PRIMITIVE MAN. CONSIDERED WITH REFERENCE TO MODERN THEORIES AS TO HIS
ORIGIN (continued).
In the previous chapter we have seen that, on general grounds,
evolution as applied to man is untenable; and that the theory of
creation is more rational and less liable to objection. We may now
consider how the geological and zoological conditions of man's advent
on the earth accord with evolution; and I think we shall find, as
might be expected, that they oppose great if not fatal difficulties to
this hypothesis.
One of the first and most important facts with reference to the
appearance of man, is that he is a very recent animal, dating no
farther back in geological time then the Post-glacial period, at the
close of the Tertiary and beginning of the Modern era of geology.
Further, inasmuch as the oldest known remains of man occur along with
those of animals which still exist, and the majority of which are
probably not of older date, there is but slender probability that any
much older human remains will ever be found. Now this has a bearing on
the question of the derivation of man, which, though it has not
altogether escaped the attention of the evolutionists, has not met
with sufficient consideration.
Perhaps the oldest; known human skull is that which has been termed
the "Engis" skull, from the cave of Engis, in Belgium. With reference
to this skull, Professor Huxley has candidly admitted that it may have
belonged to an individual of one of the existing faces of men. I have
a cast of it on the same shelf with the skulls of some Algonquin
Indians, from the aboriginal Hochelaga, which preceded Montreal; and
any one acquainted with cranial characters would readily admit that
the ancient Belgian may very well have been an American Indian; while
on the other hand his head is not very dissimilar from that of some
modern European races. This Belgian man is believed to have lived
before the mammoth and the cave bear had passed away, yet he does not
belong to an extinct species or even variety of man.
Further, as stated in a previous chapter, Pictet catalogues
ninety-eight species of mammals which inhabited Europe in the
Post-glacial period. Of these fifty-seven still exist unchanged, and
the remainder have disappeared. Not one can be shown to have been
modified into a new form, though some of them have been obliged, by
changes of temperature and other conditions, to remove into distant
and now widely separated regions. Further, it would seem that all the
existing European mammals extended back in geological time at least as
far as man, so that since the Post-glacial period no new species have
been introduced in any way. Here we have a series of facts of the most
profound significance. Fifty-seven parallel lines of descent nave in
Europe run on along with man, from the Post-glacial period, without
change or material modification of any kind. Some of them extend
without change even farther back. Thus man and his companion-mammals
present a series of lines, not converging as if they pointed to some
common progenitor, but strictly parallel to each other. In other
words, if they are derived forms, their point of derivation from a
common type is pushed back infinitely in geological time. The absolute
duration of the human species does not affect this argument. If man
has existed only six or seven thousand years, still at the beginning
of his existence he was as distinct from lower animals as he is now,
and shows no signs of gradation into other forms. If he has really
endured since the great Glacial period, and is to be regarded as a
species of a hundred thousand years' continuance, still the fact is
the same, and is, if possible, less favourable to derivation.
Similar facts meet us in other directions. I have for many years
occupied a little of my leisure in collecting the numerous species of
molluscs and other marine animals existing in a sub-fossil state in
the Post-pliocene clays of Canada, and comparing them with their
modern successors. I do not know how long these animals have lived.
Some of them certainly go far back into the Tertiary; and recent
computations would place even the Glacial age at a distance from us of
more then a thousand centuries. Yet after carefully studying about two
hundred species, and, of some of these, many hundreds of specimens, I
have arrived at the conclusion that they are absolutely unchanged.
Some of them, it is true, are variable shells, presenting as many and
great varieties as the human race itself; yet I find that in the
Post-pliocene even the varieties of each species were the same as now,
though the great changes of temperature and elevation which have
occurred, have removed many of them to distant places, and have made
them become locally extinct in regions over which they once spread.
Here again we have an absolute refusal, on the part of all these
animals, to admit that they are derived, or have tended to sport into
new species. This is also, it is to be observed, altogether
independent of that imperfection of the geological record of which so
much is made; since we have abundance of these shells in the
Post-pliocene beds, and in the modern seas, and no one doubts their
continued descent. To what does this point? Evidently to the
conclusion that all these species show no indication of derivation, or
tendency to improve, but move back in parallel lines to some unknown
creative origin.
If it be objected to this conclusion that absence of derivation in the
Post-pliocene and Modern does not prove that it may not previously
have occurred, the answer is, that if the evolutionist admits that for
a very long period (and this the only one of which we have any certain
knowledge, and the only one which concerns man) derivation has been
suspended, he in effect abandons his position. It may, however, be
objected that what I have above affirmed of species may be affirmed of
varieties, which are admitted to be derived. For example, it may be
said that the negro variety of man has existed unchanged from the
earliest historic times. It is carious that those who so often urge
this argument as an evidence of the great antiquity of man, and the
slow development of races, do not see that it proves too much. If the
negro has been the same identical negro as far back as we can trace
him, then his origin must have been independent, and of the nature of
a creation, or else his duration as a negro must have been indefinite.
What it does prove is a fact equally obvious from the study of
Post-pliocene molluscs and other fossils, namely, that new species
tend rapidly to vary to the utmost extent of their possible limits,
and then to remain stationary for an indefinite time. Whether this
results from an innate yet limited power of expansion in the species,
or from the relations between it and external influences, it is a fact
inconsistent with the gradual evolution of new species. Hence we
conclude that the recent origin of man, as revealed by geology, is, in
connection with the above facts, an absolute bar to the doctrine of
derivation.
A second datum furnished to this discussion by geology and zoology is
the negative one that no link of connection is known between man and
any preceding animal. If we gather his bones and his implements from
the ancient gravel-beds and cave-earths, we do not find them
associated with any creature near of kin, nor do we find any such
creature in those rich Tertiary beds which have yielded so great
harvests of mammalian bones. In the modern world we find nothing
nearer to him then such anthropoid apes as the orangs and gorillas.
But the apes, however nearly allied, cannot be the ancestors of man.
If at all related to him by descent, they are his brethren or cousins,
not his parents; for they must, on the evolutionist hypothesis, be
themselves the terminal ends of distinct lines of derivation from
previous forms.
This difficulty is not removed by an appeal to the imperfection of the
geological record. So many animals contemporary with man are known,
both at the beginning of his geological history and in the present
world, that it would be more then marvellous if no very near relative
had ere this time been discovered at one extreme or the other, or at
some portion of the intervening ages. Further, all the animals
contemporary with man in the Post-glacial period, so far as is known,
are in the same case. Discoveries of this kind may, however, still be
made, and we may give the evolutionist the benefit of the possibility.
We may affirm, however, that in order to gain a substratum of fact for
his doctrine, he must find somewhere in the later Tertiary period
animals much nearer to man then are the present anthropoid apes.
This demand I make advisedly--first, because the animals in question
must precede man in geological time; and secondly, because the apes,
even if they preceded man, instead of being contemporary with him, are
not near enough to fulfil the required conditions. What is the actual
fact with regard to these animals, so confidently affirmed to resemble
some not very remote ancestors of ours? Zoologically they are not
varieties of the same species with man they are not species of the
same genus, nor do they belong to genera of the same family, or even
to families of the same order. These animals are at least ordinally
distinct from us in those grades of groups in which naturalists
arrange animals. I am well aware that an attempt has been made to
group man, apes, and lemurs in one order of "Primates," and thus to
reduce their difference to the grade of the family; but as pat by its
latest and perhaps most able advocate, the attempt is a decided
failure. One has only to read the concluding chapter of Huxley's new
book on the anatomy of the vertebrates to be persuaded of this, more
especially if we can take into consideration, in addition to the many
differences indicated, others which exist but are not mentioned by the
author. Ordinal distinctions among animals are mainly dependent on
grade or rank, and are not to be broken down by obscure resemblances
of internal anatomy, having no relation to this point, but to
physiological features of very secondary importance. Man must, on all
grounds, rank much higher above the apes then they can do above any
other order of mammals. Even if we refuse to recognise all higher
grounds of classification, and condescend, with some great zoologists
of our time, to regard nature with the eyes of mere anatomists, or in
the same way that a brick-layer's apprentice may be supposed to regard
distinctions of architectural styles, we can arrive at no other
conclusion. Let us imagine an anatomist, himself neither a man nor a
monkey, but a being of some other grade, and altogether ignorant of
the higher ends and powers of our species, to contemplate merely the
skeleton of a man and that of an ape. He must necessarily deduce
therefrom an ordinal distinction, even on the one ground of the
correlations and modifications of structure implied in the erect
position. It would indeed be sufficient for this purpose to consider
merely the balancing of the skull on the neck, or the structure of the
foot, and the consequences fairly deducible from either of them. Nay,
were such imaginary anatomist a derivationist, and ignorant of the
geological date of his specimens, and as careless of the differences
in respect to brain as some of his human _confrères_, he might,
referring to the loss specialised condition of man's teeth and foot,
conclude, not that man is an improved ape, but that the ape is a
specialised and improved man. He would be obliged, however, even on
this hypothesis, to admit that there must be a host of missing links.
Nor would these be supplied by the study of the living races of men,
because these want even specific distinctness, and differ from the
apes essentially in those points on which an ordinal distinction can
be fairly based.
This isolated position of man throughout the whole period of his
history, grows in importance the more that it is studied, and can
scarcely be the result of any accident of defective preservation of
intermediate forms. In the meantime, when taken in connection with,
the fact previously stated, that man is equally isolated when he first
appears on the stage, it deprives evolution, as applied to our
species, of any precise scientific basis, whether zoological or
geological.
I do not attach any importance whatever, in this connection, to the
likeness in type or plan between man and other mammals. Evolutionists
are in the habit of taking for granted that this implies derivation,
and of reasoning as if the fact that the human skeleton is constructed
on the same principles as that of an ape or a dog, must have some
connection with a common ancestry of these animals. This is, however,
as is usual with them, begging the question. Creation, as well as
evolution, admits of similarity of plan. When Stephenson constructed a
locomotive, he availed himself of the principles and of many of the
contrivances of previous engines; but this does not imply that he took
a mine-engine, or a marine-engine, and converted it into a
railroad-engine. Type or plan, whether in nature or art, may imply
merely a mental evolution of ideas in the maker, not a derivation of
one object from another.
But while man is related in his type of structure to the higher
animals, his contemporaries, it is undeniable that there are certain
points in which he constitutes a new type; and if this consideration
were properly weighed, I believe it would induce zoologists,
notwithstanding the proverbial humility of the true man of science, to
consider themselves much more widely separated from the brutes then
even by the ordinal distinction above referred to. I would state this
view of the matter thus:--It is in the lower animals a law that the
bodily frame is provided with all necessary means of defence and
attack, and with all necessary protection against external influences
and assailants. In a very few cases, we have partial exceptions to
this. A hermit-crab, for instance, has the hinder part of its body
unprotected; and has, instead of armour, the instinct of using the
cast-off shells of molluscs; yet even this animal has the usual strong
claws of a crustacean, for defence in front. There are only a very few
animals in which instinct thus takes the place of physical
contrivances for defence or attack, and in these we find merely the
usual unvarying instincts of the irrational animal. But in man, that
which is the rare exception in all other animals, becomes the rule. He
has no means of escape from danger, compared with those enjoyed by
other animals no defensive armour, no natural protection from cold or
heat, no effective weapons for attacking other animals. These
disabilities would make him the most helpless of creatures, especially
when taken in connection with his slow growth and long immaturity. His
safety and his dominion over other animals, are secured by entirely
new means, constituting a "new departure" in creation. Contrivance
and inventive power, enabling him to utilise the objects and forces of
nature, replace in him the material powers bestowed on lower animals.
Obviously the structure of the human being is related to this, and so
related to it as to place man in a different category altogether from
any other animal.
This consideration makes the derivation of man from brutes difficult
to imagine. None of these latter appear even able to conceive or
understand the modes of life and action of man. They do not need to
attempt to emulate his powers, for they are themselves provided for in
a different manner. They have no progressive nature like that of man.
Their relations to things without are altogether limited to their
structures and instincts. Man's relations are limited only by his
powers of knowing and understanding. How then is it possible to
conceive of an animal which is, so to speak, a mere living machine,
parting with the physical contrivances necessary to its existence, and
assuming the new role of intelligence and free action?
This becomes still more striking if we adopt the view usually taken by
evolutionists, that primitive man was a ferocious and carnivorous
creature, warring with and overcoming the powerful animals of the
Post-glacial period, and contending with the rigours of a severe
climate. This could certainly not be inferred from his structure,
interpreted by that of the lower animals, which would inevitably lead
to the conclusion that he must Lave been a harmless and frugivorous
creature, fitted to subsist only in the mildest climates, and where
exempt from the attacks of the more powerful carnivorous animals. No
one reasoning on the purely physical constitution of man, could infer
that he might be a creature more powerful and ferocious then the lion
or the tiger.
It is also worthy of mention that the existence of primitive man as a
savage hunter is, in another point of view, absolutely opposed to the
Darwinian idea of his origin from a frugivorous ape. These creatures,
while comparatively inoffensive, conform to the general law of lower
animals in having strong jaws and powerful canines for defence,
hand-like feet to aid them in securing food, and escaping from their
enemies, and hairy clothing to protect them from cold and heat. On the
hypothesis of evolution we might conceive that if these creatures were
placed in some Eden of genial warmth, peace, and plenty, which
rendered those appliances unnecessary, they might gradually lose these
now valuable structures, from want of necessity, to use them. But, on
the contrary, if such creatures were obliged to contend against
powerful enemies, and to feed on flesh, all analogy would lead us to
believe that they would become in their structures more like
carnivorous beasts then men. On the other hand, the anthropoid apes,
in the circumstances in which we find them, are not only as
unprogressive as other animals, but little fitted to extend their
range, and less gifted with the power of adapting themselves to new
conditions then many other mammals less resembling man in external
form.
On the Darwinian theory, such primitive men as geology reveals to us
would be more likely to have originated from bears then apes, and we
would be tempted to wish that man should become extinct, and that the
chance should be given to the mild chimpanzee or orang to produce by
natural selection an improved and less ferocious humanity for the
future.
The only rational hypothesis of human origin in the present state of
our knowledge of this subject is, that man must have been produced
under some circumstances in which animal food was not necessary to
him, in which he was exempt from the attacks of the more formidable
animals, and in less need of protection from the inclemency of the
weather then is the case with any modern apes; and that his life as a
hunter and warrior began after he had by his knowledge and skill
secured to himself the means of subduing nature by force and cunning.
This implies that man was from the first a rational being, capable of
understanding nature, and it accords much more nearly with the old
story of Eden in the book of Genesis, then with any modern theories of
evolution.
It is due to Mr. Wallace--who, next to Darwin, has been a leader among
English derivationists--to state that he perceives this difficulty. As
a believer in natural selection, however, it presents itself to his
mind in a peculiar form. He perceives that so soon as, by the process
of evolution, man became a rational creature, and acquired his social
sympathies, physical evolution must cease, and must be replaced by
invention, contrivance, and social organisation. This is at once
obvious and undeniable, and it follows that the natural selection
applicable to man, as man, must relate purely to his mental and moral
improvement. Wallace, however, fails to comprehend the full
significance of this feature of the case. Given, a man destitute of
clothing, he may never acquire such clothing by natural selection,
because he will provide an artificial substitute. He will evolve not
into a hairy animal, but into a weaver and a tailor. Given, a man
destitute of claws and fangs, he will not acquire these, but will
manufacture weapons. But then, on the hypothesis of derivation, this
is not what is given us as the raw material of man, but instead of
this a hairy ape. Admitting the power of natural selection, we might
understand how this ape could become more hairy, or acquire more
formidable weapons, as it became more exposed to cold, or more under
the necessity of using animal food; but that it should of itself leave
this natural line of development and enter on the entirely different
line of mental progress is not conceivable, except as a result of
creative intervention.
Absolute materialists may make light of this difficulty, and may hold
that this would imply merely a change of brain; but even if we admit
this, they fail to show of what use such better brain would be to a
creature retaining the bodily form and instincts of the ape, or how
such better brain could be acquired. But evolutionists are not
necessarily absolute materialists, and Darwin himself labours to show
that the reasoning self-conscious mind, and even the moral sentiments
of man, might be evolved from rudiments of such powers, perceptible in
the lower animals. Here, however, he leaves the court of natural
science, properly so called, and summons us to appear before the
judgment-seat of philosophy; and as naturalists are often bad mental
philosophers, and philosophers have often small knowledge of nature,
some advantage results, in the first instance, to the doubtful cause
of evolution. Since, however, mental science makes much more of the
distinctions between the mind of man and the instinct of animals then
naturalists, accustomed to deal merely with the external organism, can
be expected to do, the derivationist, when his plea is fairly
understood, is quite as certain to lose his cause as when tried by
geology and zoology. He might indeed be left to be dealt with by
mental science on its own ground; and as our province is to look at
the matter from the standpoint of natural history, we might here close
our inquiry. It may, however, be proper to give some slight notion of
the width of the gulf to be passed when we suppose the mechanical,
unconscious, repetitive nature of the animal to pass over into the
condition of an intellectual and moral being.
If we take, as the most favourable case for the evolutionist, the most
sagacious of the lower animals--the dog,--for example and compare it
with the least elevated condition of the human mind, as observed in
the child or the savage, we shall find that even here there is
something more then that "immense difference in degree" which Darwin
himself admits. Making every allowance for similarities in external
sense, in certain instinctive powers and appetites; and even in the
power of comparison, and in certain passions and affections; and
admitting, though we cannot be quite certain of this, that in these
man differs from animals only in degree; there remain other and more
important differences, amounting to the possession, on the part of
man, of powers not existing at all in animals. Of this kind are--first,
the faculty of reaching abstract and general truth, ind consequently
of reasoning, in the proper sense of the term; secondly, in connection
with this, the power of indefinite increase in knowledge, and in
deductions therefrom leading to practical results; thirdly, the power
of expressing thought in speech; fourthly, the power of arriving at
ideas of right and wrong, and thus becoming a responsible and free
agent. Lastly, we have the conception of higher spiritual
intelligence, of supreme power and divinity, and the consequent
feeling of religious obligation. These powers are evidently different
in kind, rather then in degree, from those of the brute, and cannot be
conceived to have arisen from the latter, more especially as one of
the distinctive characters of these is their purely cyclical,
repetitive, and unprogressive nature.
Sir John Lubbock has, by a great accumulation of facts, or supposed
facts, bearing on the low mental condition of savages, endeavoured to
bridge over this chasm. It is obvious, however, from his own data,
that the rudest savages are enabled to subsist only by the exercise of
intellectual gifts far higher then those of animals; and that if these
gifts were removed from them, they would inevitably perish. It is
equally clear that even the lowest savages are moral agents; and that
not merely in their religious beliefs and conceptions of good and
evil, but also in their moral degradation, they show capacities not
possessed by the brutes. It is also true that most of these savages
are quite as little likely to be specimens of primitive man as are the
higher races; and that many of them have fallen to so low a level as
to be scarcely capable, of themselves, of rising to a condition of
culture and civilisation. Thus they are more likely to be degraded
races, in "the eddy and backwater of humanity" then examples of the
sources from whence it flowed. And here it must not be lost sight of,
that a being like man has capacities for degradation commensurate with
his capacities for improvement; and that at any point of his history
we may have to seek the analogues of primeval man, rather in the
average, then the extremes of the race.
Before leaving this subject, it may be well to consider the fact, that
the occurrence of such a being as man in the last stages of the
world's history is, in itself, an argument for the existence of a
Supreme Creator. Man is himself an image and likeness of God; and the
fact that he can establish relations with nature around him, so as to
understand and control its powers, implies either that he has been
evolved as a soul of nature, by its own blind development, or that he
has originated in the action of a higher being related to man. The
former supposition has been above shown to be altogether improbable;
so that we are necessarily thrown back upon the latter. We must thus
regard man himself as the highest known work of a spiritual creator,
and must infer that he rightly uses his reason when he infers from
nature the power and divinity of God.
The last point that I think necessary to bring forward here, is the
information which geology gives as to the locality of the introduction
of man. There can be no hesitation in affirming that to the temperate
regions of the old continent belongs the honour of being the cradle of
humanity. In these regions are the oldest historical monuments of our
race; here geology finds the most ancient remains of human beings;
here also seems to be the birthplace of the fauna and flora most
useful and congenial to man; and here he attains to his highest pitch
of mental and physical development. This, it is true, by no means
accords with the methods of the derivationists. On their theory we
should search for the origin of man rather in those regions where he
is most depauperated and degraded, and where his struggles for
existence are most severe. But it is surely absurd to affirm of any
species of animal or plant that it must have originated at the limits
of its range, where it can scarcely exist at all. On the contrary,
common sense as well as science requires us to believe that species
must have originated in those central parts of their distribution
where they enjoy the most favourable circumstances, and must have
extended themselves thence as far as external conditions would permit.
One of the most wretched varieties of the human race, and as near as
any to the brutes, is that which inhabits Tierra del Fuego, a country
which scarcely affords any of the means for the comfortable sustenance
of man. Would it not be absolutely impossible that man should have
originated in such a country? Is it not certain, en the contrary, that
the Fuegian is merely a degraded variety of the aboriginal American
race? Precisely the same argument applies to the Austral negro and the
Hottentot. They are all naturally the most aberrant varieties of man,
as being at the extreme range of his possible extension, and placed in
conditions unfavourable, either because of unsuitable climatal or
organic associations. It is true that the regions most favourable to
the anthropoid apes, and in which they may be presumed to have
originated, are by no means the most favourable to man; but this only
makes it the less likely that man could have been derived from such a
parentage.
While, therefore, the geological date of the appearance of man, the
want of any link of connection between him and any preceding animal,
and his dissimilar bodily and mental constitution from any creatures
contemporary with him, render his derivation from apes or other
inferior animals in the highest degree improbable, the locality of his
probable origin confirms this conclusion in the strongest manner. It
also shows that man and the higher apes are not likely to have
originated in the same regions, or under the same conditions, and that
the conditions of human origin are rather the coincidence of suitable
climatal and organic surroundings then the occurrence of animals
closely related in structure to man.
Changes of conditions in geological time will not meet this
difficulty. They might lead to migrations, as they have done in the
case of both plants and animals, but not to anything further. The
hyena, whose bones are found in the English caves, has been driven by
geological changes to South Africa, but he is still the same hyena.
The reindeer which once roamed in France is still the reindeer in
Lapland; and though under different geological conditions we might
imagine the creature to have originated in the south of Europe, a
country not now suitable to it, this would neither give reason to
believe that any animal now living in the south of Europe was its
progenitor, nor to doubt that it still remains unchanged in its new
habitat. Indeed, the absence of anything more then merely varietal
change in man and his companion-animals, in consequence of the
geological changes and migrations of the Modern period, furnishes, as
already stated, a strong if not conclusive argument against
derivation; which here, as elsewhere, only increases our actual
difficulties, while professing to extricate us from them.
* * * * *
The arguments in the preceding pages cover only a small portion of the
extensive field opened up by this subject. They relate, however, to
some of the prominent and important points, and I trust are sufficient
to show that, as applied to man, the theory of derivation merely
trifles with the great question of his origin, without approaching to
its solution. I may now, in conclusion, sketch the leading features of
primitive man, as he appears to us through the mist of the intervening
ages, and compare the picture with that presented by the oldest
historical records of our race.
Two pictures of primeval man are in our time before the world. One
represents him as the pure and happy inhabitant of an Eden, free from
all the ills that have afflicted his descendants, and revelling in the
bliss of a golden age. This is the representation of Holy Scripture,
and it is also the dream of all the poetry and myth of the earlier
ages of the world. It is a beautiful picture, whether we regard it as
founded on historical fact, or derived from God Himself, or from the
yearnings of the higher spiritual nature of man. The other picture is
a joint product of modern philosophy and of antiquarian research. It
presents to us a coarse and filthy savage, repulsive in feature, gross
in habits, warring with his fellow-savages, and warring yet more
remorselessly with every living thing he could destroy, tearing
half-cooked flesh, and cracking marrow-bones with stone hammers,
sheltering himself in damp and smoky caves, with no eye heavenward,
and with only the first rude beginnings of the most important arts of
life.
Both pictures may contain elements of truth, for man is a many-sided
monster, made up of things apparently incongruous, and presenting here
and there features out of which either picture may be composed.
Evolutionists, and especially those who believe in the struggle for
existence and natural selection, ignore altogether the evidence of the
golden age of humanity, and refer us to the rudest of modern savages
as the types of primitive man. Those who believe in a Divine origin
for our race, perhaps dwell too much on the higher spiritual features
of the Edenic state, to the exclusion of its more practical aspects,
and its relations to the condition of the more barbarous races. Let us
examine more closely both representations; and first, that of
creation.
The Glacial period, with its snows and ice, had passed away, and the
world rejoiced in a spring-time of renewed verdure and beauty. Many
great and formidable beasts of the Tertiary time had disappeared in
the revolutions which had occurred, and the existing fauna of the
northern hemisphere had been established on the land. Then it was that
man was introduced by an act of creative power. In the preceding
changes a region of Western Asia had been prepared for his residence.
It was a table-land at the head waters of the rivers that flow into
the Euxine, the Caspian, and the Persian Gulf. Its climate was healthy
and bracing, with enough of variety to secure vigour, and not so
inclement as to exact any artificial provision for clothing or
shelter. Its flora afforded abundance of edible fruits, and was rich
in all the more beautiful forms of plant life; while its clear
streams, alluvial soil, and undulating surface, afforded every variety
of station and all that is beautiful in scenery. It was not infested
with the more powerful and predacious quadrupeds, and its geographical
relations were such as to render this exemption permanent. In this
paradise man found ample supplies of wholesome and nutritious food.
His requirements as to shelter were met by the leafy bowers he could
weave. The streams of Eden afforded gold which he could fashion for
use and ornament, pearly shells for vessels, and agate for his few and
simple cutting instruments. He required no clothing, and knew of no
use for it. His body was the perfection and archetype of the
vertebrate form, full of grace, vigour, and agility. His hands enabled
him to avail himself of all the products of nature for use and
pleasure, and to modify and adapt them according to his inclination.
His intelligence, along with his manual powers, allowed him to
ascertain the properties of things, to plan, invent, and apply in a
manner impossible to any other creature. His gift of speech enabled
him to imitate and reduce to systematic language the sounds of nature,
and to connect them with the thoughts arising in his own mind, and
thus to express their relations and significance. Above all, his Maker
had breathed into him a spiritual nature akin to His own, whereby he
became different from all other animals, and the very shadow and
likeness of God; capable of rising to abstractions and general
conceptions of truth and goodness, and of holding communion with his
Creator. This was man Edenic, the man of the golden age, as sketched
in the two short narratives of the earlier part of Genesis, which not
only conform to the general traditions of our race on the subject, but
bear to any naturalist who will read them in their original dress,
internal evidence of being contemporary, or very nearly so, with the
state of things to which they relate.
"And God said, 'Let us make man in our image, after our likeness; and
let them rule over the fish of the sea, and over the birds of the air,
and over the herbivora, and over all the land.' And God blessed them,
and said unto them, 'Be fruitful and multiply, and fill the earth and
subdue it.'
"And the Lord God formed the man of the dust of the ground, and
breathed into his nostrils the breath of life, and man became a living
being. And the Lord God planted a garden, eastward in Eden, and there
He placed the man whom He had formed. And out of the ground made the
Lord God to grow every tree that is pleasant to the sight and good
for food. And a river went out of Eden to water the garden, and
parted from thence, becoming four heads (of great rivers). The name of
the first is Pison, compassing the whole land of Chavila, where there
is gold, and the gold of that land is good; there is (also) pearl and
agate.... And the Lord God took the man, and put him into the garden
of Eden, to cultivate it and to take care of it."
Before leaving this most ancient and most beautiful history, we may
say that it implies several things of much importance to our
conceptions of primeval man. It implies a centre of creation for man,
and a group of companion animals and plants, and an intention to
dispense in his case with any struggle for existence. It implies,
also, that man was not to be a lazy savage, but a care-taker and
utiliser, by his mind and his bodily labour, of the things given to
him; and it also implies an intelligent submission on his part to his
Maker, and spiritual appreciation of His plans and intentions. It
further implies that man was, in process of time, from Eden, to
colonise the earth, and subdue its wildness, so as to extend the
conditions of Eden widely over its surface. Lastly, a part of the
record not quoted above, but necessary to the consistency of the
story, implies that, in virtue of his spiritual nature, and on certain
conditions, man, though in bodily frame of the earth earthy, like the
other animals, was to be exempted from the common law of mortality
which had all along prevailed, and which continued to prevail, even
among the animals of Eden. Further, if man fell from this condition
into that of the savage of the age of stone, it must have been by the
obscuration of his spiritual nature under that which is merely
animal; in other words, by his ceasing to be spiritual and in
communion with God, and becoming practically a sensual materialist.
that this actually happened is asserted by the Scriptural story, but
its details would take us too far from our present subject. Let us now
turn to the other picture--that presented by the theory of struggle for
existence and derivation from lower animals.
It introduces us first to an ape, akin perhaps to the modern orang or
gorilla, but unknown to us as yet by any actual remains. This
creature, after living for an indefinite time in the rich forests of
the Miocene and earlier Pliocene periods, was at length subjected to
the gradually increasing rigours of the Glacial age. Its vegetable
food and its leafy shelter failed it, and it learned to nestle among
such litter as it could collect in dens and caves, and to seize and
devour such weaker animals as it could overtake and master. At the
same time, its lower extremities, no longer used for climbing trees,
but for walking on the ground, gained in strength and size; its arms
diminished; and its development to maturity being delayed by the
intensity of the struggle for existence, its brain enlarged, it became
more cunning and sagacious, and even learned to use weapons of wood or
stone to destroy its victims. So it gradually grew into a fierce and
terrible creature, "neither beast nor human," combining the habits of
a bear and the agility of a monkey with some glimmerings of the
cunning and resources of a savage.
When the Glacial period passed away, our nameless simian man, or
manlike ape, might naturally be supposed to revert to its original
condition, and to establish itself as of old in the new forests of the
Modern period. For some unknown reason, however, perhaps because it
had gone too far in the path of improvement to be able to turn back,
this reversion did not take place. On the contrary, the ameliorated
circumstances and wider range of the new continents enabled it still
further to improve. Ease and abundance perfected what struggle and
privation had begun; it added to the rude arts of the Glacial time; it
parted with the shaggy hair now unnecessary; its features became
softer; and it returned in part to vegetable food. Language sprang up
from the attempt to articulate natural sounds. Fire-making was
invented and new arts arose. At length the spiritual nature,
potentially present in the creature, was awakened by some access of
fear, or some grand and terrible physical phenomenon; the idea of a
higher intelligence was struck out, and the descendant of apes became
a superstitious and idolatrous savage. How much trouble and discussion
would have been saved, had he been aware of his humble origin, and
never entertained the vain imagination that he was a child of God,
rather then a mere product of physical evolution! It is, indeed,
curious, that at this point evolutionism, like theism, has its "fall
of man;" for surely the awakening of the religious sense, and of the
knowledge of good and evil, must on that theory be so designated,
since it subverted in the case of man the previous regular operation
of natural selection, and introduced all that debasing superstition,
priestly domination, and religious controversy which have been among
the chief curses of our race, and which are doubly accursed if, as the
evolutionist believes, they are not the ruins of something nobler and
holier, but the mere gratuitous, vain, and useless imaginings of a
creature who should have been content to eat and drink and die,
without hope or fear, like the brutes from which he sprang.
These are at present our alternative sketches: the genesis of theism,
and the genesis of evolution. After the argument in previous pages, it
is unnecessary here to discuss their relative degrees of probability.
If we believe in a personal spiritual Creator, the first becomes easy
and natural, as it is also that which best accords with history and
tradition. If, on the contrary, we reject all these, and accept as
natural laws the postulates of the evolutionists which we have already
discussed, we may become believers in the latter. The only remaining
point is to inquire as to which explains best the actual facts of
humanity as we find them. This is a view of which much has been made
by evolutionists, and it therefore merits consideration. But it is too
extensive to be fully treated of here, and I must content myself with
a few illustrations of the failure of the theory of derivation to
explain some of the most important features presented by even the
ruder races of men.
One of these is the belief in a future state of existence beyond this
life. This belongs purely to the spiritual nature of man. It is not
taught by physical nature, yet its existence is probably universal,
and it lies near the foundation of all religious beliefs. Lartet has
described to us the sepulchral cave of Aurignac, in which human
skeletons, believed to be of Post-glacial date, were associated with
remains of funeral feasts, and with indications of careful burial, and
with provisions laid up for the use of the dead. Lyell well remarks on
this, "If we have here before us, at the northern base of the
Pyrenees, a sepulchral vault with skeletons of human beings, consigned
by friends and relatives to their last resting-place if we have also
at the portal of the tomb the relics of funeral feasts, and within it
indications of viands destined for the use of the departed on their
way to a land of spirits; while among the funeral gifts are weapons
wherewith in other fields to chase the gigantic deer, the cave-lion,
the cave bear, and woolly rhinoceros--we have at last succeeded in
tracing back the sacred rites of burial, and more interesting still, a
belief in a future state, to times long anterior to those of history
and tradition. Rude and superstitious as may have been the savage of
that remote era, he still deserved, by cherishing hopes of a
hereafter, the epithet of 'noble,' which Dryden gave to what he seems
to have pictured to himself as the primitive condition of our
race."[BF]
[BF] "Antiquity of Man," p. 192
In like manner, in the vast American continent, all its long isolated
and widely separated tribes, many of them in a state of lowest
barbarism, and without any external ritual of religious worship,
believed in happy hunting-grounds in the spirit-land beyond the grave,
and the dead warrior was buried with his most useful weapons and
precious ornaments.
"Bring here the last gifts; and with them
The last lament be said.
Let all that pleased and yet may please,
Be buried with the dead"
was no unmeaning funeral song, but involved the sacrifice of the most
precious and prized objects, that the loved one might enter the new
and untried state provided for its needs. Even the babe, whose life is
usually accounted of so small value by savage tribes, was buried by
the careful mother with precious strings of wampum, that had cost more
months of patient labour then the days of its short life, that it
might purchase the fostering care of the inhabitants of that unknown
yet surely believed-in region of immortality. This
"--wish that of the living whole
No life may fail beyond the grave,
Derives it not from what we have
The likest God within the soul?"
Is it likely to have germinated in the brain of an ape? and if so, of
what possible use would it be in the struggle of a merely physical
existence? Is it not rather the remnant of a better spiritual life--a
remembrance of the tree of life that grew in the paradise of God, a
link of connection of the spiritual nature in man with, a higher
Divine Spirit above? Life and immortality, it is true, were brought to
light by Jesus Christ, but they existed as beliefs more or less
obscure from the first, and formed the basis for good and evil of the
religions of the world. Around this idea were gathered multitudes of
collateral beliefs and religious observances; feasts and festivals for
the dead; worship of dead heroes and ancestors; priestly intercessions
and sacrifices for the dead; costly rites of sepulture. Vain and
without foundation many of these have no doubt been, but they have
formed a universal and costly testimony to an instinct of immortality,
dimly glimmering even in the breast of the savage, and glowing with
higher brightness in the soul of the Christian, but separated by an
impassable gulf from anything derivable from a brute ancestry.
The theistic picture of primeval man is in harmony with the fact that
men, as a whole, are, and always have been, believers in God. The
evolutionist picture is not. If man had from the first not merely a
physical and intellectual nature, but a spiritual nature as well, we
can understand how he came into relation with God, and how through all
his vagaries and corruptions he clings to this relation in one form or
another; but evolution affords no link of connection of this kind. It
holds God to be unknowable even to the cultivated intellect of
philosophy, and perceives no use in ideas with relation to Him which,
according to it must necessarily be fallacious, It leaves the theistic
notions of mankind without explanation, and it will not serve its
purpose to assert that some few and exceptional families of men have
no notion of a God. Even admitting this, and it is at best very
doubtful, it can form but a trifling exception to a general truth.
It appears to me that this view of the case is very clearly put in the
Bible, and it is curiously illustrated by a recent critique of "Mr.
Darwin's Critics," by Professor Huxley in the _Contemporary Review_. Mr.
Mivart, himself a derivationist, but differing in some points from
Darwin, had affirmed, in the spirit rather of a Romish theologian then
of a Biblical student or philosopher, that "acts unaccompanied by
mental acts of conscious will" are "absolutely destitute of the most
incipient degree of goodness." Huxley well replies, "It is to my
understanding extremely hard to reconcile Mr. Mivart's dictum with
that noble summary of the whole duty of man, 'Thou shalt love the Lord
thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy
strength; and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.' According to
Mr. Mivart's definition, the man who loves God and his neighbour, and,
out of sheer love and affection for both, does all he can to please
them, is nevertheless destitute of a particle of real goodness."
Huxley's reply deserves to be pondered by certain moralists and
theologians whose doctrine savours of the leaven of the Pharisees, but
neither Huxley nor his opponent see the higher truth that in the love
of God we have a principle far nobler and more God-like and less
animal then that of mere duty. Man primeval, according to the doctrine
of Genesis, was, by simple love and communion with his God, placed in
the position of a spiritual being, a member of a higher family then
that of the animal. The "knowledge of good and evil" which he acquired
later, and on which is based the law of conscious duty, was a less
happy attainment, which placed him on a lower level then that of the
unconscious love and goodness of primal innocence. No doubt man's
sense of right and wrong is something above the attainment of animals,
and which could never have sprung from them; but still more is this
the case with his direct spiritual relation to God, which, whether it
rises to the inspiration of the prophet or the piety of the Christian,
or sinks to the rude superstition of the savage, can be no part of the
Adam of the dust but only of the breath of life breathed into him from
above.
That man should love his fellow-man may not seem strange. Certain
social and gregarious and family instincts exist among the lower
animals, and Darwin very ably adduces these as akin to the similar
affections of man; yet even in the law of love of our neighbour, as
enforced by Christ's teaching, it is easy to see that we have
something beyond animal nature. But this becomes still more distinct
in the love of God. Man was the "shadow and likeness of God," says the
old record in Genesis--the shadow that clings to the substance and is
inseparable from it, the likeness that represents it visibly to the
eyes of men, and of the animals that man rules over. Primeval man
could "hear in the evening breeze the voice of God, walking to and fro
in the garden." What mere animal ever had or could attain to such an
experience?
But if we turn from the Edenic picture of man in harmony with
Heaven--"owning a father, when he owned a God"--to man as the slave of
superstition; even in this terrible darkness of mistaken faith, of
which it may be said,
"Fear mates her devils, and weak faith her gods,
Gods partial, changeful, passionate, unjust,
Whose attributes are rage, revenge, or lust,"
we see the ruins, at least, of that sublime love of God. The animal
clings to its young with a natural affection, as great as that of a
human mother for her child, but what animal ever thought of throwing
its progeny into the Ganges, or into the fires of Moloch's altar, for
the saving of its soul, or to obtain the favour or avoid the wrath of
God? No less in the vagaries of fetichism, ritualism, and idolatry,
and in the horrors of asceticism and human sacrifice, then in the
Edenic communion with and hearing of God, or in the joy of Christian
love, do we see, in however ruined or degraded condition, the higher
spiritual nature of man.
This point leads to another distinction which, when properly viewed,
widens the gap between man and the animals, or at least destroys one
of the frail bridges of the evolutionists. Lubbock and others affect
to believe that the lowest savages of the modern world must be nearest
to the type of primeval man. I have already attempted to show the
fallacy of this. I may add here that in so holding they overlook a
fundamental distinction, well pointed out by the Duke of Argyll,
between the capacity of acquiring knowledge and knowledge actually
acquired, and between the possession of a higher rational nature and
the exercise of that nature in the pursuit of mechanical arts. In
other words, primeval man must not be held to have been "utterly
barbarous" because he was ignorant of mining or navigation, or of
sculpture and painting. He had in him the power to attain to these
things, but so long as he was not under necessity to exercise it, his
mind may have expended its powers in other and happier channels. As
well might it be affirmed that a delicately nurtured lady is an "utter
barbarian" because she cannot build her own house, or make her own
shoes. No doubt in such work she would be far more helpless then the
wife of the rudest savage, yet she is not on that account to be held
as an inferior being, or nearer to the animals. Our conception of an
angelic nature implies the absence of all our social institutions and
mechanical arts; but does this necessitate our regarding an angel as
an "utter barbarian"? In short, the whole notion of civilisation held
by Lubbock and those who think with him, is not only low and
degrading, but utterly and absurdly wrong; and of course it vitiates
all their conceptions of primeval man as well as of man's future
destiny. Further, the theistic idea implies that man was, without
exhausting toil, to regulate and control nature, to rule over the
animals, to cultivate the earth, to extend himself over it and subdue
it; and all this as compatible with moral innocence, and at the same
time with high intellectual and spiritual activity.
There is, however, a still nicer and more beautiful distinction
involved in this, and included in the wonderful narrative in Genesis,
so simple yet so much more profound then our philosophies; and which
crops out in the same discussion of the critics of Darwin, to which I
have already referred. A writer in the _Quarterly Review_ had attempted
to distinguish human reason from the intelligence of animals, as
involving self-consciousness and reflection in our sensations and
perceptions. Huxley objects to this, instancing the mental action of a
greyhound when it sees and pursues a hare, as similar to that of the
gamekeeper when he lets slip the hound.[BG]
[BG] _Contemporary Review_, November, 1871, p. 461.
"As it is very necessary to keep up a clear distinction between these
two processes, let the one be called neurosis and the other psychosis.
When the gamekeeper was first trained to his work, every step in the
process of neurosis was accompanied by a corresponding step in that of
psychosis, or nearly so. He was conscious of seeing something,
conscious of making sure it was a hare, conscious of desiring to catch
it, and therefore to loose the greyhound at the right time, conscious
of the acts by which he let the dog out of the leash. But with
practice, though the various steps of the neurosis remain--for
otherwise the impression on the retina would not result in the loosing
of the dog--the great majority of the steps of the psychosis vanish,
and the loosing of the dog follows unconsciously, or, as we say,
without thinking about, upon the sight of the hare. No one will deny
that the series of acts which originally intervened between the
sensation and the letting go of the dog were, in the strictest sense,
intellectual and rational operations. Do they cease to be so when the
man ceases to be conscious of them? that depends upon what is the
essence and what the accident of these operations, which taken
together constitute ratiocination. Now, ratiocination is resolvable
into predication, and predication consists in marking, in some way,
the existence, the co-existence, the succession, the likeness and
unlikeness, of things or their ideas. Whatever does this, reasons; and
if a machine produces the effects of reason, I see no more ground for
denying to it the reasoning power because it is unconscious, then I
see for refusing to Mr. Babbage's engine the title of a calculating
machine on the same grounds."
Here we have in the first place, the fact that an action, in the first
instance rational and complex, becomes by repetition simple and
instinctive. Does the man then sink to the level of the hound, or,
what is more to the purpose, does this in the least approach to
showing that the hound can rise to the level of the man? Certainly
not; for the man is the conscious planner and originator of a course
of action in which the instincts of the brute are made to take part,
and in which the readiness that he attains by habit only enables him
to dispense with certain processes of thought which were absolutely
necessary at first. The man and the beast co-operate, but they meet
each other from entirely different planes; the former from that of the
rational consideration of nature, the latter from that of the blind
pursuit of a mere physical instinct. The one, to use Mr. Huxley's
simile, is the conscious inventor of the calculating machine, the
other is the machine itself, and, though the machine can calculate,
this fact is the farthest possible from giving it the power of growing
into or producing its own inventor. But Moses, or the more ancient
authority from whom he quotes in Genesis, knew this better then either
of these modern combatants. His special distinctive mark of the
superiority of man is that he was to have dominion over the earth and
its animal inhabitants; and he represents this dominion as inaugurated
by man's examining and naming the animals of Eden, and finding among
them no "help meet" for him.[BH] Man was to find in them helps, but
helps under his control, and that not the control of brute force, but
of higher skill and of thought and even of love--a control still seen
in some degree in the relation of man to his faithful companion, the
dog. These old words of Genesis, simple though they are, place the
rational superiority of man on a stable basis, and imply a distinction
between him and the lower animals which cannot be shaken by the
sophistries of the evolutionists.
[BH] Literally, "Corresponding," or "Similar," to him.
The theistic picture further accords with the fact that the geological
time immediately preceding man's appearance was a time of decadence of
many of the grander forms of animal life, especially in that area of
the old continent where man was to appear. Whatever may be said of the
imperfection of the geological record, there can be no question of the
fact that the Miocene and earlier Pliocene were distinguished by the
prevalence of grand and gigantic forms of mammalian life, some of
which disappeared in or before the Glacial period, while others failed
after that period in the subsidence of the Post-glacial, or in
connection with its amelioration of climate. The Modern animals are
also, as explained above, a selection from the grander fauna of the
Post-glacial period. To speak for the moment in Darwinian language,
there was for the time an evident tendency to promote the survival of
the fittest, not in mere physical development, but in intelligence and
sagacity. A similar tendency existed even in the vegetable world,
replacing the flora of American aspect which had existed in the
Pliocene, with the richer and more useful flora of Europe and Western
Asia. This not obscurely indicates the preparing of a place for man,
and the removal out of his way of obstacles and hindrances. That these
changes had a relation to the advent of man, neither theist nor
evolutionist can doubt, and it may be that we shall some day find that
this relation implies the existence of a creative law intelligible by
us; but while we fail to perceive any link of direct causation between
the changes in the lower world, and the introduction of our race, we
cannot help seeing that correlation which implies a far-reaching plan,
and an intelligent design.
Finally, the evolutionist picture wants some of the fairest lineaments
of humanity, and cheats us with a semblance of man without the
reality. Shave and paint your ape as you may, clothe him and set him
up upon his feet, still he fails greatly of the "human form divine;"
and so it is with him morally and spiritually as well. We have seen
that he wants the instinct of immortality, the love of God, the mental
and spiritual power of exercising dominion over the earth. The very
agency by which he is evolved is of itself subversive of all these
higher properties. The struggle for existence is essentially selfish,
and therefore degrading. Even in the lower animals, it is a false
assumption that its tendency is to elevate; for animals when driven to
the utmost verge of struggle for life, become depauperated and
degraded. The dog which spends its life in snarling contention with
its fellow-curs for insufficient food, will not be a noble specimen
of its race. God does not so treat His creatures. There is far more
truth to nature in the doctrine which represents him as listening to
the young ravens when they cry for food. But as applied to man, the
theory of the struggle for existence and survival of the fittest,
though the most popular phase of evolutionism at present, is nothing
less then the basest and most horrible of superstitions. It makes man
not merely carnal, but devilish. It takes his lowest appetites and
propensities, and makes them his God and creator. His higher
sentiments and aspirations, his self-denying philanthropy, his
enthusiasm for the good and true, all the struggles and sufferings of
heroes and martyrs, not to speak of that self-sacrifice which is the
foundation of Christianity, are in the view of the evolutionist mere
loss and waste, failure in the struggle of life. What does he give us
in exchange? An endless pedigree of bestial ancestors, without one
gleam of high or holy tradition to enliven the procession; and for the
future, the prospect that the poor mass of protoplasm which
constitutes the sum of our being, and which is the sole gain of an
indefinite struggle in the past, must soon be resolved again into
inferior animals or dead matter. That men of thought and culture
should advocate such a philosophy, argues either a strange mental
hallucination, or that the higher spiritual nature has been wholly
quenched within them. It is one of the saddest of many sad spectacles
that our age presents. Still these men deserve credit for their bold
pursuit of truth, or what seems to them to be truth; and they are,
after all, nobler sinners then those who would practically lower us to
the level of beasts by their negation even of intellectual life, or
who would reduce us to apes, by making us the mere performers of rites
and ceremonies, as a substitute for religion, or who would advise us
to hand over reason and conscience to the despotic authority of
fallible men dressed in strange garbs, and called by sacred names. The
world needs a philosophy and a Christianity of more robust mould,
which shall recognise, as the Bible does, at once body and soul and
spirit, at once the sovereignty of God and the liberty of man; and
which shall bring out into practical operation the great truth that
God is a Spirit, and they that worship Him must worship Him in spirit
and in truth. Such a religion might walk in the sunlight of truth and
free discussion, hand in hand with science, education, liberty, and
material civilisation, and would speedily consign evolution to the
tomb which has already received so many superstitions and false
philosophies.
INDEX.
A
Abbeville, Peat of, 294.
Acadian Group, 38.
Advent of Man, 286.
Agassiz on Synthetic Types, 181.
_Ammonitidæ_, 221.
Amphibians of the Coal Period, 144.
Andrews on the Post-pliocene, 293.
_Anthracosaurus_, 145.
Anticosti Formation, 61.
Antiquity of Man, 292.
_Archæocyathus_, 47.
Archebiosis, 327.
_Arenicolites_, 46.
_Asterolepis_, 98.
B
_Baculites_, 222.
Bala Limestone, 59.
_Baphetes_, 145.
Barrande on Primordial, 49.
Bastian on Lower forms of Life, 327.
_Beatricea_, 65.
Belemnites, 223.
Bigsby on Silurian Fauna, 75;
on Primordial Life, 52.
Billings on Archæocyathus, 46;
on Feet of Trilobites, 44.
Binney on Stigmaria, 127.
Biology as a term, 327.
Boulder Clay, 268.
Brachiopods, or Lamp-shells, 89.
Breccia of Caverns, 304.
Brown, Mr. K., on Stigmaria, 127.
C
_Calamites_, 104, 129, 173.
Calcaire Grossier, 247.
Cambrian Age, 36; name defined, 49.
Caradoc Rocks, 60.
Carbonic Acid in Atmosphere, 123.
Carboniferous Age, 109;
Land Snails of the, 138;
Crustaceans of the, 154;
Insects of the, 135;
Corals of the, 153;
Plants of the, 120;
Fishes of the, 157;
Footprints in the, 143;
Geography of the, 110;
Reptiles of the, 143.
Carpenter on Cretaceous Sea, 230.
Carruthers on Graptolites, 72.
Cave Earth, 305.
Cavern Deposits, 304.
_Cephalaspis_, 97.
Cephalopods of Silurian, 69.
_Ceteosaurus_, 204;
Foraminifera in the, 227.
Chalk, Nature of, 227.
Chaos, 2.
_Climactichnites_, 45.
Coal, Origin of, 116;
of the Mesozoic, 201.
Colours of Rocks, 110.
Continental Plateaus, 57.
Continents, their Origin, 13.
_Conulus Prisons_, 139.
Cope on Dinosaurs, 202;
on Pterodactyl, 206;
on Mososaurus, 217;
on Caverns, 303.
Corals of the Silurian, 63;
agency of, in forming Limestone, 63, 89;
of the Devonian, 89;
of the Carboniferous, 153.
Corniferous Limestone, 96.
_Coryphodon_, 244.
Creation, Unity of, 33;
not by Evolution, 33;
laws of, 78, 150;
statement of as a theory, 340;
requirements of, 343;
how treated by Evolutionists, 339;
definition and explanation of, 340;
its probable conditions, 352.
Creator, evidence of a personal, 344,
Cretaceous Period, 192, 231;
Sea of the, 230.
Crinoids of the Silurian, 68.
Croll on the Post-pliocene, 262.
_Crusiana_, 45.
Crustaceans of the Primordial, 42;
of the Silurian, 71;
of the Mesozoic, 225.
Crust of the Earth, 5;
Folding of, 165.
Cuvier on Tertiary Mammals, 249.
Cystideans, 69.
D
Dana on Geological Periods, 175.
Darwin, Nature of his Theory, 327;
his account of the Origin of Man, 337;
his statement of Descent of Man, 337.
Davidson on Brachiopods, 169.
Dawkins on Post-glacial Mammals, 300.
Delaunay on Solidity of the Earth, 6.
Deluge, the, 290.
Devonian, or Brian Age, 81;
Physical Condition of, 82;
Tabular View of, 85;
Corals of the, 89;
Fishes of the, 96;
Plants of the, 102;
Geography of the, 82;
Insects of the, 107.
_Dinichthys_, 99.
Dinosaurs, 202.
_Dromatherium_, 208.
Dudley, Fossils of, 69.
E
Earth, its earliest state, 9;
Crust of the, 5;
folding of, 165;
gaseous state of, 9.
Edenic state of Man, 310, 376.
Edwards, Milne, on Devonian Corals, 89.
_Elasmosaurus_, 214.
Elephants, Fossil, 254, 300.
Elevation and Subsidence, 13, 29, 83, 165.
Enaliosaurs, 213.
"Engis" Skull, its characters, 357.
Eocene Seas, 241;
Foraminifera of the, 241;
Mammals of the, 247;
Plants of the, 238;
Footprints in the, 299.
_Eophyton_, 42.
_Eosaurus_, 145,
Eozoic Period, 17.
_Eozoon Bavaricum_, 38.
_Eozoon Canadense_, 20, 24.
Erian, or Devonian, 81;
Reason of the Name, 84;
Table of Erian Formations, 85;
Corals of the, 89;
Fishes of the, 96;
Plants of the, 102.
Eskers or Kames, 286.
Etheridge on Devonian, 85.
_Eurypterus_, 71, 115.
Evolution as applied to Eozoon, 33;
Primordial Animals, 55;
Silurian Animals, 77;
Trilobites, 94, 155;
Reptiles, 150;
Man, 319;
Its Character as a Theory, 320;
Its Difficulties, 322;
Its "Fall of Man," 382,
F
Falconer on Indian Miocene, 252.
_Favosites_, 91.
Ferns of the Devonian, 96;
of the Carboniferous, 120.
Fishes, Ganoid, 99;
of the Silurian, 74;
of the Devonian, 96;
of the Carboniferous, 157.
Flora of the Silurian, 76;
of the Devonian, 102;
of the Carboniferous, 120;
of the Permian, 172;
of the Mesozoic, 199;
of the Eocene, 238;
of the Miocene, 259.
Footprints in the Carboniferous, 143;
in the Trias, 203;
in the Eocene, 297.
Foraminifera, Nature of, 24;
Laurentian, 25;
of the Chalk, 227;
of the Tertiary, 241.
Forbes on Post-glacial Land, 288.
Forests of the Devonian, 102;
of the Carboniferous, 120.
G
Ganoid Fishes, 96, 99.
Gaseous state of the Earth, 9.
Genesis, Book of, its account of Chaos, 2;
of Creation of Land, 13;
of Palæozoic Animals, 187;
of Creation of Reptiles, 150;
of Creation of Mammals, 234, 298;
of the Deluge, 290;
of Creation of Man, 379;
of Eden, 379.
Genesis of the Earth, 1.
Geography of the Silurian, 57;
of the Devonian, 82;
of the Carboniferous, 110;
of the Permian, 163.
Geological Periods, 175, 195.
Glacial Period, 267, 278.
Glauconite, 229.
_Glyptoerinus_, 88.
Graptolites, 72.
Greenland, Miocene Flora of, 260.
Greensand, 229.
Gümbel on Bavarian Eozoon, 37.
H
_Hadrosaurus_, 202.
Hall on Graptolites, 72;
Harlech Beds, 38.
Heer on Tertiary Plants, 261.
Helderberg Rocks, 62.
Hercynian Schists, 37.
Heterogenesis, 327.
Hicks on Primordial Fossils, 38.
Hilgard on Mississippi Delta, 296.
Hippopotamus, Fossil, 300.
_Histioderma_, 46.
Hopkins on Solidity of the Earth, 6.
Hudson River Group, 60.
Hull on Geological Periods, 186.
Hunt, Dr. T. S., on Volcanic Action, 7;
on Chemistry of Primeval Earth, 11;
on Lingulæ, 41.
Huronian Formation, 36.
Huxley on Coal, 132;
on Carboniferous Reptiles, 145;
on Dinosaurs, 202;
on Paley's Argument from Design, 348;
on Good and Evil, 349;
on Intuitive and Rational Actions, 391;
on tendency of Evolutionist views, 348.
_Hylonomus_, 148.
I
Ice-action in Permian, 168;
in Post-pliocene, 270.
_Ichthyosaurus_, 213.
_Iguanodon_, 202.
Insects, Devonian, 107;
Carboniferous, 135.
Intelligence of Animals, Nature of, 328.
J
Jurassic, subdivisions of, 190.
K
Kames, 286.
Kaup on Dinotherium, 251.
Kent's Cavern, 304.
King-crabs of Carboniferous, 154.
King on Carboniferous Reptiles, 143.
L
_Labyrinthodon_, 201,
Lælaps, 203.
Lamp-shells, 40.
Land-snails of Carboniferous, 138.
La Place's Nebular Theory, 7.
Laurentian Rocks, 18;
Life in the, 23;
Plants of the, 32.
_Lepidodendron_, 103, 106, 127.
_Leptophleum_, 104.
Limestone Corniferous, 96;
Nummulitic, 241;
Milioline, 243;
Silurian, 64;
Origin of, 27, 63, 89.
_Limulus_, 154.
_Lingulæ_, 39.
Lingula Flags, 38.
Logan, Sir W., on Laurentian Rocks, 18;
on Reptilian Footprints, 143.
London Clay, 247.
Longmynd Rocks, 38, 47.
Lower Helderberg Group, 62.
Ludlow Group, 62.
Lyell, Sir C., on Devonian Limestone, 89;
on Wealden, 191;
on Classification of the Tertiary, 238.
M
_Machairodus_, 250.
Magnesian Limestones, 166.
Mammals of the Mesozoic, 208;
of the Eocene, 247;
of the Miocene, 250;
of the Pliocene, 256;
of the Post-glacial, 300.
Man, Advent of, 286.
Man, Antiquity of, 292;
History of, according to Theory of Creation, 377;
according to Evolution, 381;
widely different from Apes, 360;
a new type, 365;
Primitive, not a Savage, 367;
his Spiritual Nature, 384, 370, 387;
Locality of his Origin, 373;
Primeval, according to Creation, 377;
according to Evolution, 381.
Mayhill Sandstone, 60.
Medina Sandstone, 60.
_Megalosaurus_, 203.
Menevian Formation, 38.
Mesozoic Ages, 188;
subdivisions of, 189;
Flora of, 199;
Coal of, 201;
Crustaceans of the, 225;
Reptiles of the, 201, 212.
Metalliferous Rocks, 167.
Metamorphism, 21.
_Microlestes_, 208.
Milioline Limestones, 243.
Miller on Old Bed Sandstone, 86.
Millipedes, Fossil, 136.
Miocene Plants, 260;
Climate, 264;
Mammals of, 250.
Mississippi, Delta of the, 296.
Modern Period, 283.
_Mosasaurus_, 206.
Morse on Lingula, 39.
Murchison on the Silurian, 56.
N
Nebular Theory, 7.
Neolithic Age, 284.
Neozoic Ages, 236;
divisions of, 239.
Newberry on Dinichthys, 99.
Nicholson on Graptolites, 72,
Nummulitic Limestones, 241.
O
_Oldhamia_, 45.
Old Bed Sandstone, 86.
Oneida Conglomerate. 69.
_Orthoceratites_, 69, 154.
Oscillations of Continents, 179.
Owen on Dinosaurs, 202;
on Marsupials, 209.
P
Palæolithic Age, 284, 289.
_Palæophis_, 245.
Palæozoic Life, 181;
diagram of, 186.
Paley on Design in Nature; his illustration of the watch, 349.
Peat of Abbeville, 294.
Pengelly on Kent's Hole, 304.
_Pentremites_, 153.
Periods, Geological, 195, 175.
Permian Age, 160;
Geography of the, 163;
Ice-action in the, 168;
Plants of the, 172;
Reptiles of the, 172.
Phillips on Dawn of Life, 30;
on Ceteosaurus, 204.
Pictet on Post-pliocene Mammals, 256;
on Post-glacial Animals, 357.
Pictures of Primeval Man, 376.
Pierce on Diminution of Earth's Rotation, 165.
Pines of the Devonian, 105;
of the Carboniferous, 131;
of the Permian, 173.
Placoid Fishes, 96.
Plants of the Laurentian, 32;
of the Silurian, 76;
of the Devonian, 102;
of the Carboniferous, 124;
of the Permian, 172;
of the Mesozoic, 199;
of the Tertiary 258;
classification of, 122.
Plateaus, Continental, 57.
_Plesiosaurus_, 215.
Pliocene, Climate of, 266;
Mammals of, 256.
_Pliosaurus_, 215.
Pluvial Period, 287.
Post-glacial Age, 283, 292.
Post-pliocene Period, 274;
cold, 278;
Ice-action in the, 270;
Subsidence, 279;
Elevation, 284;
Shells, evidence of, against Derivation, 358;
Mammals, evidence of, against Derivation, 357.
Potsdam Sandstone, 38.
Prestwich on St. Acheul, 294.
Primordial Age, 36;
Crustacean of the, 42.
_Protichnites_, 45.
_Protorosaurus_, 172.
_Prototaxites_, 76.
_Psilophyton_, 76, 103.
_Pteraspis_, 76.
_Pterichthys_, 98.
Pterodactyls, 206.
_Pterygotus_, 93.
_Pupa vetusta_, 139.
Q
Quebec Group, 60.
R
Rain-marks, 47.
Ramsay on Permian, 168.
Red Sandstones, their Origin, 110, 166.
Reptiles of the Carboniferous, 143;
of the Permian, 172;
of the Mesozoic, 201, 212.
Rhinoceros, Fossil, 300.
Rocks, Colours of, 110.
Rotation of the Earth, its Gradual Diminution, 165.
S
Salter on Fossil Crustacea, 155.
Sedgwick on Cambrian, 56, 75.
Seeley on Pterodactyls, 206.
Shrinkage-cracks, 47.
_Sigillaria_, 104, 124.
Silurian Ages, 56;
Cephalopoda of the, 69;
Corals of the, 63;
Crinoids of the 68;
Crustaceans of the, 71;
Fishes of the, 74;
Plants of the, 76.
Siluro-Cambrian, use of the term, 56.
Slaty Structure, 48.
Solidity of the Earth, 6.
Somme, R., Gravels of, 292.
Species, Nature of the, 327;
how Created, 352.
Spencer, his Exposition of Evolution, 321, 331.
Spiritual Nature of Man, 384, 370, 387.
Spore-cases in Coals and Shales, 106.
Stalagmite of Caves, 305.
Striated Rock-surfaces, 269.
Stumps, Fossil of Carboniferous, 140.
Synthetic Types, 181.
T
Table of Devonian Rocks, 85;
of Palæozoic Ages, 187;
of Mesozoic Ages, 234;
of Neozoic Ages, 298;
of Post-pliocene, 276.
Temperature of Interior of the Earth, 4.
Tertiary Period, 236;
Mammals of, 247, 250, 256;
classification of its Rocks, 238.
Thomson, Sir W., on Solidity of the Earth, 6.
Time, Geological Divisions of, 175.
Tinière, Cone of, 293.
Trenton Limestone, 59, 63.
Trias, Divisions of, 189;
Footprints in the, 203.
Trilobites, 43, 94, 154;
Feet of, 43.
Turtles of Mesozoic, 218.
Tylor on Pluvial Period, 287.
Tyndall on Carbonic Acid in Atmosphere, 123.
U
Uniformitarianism in Geology, 8.
Utica Shale, 60.
V
Volcanic Action, 7;
of Cambrian Age, 36;
of Silurian Age, 62;
of Devonian Age, 81, 83.
Von Dechen on Reptiles of Carboniferous, 143, 145.
Von Meyer on Dinosaurs, 202.
W
_Walchia_, 173.
Wallace, his views on Inapplicability of Natural Selection to Man, 368.
Wealden, 191.
Wenlock Group, 62.
_Williamsonia gigas_, 200.
Williamson on Calamites, 181.
Woodward on Pterygotus, 93.
Z
Zaphrentis 92.
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* * * * *
Transcriber's Notes
All obvious typographical errors were corrected. On page 121, there is
an opening quote; but no closing one follows. Based on the text
("Returning from this digression...") on page 124, it was assumed that
the closing quote should have been at the end of the preceding
paragraph. Hyphenation and accents were standardized. However, some
hyphenated and separate word usage (for example, sea bottom(s) and
sea-bottom(s)) were retained due to their grammatic usage.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Story of the Earth and Man, by J. W. Dawson