, Schleswig, and France. Besides these
commissaries, you need an office or an agency in Europe to whom all
the relief funds must be addressed and who would take the charge of
sending them on wherever the commissaries indicate. I do not know what
our International Committee will decide upon this, but I think it will
be disposed to be an intermediary between America and the belligerent
armies, as it has done during the War of 1870 by the agency residing
at Bâle placed there by us. This agency has received five hundred
letters, besides other correspondence, every day, either for France or
Germany. Notice, however, that our Committee wish to show an absolute
neutrality and should certainly refuse to coöperate in anything like
a political party. It is, therefore, necessary that your publications
speak out your intention to remain neutral and to carry the relief
indifferently to all those who suffer. That will not hinder you to
correspond more particularly with the Russian army, which for you is
more accessible, with whom the communications are easier, and for
whom I believe America has more political sympathy; but you must
insist on your principle of neutrality in your publications and let
this position be known in Constantinople, and especially to the
Committee newly formed in that city. Your commissaries, after their
arrival at Geneva, might remain there some days in order to study a
little our library which contains everything that has appeared since
the beginning of our work. It would be desirable, however, that the
Committee of the Red Cross in America should buy the principal works,
and that there should be a commission of several established persons
who would take it upon themselves to study them and to give an account
of them; there is a little in every language.
I have sent you a number of our International Bulletins which appear
every three months, and in which I have spoken of you. The annual
subscription being only six francs, your Committee would take two
subscriptions and by it would know all that is done in the different
countries. Last year we sent three delegates to Montenegro, an
interesting little country, where with material help and money we can
do a great deal of good, and where one is received like a Divinity by
this enthusiastic population, but which is also jealous and suspicious.
Our old delegates being at Geneva, yours could receive numerous and
useful information. Before realizing this ambassador, we had three
months’ study and treating.
I send you my discourse made in Brussels, which for your case does
not contain any immediate application. I might give one to your
hypothetical delegates as they pass through Geneva.
As you see, Miss Barton, and honored friend, I began with the idea
that the American Society of the Red Cross should revise and assure
its stable existence by an immediate employment of its power through a
practical application; relief funds to send to the belligerent armies
of the Oriental War. Once consecrated by action by the remembrance of
what it has done, its basis will be firmer, its credit more assured,
and then you will be able to give it a definite form and shape which
experience will have shown you to be the most useful.
Not knowing yet what Mr. Moynier has done during my absence, I shall
not send you the letter which I wish to address to your President, but
shall do it as soon as I shall have seen him, if he has not already
done it.
Write to me at any time concerning the affairs of the Red Cross and
I shall reply as well as I can, being always in accordance with Mr.
Moynier’s wishes, who does not know English.
You would do well to have Mr. Moynier’s pamphlet translated into
English, “What the Red Cross is.” My little volume, entitled “The
Surgeon at the Ambulance,” has been translated into English either in
England or in America; perhaps it would be well to have a new edition
of it for the circumstance. At last our volume “The War and Charity”
has also been translated into English. For all our publications of the
International Committee and its members it suffices to address Mr.
George, Librarian at Geneva. Perhaps it would be necessary and useful,
after you have plenty of money and fellow-laborers, to publish every
three months a small bulletin of your work in one of the good American
journals.
And now, my dear Miss Barton, I have talked enough to you about the
Red Cross. I have given you my ideas provisionally, expecting better
ones later. You see, I have spoken to you familiarly and with an
entire confidence and fraternal friendship which our intercourse and
our common work in Europe has brought forth.
May God sustain you, if you do undertake this new work, and, in
entertaining and augmenting your corporal strength and brain power,
may He continue to inspire you with that moral irresistible power,
that invincible strength, which He alone can give and which the
incredulous humanitarian never can give.
Accept, Miss Barton, and honored friend, the assurance of my
respectful friendship.
LOUIS APPIA, DR.
DANSVILLE, July 1st, 1877
DOCTEUR LOUIS APPIA
Membre Comité International de Secours aux
Militaires blessés, Geneva
DOCTEUR AND HONORED FRIEND:
I cannot find the words to properly express to you my gratitude for
the kind and careful manner in which you have treated my letter. But
first allow me to thank Madame Appia for her generous part, and all
the prompt care she took to place it in the proper hands, and let
me thank both for the excellent photograph, so welcome now, and for
all the future to be preserved among my choicest and most honored
keepsakes.
How kind it was of you, my good friend, to give me so much of your
time and labor, embodied in that long letter so filled with valuable
suggestions! If nothing more comes of it, it will at least bring us
to an understanding in reference to the actual existence and standing
of the Order of the Red Cross in America. I was extremely guarded
in my letter, not at all knowing how you stood in regard to your
selected representative in this country, for I knew you had one, and,
if you were satisfied, I did not wish to ripple the calm waters of
confidence and security by even one pebble of discontent or doubt.
I wrote cautiously like a woman. _You_ have spoken out like a man,
and it is well. With the pains your Comité have taken, the Red Cross
should have been known and honored in every household in America
to-day. It has not _died_ here: it was still-born; it has never once
gasped on our shores; the nurses to whom you delivered it have never
even uncovered its face, and America does not know that this holy
child was ever an applicant for her adoption. She would have received
it with open arms at the close of our war, when her own wounds
were unhealed, and her memories fresh and tender. She will be less
enthusiastic now at the end of a ten years’ peace, and no prospect of
war. Still, the understanding and heart of the American people will
lead them to examine and promote whatever cause has for its object
the benefit of mankind, or the alleviation of human woe. I think I
know my people, and although, through want of proper opportunities,
or physical strength, or mental capacity, I may not be able to move
them in this matter, this fact will in no way affect their general
character, and, when all things combine for the proper presentation of
this subject to them by whomsoever it may be, it _will_ be received
and adopted by them. Your suggestions are excellent and lay out much
such a field of labor as I had looked forward to, and all this would
be easy of accomplishment in America, if an urgent necessity existed.
Until it does, it would be, I suspect, a difficult task to work up
sufficient enthusiasm, but it was in anticipation of such a necessity
that I was endeavoring to prepare the way. The simple war between
Russia and Turkey might not be able to awaken the people, for we
have a comparatively small element of either nationality among our
populations, but if other European nations engage and Germany, France,
and England, or all become involved, the interest in America will be
scarcely less than on the other side. Then would be a repetition of
the old sad days of the Franco-Prussian War, when every heart was sad
and every purse open, they tell me, and half America in mourning.
Now, my idea was, in anticipation of such a state of affairs in Europe
as should call for the sympathies and aid of the Americans, to be
prepared with an organization, which would be only the body of clay,
like the first man Adam, until the breath of life was breathed into
its nostrils. This breath would be the necessity and the call for help
from the suffering fields and peoples of Europe; then it would be well
that the body were created to receive it. The first step, it seems
to me, is to find and appoint to the head of the work some person in
America who will have the spirit, the interest, the enterprise, the
determination to _push_ the work, and bring it before the country and
the people, or the honest conscience to resign the position in favor
of some one who will, and not hold it for years, as an empty honor,
smothering out its life, and leaving the country in ignorance of its
existence.
I am very grateful to you for the kindly interest you take in the
subject of my health. My sleep, which I know to be the great want,
is always gaining, and digestion improving, and these without the
slightest artificial aid. I never took a grain of morphia in my life,
and probably never in all combined a tablespoonful of medicine to
produce sleep, and now I take nothing; for the last three years not
one particle of medicine, relying entirely upon my food, rest, and
open air for my restoration. All I have gained has been by the aid of
nature alone; thus I know the foundation is solid and sure. I allow
nothing to trouble me, as indeed I have no cause for trouble. I walk,
or work in my garden, or lie on my stretcher like a soldier under the
trees several hours every day; and here come around me the memories of
the past, the busy present, and the needful future. I wonder what you
are all doing over this broad world, and how I can help you. If I find
myself able to carry on a work I shall do it; if not, I shall endeavor
to inspire those who are.
Your friend
CLARA BARTON
[_Translation_]
TO MISS CLARA BARTON
Dansville, Livingston Co., N.Y.
MISS BARTON, AND WORTHY FRIEND:
According to my promise I write to you after having seen Mr. Moynier,
although I have nothing very new to tell you, and have only to confirm
what I have written to you in detail. I can therefore be brief this
second time. Mr. Moynier and myself are equally sympathetic to your
plan, and we shall be happy if you succeed in founding in America a
permanent work of the Red Cross. And we shall help you in it with our
influence to the extent of our power.
Mr. Moynier has written me that he has already told you so. He
has added to his communication a suggestion which indeed is very
important, i.e., that you obtain from the Government of the United
States the signing of the Convention of Geneva, which has already
been done by all other civilized states in Europe and out of Europe.
Without this signature, the private work of the Red Cross is
paralyzed. Here is an example of what has very recently taken place
in Montenegro, of which we have asked the signature before putting
ourselves in relation with it, and before sending to it our three
delegates with help for their wounded. All succeeded very well, and
Montenegro has entered eagerly into the general alliance of the
Convention of Geneva. It will be the same with America, we will hope,
which has remained back until now. But in order to ensure its success,
it will probably be necessary to make a summary communication to the
Government what the Convention of Geneva is, its destiny, and what the
Red Cross is. You will find all the desirable details upon this point
in the pamphlets or works which Monsieur Moynier mentions or sends to
you. It will be necessary that some person take cognizance of this
work with you, and assist you in it. The Red Cross has existed since
1863. Since then it has given birth to an entire new literature, so as
to make by itself a real library.
And now, my worthy friend, go on courageously with faith and hope.
The cause is good: let us defend it everywhere and let us be firm in
upholding the banner of charity. It will be ever the surest means of
combating the principle of war.
Write to me when you have done something, with or without translation.
My previous letter will give you all the details of my manner of
viewing it.
As to our participation in your sending of _secours_, I think with
Mr. Moynier that it would be better that we offer our coöperation
directly, when we succeed this time in founding an International
Agency. As formerly in 1870 we have founded one in Basle, which
has been very active and useful, and consequently if you have any
substance or provisions to send, it would be better that you send
directly.
Besides we shall always be at your service to help and advise you, and
we shall be very glad to be kept informed what you are doing, and we
shall publish your work in our trimonthly Bulletin.
I could not see again Mr. Moynier, but I know he has nothing important
to add to what I say and to what he has already written to you.
I believe, therefore, you have from us all the indications and
information which we can give you. There remains nothing else for me,
Miss Barton, than to repeat my good wishes for your useful enterprise.
May you feel your physical strength to keep up and increase, as much
as your moral, for the good of others and for your own satisfaction.
I have nothing more to add, and I will not put off any longer this
last letter.
Accept, Miss Barton, and worthy friend, the expression of my
respectful devotion,
LOUIS APPIA, DR.
[Rough draft of letter without date, but evidently written about July
1st, 1877]
MONSIEUR S. MOYNIER
Président du Comité International de la Croix rouge
MY ESTEEMED FRIEND:
Permit me to thank you, as I do most sincerely, for your kind and
excellent letter of June 20th, and say how happy I am to find you so
fully concurring with the ideas I had advanced in relation to the
action to be taken in the attempted establishment of your beautiful
Order of the Red Cross in America. It is unnecessary for me to assure
you that I will do all that lies in my power to accomplish this
end, believing as I do most implicitly that every step taken toward
softening and humanizing the conditions of war is a _double_ step
toward its extirpation from a place among the codes of nations. This
proves itself by the unfailing fact that the more barbarous a nation
and the more inhuman its modes of warfare, the more frequent and
unmitigated its wars. This conviction, added to the strong desire
which has grown within me to lessen the sufferings of those who must
compose armies while they do exist among the nations of the earth,
will prove a sufficient stimulus to all the powers of my nature, and I
will bring to the object the fullest strength I possess, and then, if
with your best aid I fail in my purpose, I must be content to submit
to the inevitable.
My intelligent friend and your compatriot, Mademoiselle Küpfer, has
begged to add a letter to you, which I am most thankful for, as
she can speak to you in your own tongue, and with a clearness of
expression which I could not. I shall be very busy for the few coming
hot weeks of August translating the many valuable pamphlets so kindly
sent me, from which I hope to gather a knowledge of the action of
the Society and familiarity with its spirit, which may enable me to
convince my Government of the right and propriety of what we ask it to
do, the wrong and absurdity of withholding it, and secure from it at
least an _official reply_ to your invitation to join the Convention.
I will not make this communication longer, excepting to repeat my
thanks for your kind letter, and the generous spirit in which it was
written, and assure you of the great pleasure it will afford me to
be of never so small a service in a cause so noble and holy. With
assurances of the highest esteem I remain,
Most honored Sir
Very truly
CLARA BARTON
DANSVILLE, LIVINGSTON CO., N.Y.
Sept. 27, 1877
MONSIEUR MOYNIER
President
ESTEEMED SIR:
Your communication of the 19th August, enclosing a letter addressed
to the President of the United States, arrived in due time, and my
impulse was to write at once assuring you how kind and satisfactory I
found them both to be. But at that moment I hoped it would be possible
to see the President and present your letter very soon, and thought
it better to defer my reply to you until this were accomplished, and
I had some results to communicate. But you will perhaps have observed
that the President and several members of his Cabinet are making
very extensive travels over the country this summer, and since the
arrival of your letter he has never been in Washington or acting in
his official capacity in any place, long enough for me to reach him.
We had expected an extra session of Congress to be convened on the 3rd
of October, which would have ensured his presence in Washington, but
even _this_ being now uncertain, I feel that I must not longer delay
my letter to you, with the assurance that it shall be my pleasure to
present your letter to the President at the earliest moment in which I
can reach him, and whenever this is done, I shall at once transmit to
you the results as well as the nature of the interview.
With kind regards to Dr. Appia and sentiments of the highest esteem
for yourself,
I am
Very truly
CLARA BARTON
WASHINGTON, D.C., UNITED STATES
January 14, 1878
DOCTOR LOUIS APPIA
Geneva, Switzerland.
MY ESTEEMED FRIEND:
I feel that it is time I should tell you gentlemen of Geneva what I am
doing or trying to do in America with our favorite subject of the Red
Cross, but, as my present letter, from the incompleteness of my work,
cannot take the form of a report, I will address it, not to Monsieur
Moynier, as the President of the Convention, but familiarly to you, as
my friend and co-worker.
I remember to have written in the autumn that I could not get an
opportunity to present the letter of Monsieur Moynier to our President
until his summer journeyings were ended. But when he returned to
Washington in October, I came here also, a distance of some four
hundred miles, and commenced slowly and carefully my work.
I found the great difficulty to consist, not in the opposition I
should meet at first, but in the facts that no one understood the
subject, and there was no printed literature pertaining to it in the
language _familiar_ to the people to whom I desired to present it
(with the exception of our State Department, which is, of course,
conversant with all languages).
Thus my only method was to translate, write and rewrite, and explain
until an understanding and interest were created. I did not think it
wise to present the letter of Monsieur Moynier to President Hayes
until the subject was somewhat understood by the parties to whom he
would be compelled to refer it, viz., the State and War Departments,
leading members of the Bar, as counsellors, and some of the prominent
members of Congress. I accordingly commenced with these parties
myself, explaining the subject, and doing my best to create an
interest and secure coöperation whenever the matter should come up
for discussion or decision. From Congress I proceeded to the heads of
departments and their assistants, and, gaining an audience, explained
the cause to them one by one. The interviews were frequently very
long, and I have, with most of them, not only left a full translation
of the Resolutions, but read them with them, hearing their queries,
and explaining the practical working of the system as I had seen and
known it.
When I thought I had sufficiently guarded the outposts, I ventured to
ask audience of the President (this was only last week) and presented
to him the letter of Monsieur Moynier and a copy of the Resolutions.
President Hayes received the letter with great respect and will refer
it to the Secretary of State for decision.
I had previously found, by examination at the State Department, that
the subject had once come before our Government at the time of the
Convention in Paris, and been declined by President Grant, and his
Secretary of State, Mr. Fish, on the ground of danger from _entangling
alliances_, which it was a fundamental principle of our Government
to avoid. This record stands in my way, and the greatest difficulty
I shall have to meet and overcome will be this previous decision.
If it had never been presented at all, and I had thus no former
decision to reverse, I should hope for a comparatively easy task, but
_formalities_ and _courtesies_ stand greatly in the way of reversing
or setting aside the decisions of a previous authority, and especially
such authority as General Grant and his popular Secretary, Mr. Fish.
This adverse decision I hold to have been the result of a hasty and
improper presentation of the subject without suitable explanation,
and, from the lack of a full understanding of the system, it was
considered wisdom on the part of our Government to let it alone.
Now, I do not despair of success in the end, for I have met only
the greatest courtesy and most patient attention on the part of all
officials, and I promised the President that I would wait within call,
in order to be ready to make any explanations and answer any questions
which he or the members of his Cabinet might desire to ask. I have
no definite idea of the length of time they may hold the matter under
consideration before deciding, but it is so far progressed that my
own attorney can probably assist me, and he will arrive here in a
day or two. This is the Honorable Judge Hale, of the State of New
York, one of the best counsellors in the country, and is not only my
personal attorney of many years, but also a near relative. I did not
call him until I had thoroughly prepared the ground, but now that
the heads of the Government understand the subject properly through
my explanations, I must wait and let them make their points of law
upon it and decide. One thing I am certain of, that it would have
been of very little use for any one to have presented the request in
an ordinary manner, or who had not time to spend upon it, or was not
willing to work for the cause. With that previous refusal in the way,
it will require great care, labor, and perseverance to gain the point
desired, but I shall not despair until I must. I regret that I have
not in all this time a more certain progress to report, but I thought
it proper to let you know what stage of the work I am in, and that
all that is possible is being done. It is almost three months since
I left home and came here to work for this cause. My health has not
suffered, but has held firm beyond any expectation of mine. I must
think this is largely due to the great kindness and friendly courtesy
which has been extended to me on every hand. Every official person
listens patiently to all I have to say, and asks with the greatest
kindness what I would like him to do to further my wishes or aid my
cause, and I know that, if in the end the Government refuses to sign,
it will be only upon a strict point of law, which it feels bound not
to overstep (after mature deliberation), and it will be grieved to
feel compelled to disappoint either the members of the Convention or
myself. The Government of so vast a country as the United States is a
great body to move, and, in order to accomplish anything under it, it
is necessary that one have some knowledge of it, some weight with it,
and an endless patience and perseverance.
I hope it will not be another three months before I can send some more
decisive information, which I shall not fail to do at the earliest
moment.
My address while in this city will be in the care of that most worthy
and estimable representative of your Republic, the Honorable John
Hitz, Consul-General of Switzerland, whose guest I am.
Begging pardon for so long a letter which tells so little, and hoping
that this finds both you and Mrs. Appia in excellent health, and with
most respectful regards to Monsieur Moynier, I remain, my esteemed
friend,
With assurances of the highest esteem
Truly yours
CLARA BARTON
Armed with this authority, Clara Barton now undertook to secure public
interest in and official recognition for the Red Cross which existed in
Europe, but in America had no existence whatever excepting in her dream
and hope and prayer. There still are extant a very few copies of the
thin little pamphlet which she issued in 1878 addressed to the people
of the United States and the Senators and Representatives in Congress.
It will bear quoting entire. It contains the sum total of the knowledge
which America had of the Red Cross in 1878:
THE RED CROSS OF THE GENEVA CONVENTION
WHAT IT IS
BY CLARA BARTON
_To the people of the United States, Senators and Representatives in
Congress_:
Having had the honor conferred upon me of appointment by the Central
Commission holding the Geneva Convention, to present that treaty to
this Government, and to take in charge the formation of a national
organization according to the plan pursued by the committees working
under the treaty, it seems to me but proper, that, while I ask the
Government to sign it, the people and their representatives should be
made acquainted with its origin, designs, methods of work, etc. To
this end I have prepared the following statement, and present it to my
countrymen and women, hoping they will be led to endorse and sustain a
benevolence so grand in its character, and already almost universal in
its recognition and adoption by the civilized world.
CLARA BARTON
_Washington, D.C._
WHAT THE RED CROSS IS
A confederation of relief societies in different countries, acting
under the Geneva Convention, carries on its work under the sign of the
Red Cross. The aim of these societies is to ameliorate the condition
of wounded soldiers in the armies in campaign on land or sea.
The societies had their rise in the conviction of certain
philanthropic men that the official sanitary service in wars is
usually insufficient, and that the charity of the people, which at
such times exhibits itself munificently, should be organized for the
best possible utilization. An international public conference was
called at Geneva, Switzerland, in 1863, which, though it had not an
official character, brought together representatives from a number
of Governments. At this conference a treaty was drawn up, afterward
remodeled and improved, which twenty-five Governments have signed.
The treaty provides for the neutrality of all sanitary supplies,
ambulances, surgeons, nurses, attendants, and sick or wounded men, and
their safe-conduct, when they bear the sign of the organization, viz.,
the Red Cross.
Although the convention which originated the organization was
necessarily international, the relief societies themselves are
entirely national and independent; each one governing itself and
making its own laws according to the genius of its nationality and
needs.
It was necessary for recognizance and safety, and for carrying out
the general provisions of the treaty, that a uniform badge should
be agreed upon. The Red Cross was chosen out of compliment to the
Swiss Republic, where the first convention was held, and in which
the Central Commission has its headquarters. The Swiss colors being
a white cross on a red ground, the badge chosen was these colors
reversed.
There are no “members of the Red Cross,” but only members of societies
whose _sign_ it is. There is no “_Order of the Red Cross_.” The relief
societies use, each according to its convenience, whatever methods
seem best suited to prepare in times of peace for the necessities of
sanitary service in times of war. They gather and store gifts of money
and supplies; arrange hospitals, ambulances, methods of transportation
of wounded men, bureaus of information, correspondence, etc. All that
the most ingenious philanthropy could devise and execute has been
attempted in this direction.
In the Franco-Prussian War this was abundantly tested. That Prussia
acknowledged its beneficence is proven by the fact that the Emperor
affixed the Red Cross to the Iron Cross of Merit.
Although the societies are not international, there is a tacit compact
between them, arising from their common origin, identity of aim, and
mutual relation to the treaty. This compact embraces four principles,
viz., centralization, preparation, impartiality, and solidarity.
1. _Centralization._ The efficiency of relief in time of war depends
on unity of direction; therefore in every country the relief societies
have a common central head to which they send their supplies, and
which communicates for them with the seat of war or with the surgical
military authorities, and it is through this central commission they
have governmental recognition.
2. _Preparation._ It is understood that societies working under the
Red Cross shall occupy themselves with preparatory work in times of
peace. This gives them a permanence they could not otherwise have.
3. _Impartiality._ The societies of belligerent nations cannot always
carry aid to their wounded countrymen who are captured by the enemy;
this is counterbalanced by the regulation that the aid of the Red
Cross societies shall be extended alike to friend and foe.
4. _Solidarity._ This provides that the societies of nations not
engaged in war may afford aid to the sick and wounded of belligerent
nations without affecting any principle of non-interference to which
their Governments may be pledged. This must be done through the
Central Commission, and not through either of the belligerent parties;
this ensures impartiality of relief.
That these principles are practical has been thoroughly tested during
the fifteen years the Red Cross has existed.
The Convention of Geneva does not exist as a society, but is simply
a treaty under which all the relief societies of the Red Cross are
enabled to carry on their work effectually. In time of war, the
members and agents of the societies who go to the seat of war are
obliged to have their badges _vizéed_ by the Central Commission, and
by one of the belligerents--this is in order to prevent fraud. Thus
the societies and the treaty complement each other. The societies find
and execute the relief, the treaty affords them the immunities which
_enable_ them to execute.
And it may be further made a part of the _raison d’être_ of these
national relief societies to afford ready succor and assistance to
sufferers in time of national or widespread calamities, such as
plagues, cholera, yellow fever and the like, devastating fires or
floods, railway disasters, mining catastrophes, etc. The readiness
of organizations like those of the Red Cross to extend help at the
instant of need renders the aid of quadruple value and efficiency
compared with that gathered hastily and irresponsibly, in the
bewilderment and shock which always accompanies such calamities. The
trained nurses and attendants subject to the relief societies in
such cases would accompany the supplies sent and remain in action as
long as needed. Organized in every State, the relief societies of
the Red Cross would be ready with money, nurses, and supplies, to
go on call to the instant relief of all who were overwhelmed by any
of those sudden calamities which occasionally visit us. In case of
yellow fever, there being an organization in every State, the nurses
and attendants would be first chosen from the nearest societies, and,
being acclimated, would incur far less risk to life than if sent
from distant localities. It is true that the Government is always
ready in these times of public need to furnish transportation, and
often does much more. In the Mississippi flood, a few years ago, it
ordered rations distributed under the direction of army officers;
in the case of the explosion at the navy yard, it voted a relief
fund, and in our recent affliction at the South, a like course was
pursued. But in such cases one of the greatest difficulties is that
there is no organized method of administering the relief which the
Government or liberal citizens are willing to bestow, nor trained and
acclimated nurses ready to give intelligent care to the sick; or,
if there be organization, it is hastily formed in the time of need,
and is therefore comparatively inefficient and wasteful. It would
seem to be full time that, in consideration of the growth and rapidly
accumulating necessities of our country, we should learn to economize
our charities, and ensure from them the greatest possible practical
benevolence. Although we in the United States may fondly hope to be
seldom visited by the calamities of war, yet the misfortunes of other
nations with which we are on terms of amity appeal to our sympathies;
our southern coasts are periodically visited by the scourge of yellow
fever; the valleys of the Mississippi are subject to destructive
inundations; the plains of the West are devastated by insects and
drought, and our cities and country are swept by consuming fires.
In all such cases, to gather and dispense the profuse liberality of
our people, without waste of time or material, requires the wisdom
that comes of experience and permanent organization. Still more does
it concern, if not our safety, at least our honor, to signify our
approval of those principles of humanity acknowledged by every other
civilized nation.