CHAPTER I.

Produced by Douglas E. Levy

CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST OF GRANADA

By Washington Irving

from the mss. of FRAY ANTONIO AGAPIDA

Author’s Revised Edition

CONTENTS.

I..........Of the Kingdom of Granada, and the Tribute which it Paid

to the Castilian Crown.

II.........Of the Embassy of Don Juan de Vera to Demand Arrears of

Tribute from the Moorish Monarch.

III........Domestic Feuds in the Alhambra--Rival Sultanas--Predictions

concerning Boabdil, the Heir to the Throne--How

Ferdinand Meditates War against Granada, and how he

is Anticipated.

IV.........Expedition of the Muley Abul Hassan against the Fortress

of Zahara.

V..........Expedition of the Marques of Cadiz against Alhama.

VI.........How the People of Granada were Affected on Hearing of the

Capture of the Alhama; and how the Moorish King

sallied forth to Regain it.

VII........How the Duke of Medina Sidonia and the Chivalry of

Andalusia Hastened to the Relief of Alhama.

VIII.......Sequel of the Events at Alhama.

IX.........Events at Granada, and Rise of the Moorish King, Boabdil

el Chico.

X..........Royal Expedition against Loxa.

XI.........How Muley Abul Hassan made a Foray into the Lands of

Medina Sidonia, and how he was Received.

XII........Foray of Spanish Cavaliers among the Mountains of Malaga.

XIII.......Effects of the Disasters among the Mountains of Malaga.

XIV........How King Boabdil el Chico Marched over the Border.

XV.........How the Count de Cabra sallied forth from his Castle in

Quest of King Boabdil.

XVI........The Battle of Lucena.

XVII.......Lamentations of the Moors for the Battle of Lucena.

XVIII......How Muley Abul Hassan Profited by the Misfortunes of his

Son Boabdil.

XIX........Captivity of Boabdil el Chico.

XX.........Of the Treatment of Boabdil by the Castilian Sovereigns.

XXI........Return of Boabdil from Captivity.

XXII.......Foray of the Moorish Alcaydes, and Battle of Lopera.

XXIII......Retreat of Hamet el Zegri, Alcayde of Ronda.

XXIV.......Of the reception at Court of the Count de Cabra and the

Alcayde de los Donceles.

XXV........How the Marques of Cadiz concerted to Surprise Zahara,

and the Result of his Enterprise.

XXVI.......Of the Fortress of Alhama, and how Wisely it was Governed

by the Count de Tendilla.

XXVII......Foray of Christian Knights into the Territory of the Moors.

XXVIII.....Attempt of El Zagal to Surprise Boabdil in Almeria.

XXIX.......How King Ferdinand Commenced another Campaign against the

Moors, and how he Laid Siege to Coin and Cartama.

XXX........Siege of Ronda.

XXXI.......How the People of Granada invited El Zagal to the Throne,

and how he Marched to the Capital.

XXXII......How the Count de Cabra attempted to Capture another King,

and how he Fared in his Attempt.

XXXIII.....Expedition against the Castles of Cambil and Albahar.

XXXIV......Enterprise of the Knights of Calatrava against Zalea.

XXXV.......Death of Muley Abul Hassan.

XXXVI......Of the Christian Army which Assembled at the City of

Cordova.

XXXVII.....How Fresh Commotions broke out in Granada, and how the

People undertook to Allay them.

XXXVIII....How King Ferdinand held a Council of War at the Rock of

the Lovers.

XXXIX......How the Royal Army appeared Before the City of Loxa, and

how it was Received; and of the Doughty Achievements

of the English Earl.

XL.........Conclusion of the Siege of Loxa.

XLI........Capture of Illora.

XLII.......Of the Arrival of Queen Isabella at the Camp before Moclin;

and of the Pleasant Sayings of the English Earl.

XLIII......How King Ferdinand Attacked Moclin, and of the Strange

Events that attended its Capture.

XLIV.......How King Ferdinand Foraged the Vega; and of the Battle of

the Bridge of Pinos, and the Fate of the two Moorish

Brothers.

XLV........Attempt of El Zagal upon the Life of Boabdil, and how the

Latter was Roused to Action.

XLVI.......How Boabdil returned Secretly to Granada, and how he was

Received.--Second Embassy of Don Juan de Vera, and his

Perils in the Alhambra.

XLVII......How King Ferdinand laid Siege to Velez Malaga.

XLVIII.....How King Ferdinand and his Army were Exposed to Imminent

Peril before Velez Malaga.

XLIX.......Result of the Stratagem of El Zagal to Surprise King

Ferdinand.

L..........How the People of Granada Rewarded the Valor of El Zagal.

LI.........Surrender of the Velez Malaga and Other Places.

LII........Of the City of Malaga and its Inhabitants.--Mission of

Hernando del Pulgar.

LIII.......Advance of King Ferdinand against Malaga.

LIV........Siege of Malaga.

LV.........Siege of Malaga continued.--Obstinacy of Hamet el Zegri.

LVI........Attack of the Marques of Cadiz upon Gibralfaro.

LVII.......Siege of Malaga continued.--Stratagems of Various Kinds.

LVIII......Sufferings of the People of Malaga.

LIX........How a Moorish Santon Undertook to Deliver the City of

Malaga from the Power of its Enemies.

LX.........How Hamet el Zegri was Hardened in his Obstinacy by the

Arts of a Moorish Astrologer.

LXI........Siege of Malaga continued.--Destruction of a Tower by

Francisco Ramirez de Madrid.

LXII.......How the People of Malaga expostulated with Hamet el Zegri.

LXIII......How Hamet el Zegri Sallied forth with the Sacred Banner to

Attack the Christian Camp.

LXIV.......How the City of Malaga Capitulated.

LXV........Fulfilment of the Prophecy of the Dervise.--Fate of Hamet

el Zegri.

LXVI.......How the Castilian Sovereigns took Possession of the City

of Malaga, and how King Ferdinand signalized himself

by his Skill in Bargaining with the Inhabitants for

their Ransom.

LXVII......How King Ferdinand prepared to Carry the War into a

Different Part of the Territories of the Moors.

LXVIII.....How King Ferdinand Invaded the Eastern Side of the

Kingdom of Granada, and how He was Received by

El Zagal.

LXIX.......How the Moors made Various Enterprises against the

Christians.

LXX........How King Ferdinand prepared to Besiege the City of Baza,

and how the City prepared for Defence.

LXXI.......The Battle of the Gardens before Baza.

LXXII......Siege of Baza.--Embarrassments of the Army.

LXXIII.....Siege of Baza continued.--How King Ferdinand completely

Invested the City.

LXXIV......Exploit of Hernan Perez del Pulgar and Other Cavaliers.

LXXV.......Continuation of the Siege of Baza.

LXXVI......How Two Friars from the Holy Land arrived at the Camp.

LXXVII.....How Queen Isabella devised Means to Supply the Army

with Provisions.

LXXVIII....Of the Disasters which Befell the Camp.

LXXIX......Encounters between the Christians and Moors before Baza,

and the Devotion of the Inhabitants to the Defence of

their City.

LXXX.......How Queen Isabella arrived at the Camp, and the

Consequences of her Arrival.

LXXXI......Surrender of Baza.

LXXXII.....Submission of El Zagal to the Castilian Sovereigns.

LXXXIII....Events at Granada subsequent to the Submission of El Zagal.

LXXXIV.....How King Ferdinand turned his Hostilities against the City

of Granada.

LXXXV......The Fate of the Castle of Roma.

LXXXVI.....How Boabdil el Chico took the Field, and his Expedition

against Alhendin.

LXXXVII....Exploit of the Count de Tendilla.

LXXXVIII...Expedition of Boabdil el Chico against Salobrena.--Exploit

of Hernan Perez del Pulgar.

LXXXIX.....How King Ferdinand Treated the People of Guadix, and how

El Zagal Finished his Regal Career.

XC.........Preparations of Granada for a Desperate Defence.

XCI........How King Ferdinand conducted the Siege cautiously, and

how Queen Isabella arrived at the Camp.

XCII.......Of the Insolent Defiance of Tarfe the Moor, and the Daring

Exploit of Hernan Perez del Pulgar.

XCIII......How Queen Isabella took a View of the City of Granada, and

how her Curiosity cost the Lives of many Christians

and Moors.

XCIV.......The Last Ravage before Granada.

XCV........Conflagration of the Christian Camp.--Building of Santa Fe.

XCVI.......Famine and Discord in the City.

XCVII......Capitulation of Granada.

XCVIII.....Commotions in Granada.

XCIX.......Surrender of Granada.

C..........How the Castilian Sovereigns took Possession of Granada.

Appendix.

INTRODUCTION.

Although the following Chronicle bears the name of the venerable Fray

Antonio Agapida, it is rather a superstructure reared upon the fragments

which remain of his work. It may be asked, Who is this same Agapida, who

is cited with such deference, yet whose name is not to be found in any

of the catalogues of Spanish authors? The question is hard to answer. He

appears to have been one of the many indefatigable authors of Spain who

have filled the libraries of convents and cathedrals with their

tomes, without ever dreaming of bringing their labors to the press. He

evidently was deeply and accurately informed of the particulars of the

wars between his countrymen and the Moors, a tract of history but too

much overgrown with the weeds of fable. His glowing zeal, also, in the

cause of the Catholic faith entitles him to be held up as a model of the

good old orthodox chroniclers, who recorded with such pious exultation

the united triumphs of the cross and the sword. It is deeply to be

regretted, therefore, that his manuscripts, deposited in the libraries

of various convents, have been dispersed during the late convulsions

in Spain, so that nothing is now to be met of them but disjointed

fragments. These, however, are too precious to be suffered to fall into

oblivion, as they contain many curious facts not to be found in any

other historian. In the following work, therefore, the manuscript of the

worthy Fray Antonio will be adopted wherever it exists entire, but will

be filled up, extended, illustrated, and corroborated by citations

from various authors, both Spanish and Arabian, who have treated of the

subject. Those who may wish to know how far the work is indebted to the

Chronicle of Fray Antonio Agapida may readily satisfy their curiosity

by referring to his manuscript fragments, carefully preserved in the

Library of the Escurial.

Before entering upon the history it may be as well to notice the

opinions of certain of the most learned and devout historiographers of

former times relative to this war.

Marinus Siculus, historian to Charles V., pronounces it a war to avenge

ancient injuries received by the Christians from the Moors, to recover

the kingdom of Granada, and to extend the name and honor of the

Christian religion.*

* Lucio Marino Siculo, Cosas Memorabiles de Espana, lib. 20.

Estevan de Garibay, one of the most distinguished Spanish historians,

regards the war as a special act of divine clemency toward the Moors, to

the end that those barbarians and infidels, who had dragged out so many

centuries under the diabolical oppression of the absurd sect of Mahomet,

should at length be reduced to the Christian faith.*

* Garibay, Compend. Hist. Espana, lib. 18, c. 22.

Padre Mariana, also a venerable Jesuit and the most renowned historian

of Spain, considers the past domination of the Moors a scourge inflicted

on the Spanish nation for its iniquities, but the conquest of Granada

the reward of Heaven for its great act of propitiation in establishing

the glorious tribunal of the Inquisition! No sooner (says the worthy

father) was this holy office opened in Spain than there shone forth a

resplendent light. Then it was that, through divine favor, the nation

increased in power, and became competent to overthrow and trample down

the Moorish domination.*

* Mariana, Hist. Espana, lib. 25, c. 1.

Having thus cited high and venerable authority for considering this war

in the light of one of those pious enterprises denominated crusades, we

trust we have said enough to engage the Christian reader to follow us

into the field and stand by us to the very issue of the encounter.

NOTE TO THE REVISED EDITION.

The foregoing introduction, prefixed to the former editions of this

work, has been somewhat of a detriment to it. Fray Antonio Agapida was

found to be an imaginary personage, and this threw a doubt over the

credibility of his Chronicle, which was increased by a vein of irony

indulged here and there, and by the occasional heightening of some of

the incidents and the romantic coloring of some of the scenes. A word or

two explanatory may therefore be of service.*

* Many of the observations in this note have already appeared in

an explanatory article which at Mr. Murray’s request, the author

furnished to the London Quarterly Review.

The idea of the work was suggested while I was occupied at Madrid in

writing the Life of Columbus. In searching for traces of his early life

I was led among the scenes of the war of Granada, he having followed the

Spanish sovereigns in some of their campaigns, and been present at the

surrender of the Moorish capital. I actually wove some of these scenes

into the biography, but found they occupied an undue space, and stood

out in romantic relief not in unison with the general course of the

narrative. My mind, however, had become so excited by the stirring

events and romantic achievements of this war that I could not return

with composure to the sober biography I had in hand. The idea then

occurred, as a means of allaying the excitement, to throw off a rough

draught of the history of this war, to be revised and completed at

future leisure. It appeared to me that its true course and character

had never been fully illustrated. The world had received a strangely

perverted idea of it through Florian’s romance of “Gonsalvo of Cordova,”

or through the legend, equally fabulous, entitled “The Civil Wars of

Granada,” by Ginez Perez de la Hita, the pretended work of an Arabian

contemporary, but in reality a Spanish fabrication. It had been woven

over with love-tales and scenes of sentimental gallantry totally

opposite to its real character; for it was, in truth, one of the

sternest of those iron conflicts sanctified by the title of “holy wars.”

In fact, the genuine nature of the war placed it far above the need

of any amatory embellishments. It possessed sufficient interest in the

striking contrast presented by the combatants of Oriental and European

creeds, costumes, and manners, and in the hardy and harebrained

enterprises, the romantic adventures, the picturesque forays through

mountain regions, the daring assaults and surprisals of cliff-built

castles and cragged fortresses, which succeeded each other with a

variety and brilliancy beyond the scope of mere invention.

The time of the contest also contributed to heighten the interest.

It was not long after the invention of gunpowder, when firearms and

artillery mingled the flash and smoke and thunder of modern warfare with

the steely splendor of ancient chivalry, and gave an awful magnificence

and terrible sublimity to battle, and when the old Moorish towers and

castles, that for ages had frowned defiance to the battering-rams and

catapults of classic tactics, were toppled down by the lombards of

the Spanish engineers. It was one of the cases in which history rises

superior to fiction.

The more I thought about the subject, the more I was tempted to

undertake it, and the facilities at hand at length determined me. In the

libraries of Madrid and in the private library of the American consul,

Mr. Rich, I had access to various chronicles and other works, both

printed and in manuscript, written at the time by eyewitnesses, and

in some instances by persons who had actually mingled in the scenes

recorded and gave descriptions of them from different points of view and

with different details. These works were often diffuse and tedious,

and occasionally discolored by the bigotry, superstition, and fierce

intolerance of the age; but their pages were illumined at times with

scenes of high emprise, of romantic generosity, and heroic valor, which

flashed upon the reader with additional splendor from the surrounding

darkness. I collated these various works, some of which have never

appeared in print, drew from each facts relative to the different

enterprises, arranged them in as clear and lucid order as I could

command, and endeavored to give them somewhat of a graphic effect by

connecting them with the manners and customs of the age in which they

occurred. The rough draught being completed, I laid the manuscript aside

and proceeded with the Life of Columbus. After this was finished and

sent to the press I made a tour in Andalusia, visited the ruins of the

Moorish towns, fortresses, and castles, and the wild mountain-passes and

defiles which had been the scenes of the most remarkable events of the

war, and passed some time in the ancient palace of the Alhambra, the

once favorite abode of the Moorish monarchs. Everywhere I took notes,

from the most advantageous points of view, of whatever could serve to

give local verity and graphic effect to the scenes described. Having

taken up my abode for a time at Seville, I then resumed my manuscript

and rewrote it, benefited by my travelling notes and the fresh and vivid

impressions of my recent tour. In constructing my chronicle I adopted

the fiction of a Spanish monk as the chronicler. Fray Antonio Agapida

was intended as a personification of the monkish zealots who hovered

about the sovereigns in their campaigns, marring the chivalry of the

camp by the bigotry of the cloister, and chronicling in rapturous

strains every act of intolerance toward the Moors. In fact, scarce a

sally of the pretended friar when he bursts forth in rapturous eulogy of

some great stroke of selfish policy on the part of Ferdinand, or exults

over some overwhelming disaster of the gallant and devoted Moslems,

but is taken almost word for word from one or other of the orthodox

chroniclers of Spain.

The ironical vein also was provoked by the mixture of kingcraft and

priestcraft discernible throughout this great enterprise, and the

mistaken zeal and self-delusion of many of its most gallant and generous

champions. The romantic coloring seemed to belong to the nature of the

subject, and was in harmony with what I had seen in my tour through the

poetical and romantic regions in which the events had taken place. With

all these deductions the work, in all its essential points, was faithful

to historical fact and built upon substantial documents. It was a great

satisfaction to me, therefore, after the doubts that had been expressed

of the authenticity of my chronicle, to find it repeatedly and largely

used by Don Miguel Lafuente Alcantara of Granada in his recent

learned and elaborate history of his native city, he having had ample

opportunity, in his varied and indefatigable researches, of judging how

far it accorded with documentary authority.

I have still more satisfaction in citing the following testimonial of

Mr. Prescott, whose researches for his admirable history of Ferdinand

and Isabella took him over the same ground I had trodden. His

testimonial is written in the liberal and courteous spirit

characteristic of him, but with a degree of eulogium which would make me

shrink from quoting it did I not feel the importance of his voucher for

the substantial accuracy of my work:

“Mr. Irving’s late publication, the ‘Chronicle of the Conquest

of Granada,’ has superseded all further necessity for poetry and,

unfortunately for me, for history. He has fully availed himself of all

the picturesque and animating movement of this romantic era, and the

reader who will take the trouble to compare his chronicle with the

present more prosaic and literal narrative will see how little he

has been seduced from historic accuracy by the poetical aspect of his

subject. The fictitious and romantic dress of his work has enabled him

to make it the medium of reflecting more vividly the floating opinions

and chimerical fancies of the age, while he has illuminated the picture

with the dramatic brilliancy of coloring denied to sober history.” *

* Prescott’s Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. ii. c. 15.

In the present edition I have endeavored to render the work more worthy

of the generous encomium of Mr. Prescott. Though I still retain the

fiction of the monkish author Agapida, I have brought my narrative more

strictly within historical bounds, have corrected and enriched it in

various parts with facts recently brought to light by the researches

of Alcantara and others, and have sought to render it a faithful and

characteristic picture of the romantic portion of history to which it

relates.

W. I.

Sunnyside, 1850.

A CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST OF GRANADA.

CHAPTER I.

OF THE KINGDOM OF GRANADA, AND THE TRIBUTE WHICH IT PAID TO THE

CASTILIAN CROWN.

The history of those bloody and disastrous wars which have caused the

downfall of mighty empires (observes Fray Antonio Agapida) has ever been

considered a study highly delectable and full of precious edification.

What, then, must be the history of a pious crusade waged by the most

Catholic of sovereigns to rescue from the power of the infidels one of

the most beautiful but benighted regions of the globe? Listen, then,

while from the solitude of my cell I relate the events of the conquest

of Granada, where Christian knight and turbaned infidel disputed, inch

by inch, the fair land of Andalusia, until the Crescent, that symbol of

heathenish abomination, was cast down, and the blessed Cross, the tree

of our redemption, erected in its stead.

Nearly eight hundred years were past and gone since the Arabian invaders

had sealed the perdition of Spain by the defeat of Don Roderick, the

last of her Gothic kings. Since that disastrous event one portion after

another of the Peninsula had been gradually recovered by the Christian

princes, until the single but powerful and warlike territory of Granada

alone remained under the domination of the Moors.

This renowned kingdom, situated in the southern part of Spain and washed

on one side by the Mediterranean Sea, was traversed in every direction

by sierras or chains of lofty and rugged mountains, naked, rocky, and

precipitous, rendering it almost impregnable, but locking up within

their sterile embraces deep, rich, and verdant valleys of prodigal

fertility.

In the centre of the kingdom lay its capital, the beautiful city of

Granada, sheltered, as it were, in the lap of the Sierra Nevada, or

Snowy Mountains. Its houses, seventy thousand in number, covered two

lofty hills with their declivities and a deep valley between them,

through which flowed the Darro. The streets were narrow, as is usual in

Moorish and Arab cities, but there were occasionally small squares and

open places. The houses had gardens and interior courts, set out with

orange, citron, and pomegranate trees and refreshed by fountains, so

that as the edifices ranged above each other up the sides of the hills,

they presented a delightful appearance of mingled grove and city. One of

the hills was surmounted by the Alcazaba, a strong fortress commanding

all that part of the city; the other by the Alhambra, a royal palace and

warrior castle, capable of containing within its alcazar and towers

a garrison of forty thousand men, but possessing also its harem, the

voluptuous abode of the Moorish monarchs, laid out with courts and

gardens, fountains and baths, and stately halls decorated in the most

costly style of Oriental luxury. According to Moorish tradition, the

king who built this mighty and magnificent pile was skilled in the

occult sciences, and furnished himself with the necessary funds by means

of alchemy.* Such was its lavish splendor that even at the present day

the stranger, wandering through its silent courts and deserted halls,

gazes with astonishment at gilded ceilings and fretted domes, the

brilliancy and beauty of which have survived the vicissitudes of war and

the silent dilapidation of ages.

* Zurita, lib. 20, c. 42.

The city was surrounded by high walls, three leagues in circuit,

furnished with twelve gates and a thousand and thirty towers. Its

elevation above the sea and the neighborhood of the Sierra Nevada

crowned with perpetual snows tempered the fervid rays of summer, so that

while other cities were panting with the sultry and stifling heat of the

dog-days, the most salubrious breezes played through the marble halls of

Granada.

The glory of the city, however, was its Vega or plain, which spread

out to a circumference of thirty-seven leagues, surrounded by lofty

mountains, and was proudly compared to the famous plain of Damascus. It

was a vast garden of delight, refreshed by numerous fountains and by the

silver windings of the Xenil. The labor and ingenuity of the Moors had

diverted the waters of this river into thousands of rills and streams,

and diffused them over the whole surface of the plain. Indeed, they had

wrought up this happy region to a degree of wonderful prosperity, and

took a pride in decorating it as if it had been a favorite mistress. The

hills were clothed with orchards and vineyards, the valleys embroidered

with gardens, and the wide plains covered with waving grain. Here were

seen in profusion the orange, the citron, the fig, and the pomegranate,

with great plantations of mulberry trees, from which was produced the

finest silk. The vine clambered from tree to tree, the grapes hung in

rich clusters about the peasant’s cottage, and the groves were rejoiced

by the perpetual song of the nightingale. In a word, so beautiful was

the earth, so pure the air, and so serene the sky of this delicious

region that the Moors imagined the paradise of their Prophet to be

situated in that part of the heaven which overhung the kingdom of

Granada.

Within this favored realm, so prodigally endowed and strongly fortified

by nature, the Moslem wealth, valor, and intelligence, which had once

shed such a lustre over Spain, had gradually retired, and here they made

their final stand. Granada had risen to splendor on the ruin of other

Moslem kingdoms, but in so doing had become the sole object of Christian

hostility, and had to maintain its very existence by the sword. The

Moorish capital accordingly presented a singular scene of Asiatic luxury

and refinement, mingled with the glitter and the din of arms. Letters

were still cultivated, philosophy and poetry had their schools and

disciples, and the language spoken was said to be the most elegant

Arabic. A passion for dress and ornament pervaded all ranks. That of

the princesses and ladies of high rank, says Al Kattib, one of their

own writers, was carried to a height of luxury and magnificence that

bordered on delirium. They wore girdles and bracelets and anklets of

gold and silver, wrought with exquisite art and delicacy and studded

with jacinths, chrysolites, emeralds, and other precious stones. They

were fond of braiding and decorating their beautiful long tresses or

confining them in knots sparkling with jewels. They were finely formed,

excessively fair, graceful in their manners, and fascinating in their

conversation; when they smiled, says Al Kattib, they displayed teeth of

dazzling whiteness, and their breath was as the perfume of flowers.

The Moorish cavaliers, when not in armor, delighted in dressing

themselves in Persian style, in garments of wool, of silk, or cotton of

the finest texture, beautifully wrought with stripes of various colors.

In winter they wore, as an outer garment, the African cloak or Tunisian

albornoz, but in the heat of summer they arrayed themselves in linen

of spotless whiteness. The same luxury prevailed in their military

equipments. Their armor was inlaid and chased with gold and silver. The

sheaths of their scimetars were richly labored and enamelled, the blades

were of Damascus bearing texts from the Koran or martial and amorous

mottoes; the belts were of golden filigree studded with gems; their

poniards of Fez were wrought in the arabesque fashion; their lances bore

gay bandaroles; their horses were sumptuously caparisoned with housings

of green and crimson velvet, wrought with silk and enamelled with

gold and silver. All this warlike luxury of the youthful chivalry was

encouraged by the Moorish kings, who ordained that no tax should be

imposed on the gold and silver employed in these embellishments; and the

same exception was extended to the bracelets and other ornaments worn

by the fair dames of Granada.

Of the chivalrous gallantry which prevailed between the sexes in this

romantic period of Moorish history we have traces in the thousand

ballads which have come down to our day, and which have given a tone

and coloring to Spanish amatory literature and to everything in Spain

connected with the tender passion.

War was the normal state of Granada and its inhabitants; the common

people were subject at any moment to be summoned to the field, and all

the upper class was a brilliant chivalry. The Christian princes, so

successful in regaining the rest of the Peninsula, found their triumphs

checked at the mountain-boundaries of this kingdom. Every peak had its

atalaya, or watch-tower, ready to make its fire by night or to send

up its column of smoke by day, a signal of invasion at which the whole

country was on the alert. To penetrate the defiles of this perilous

country, to surprise a frontier fortress, or to make a foray into the

Vega and a hasty ravage within sight of the very capital were among the

most favorite and daring exploits of the Castilian chivalry. But they

never pretended to hold the region thus ravaged; it was sack, burn,

plunder, and away; and these desolating inroads were retaliated in

kind by the Moorish cavaliers, whose greatest delight was a “tala,”

or predatory incursion, into the Christian territories beyond the

mountains.

A partisan warfare of this kind had long existed between Granada and its

most formidable antagonists, the kingdoms of Castile and Leon. It was

one which called out the keen yet generous rivalry of Christian and

Moslem cavaliers, and gave rise to individual acts of chivalrous

gallantry and daring prowess; but it was one which was gradually

exhausting the resources and sapping the strength of Granada. One of the

latest of its kings, therefore, Aben Ismael by name, disheartened by a

foray which had laid waste the Vega, and conscious that the balance of

warfare was against his kingdom, made a truce in 1457 with Henry IV.,

king of Castile and Leon, stipulating to pay him an annual tribute of

twelve thousand doblas or pistoles of gold, and to liberate annually six

hundred Christian captives, or in default of captives to give an

equal number of Moors as hostages,--all to be delivered at the city of

Cordova.*

* Garibay, Compend., 1.17, c. 3.

The truce, however, was of a partial nature, with singular reservations.

It did not include the Moorish frontier toward Jaen, which was to

remain open for the warlike enterprises of either nation; neither did it

prohibit sudden attacks upon towns and castles, provided they were mere

forays, conducted furtively, without sound of trumpet or display of

banners or pitching of camps or regular investment, and that they did

not last above three days.*

* Zurita, Anales de Aragon, 1. 20, c. 42; Mariana, Hist. de Espana 1.

25, c. 1; Bleda, Coron. de los Moros, l. 5, c. 3.

Aben Ismael was faithful in observing the conditions of the truce, but

they were regarded with impatience by his eldest son, Muley Abul Hassan,

a prince of a fiery and belligerent spirit, and fond of casing himself

in armor and mounting his war-horse. He had been present at Cordova at

one of the payments of tribute, and had witnessed the scoffs and

taunts of the Christians, and his blood boiled whenever he recalled the

humiliating scene. When he came to the throne in 1465, on the death of

his father, he ceased the payment of the tribute altogether, and it was

sufficient to put him into a tempest of rage only to mention it.

“He was a fierce and warlike infidel,” says the pious Fray Antonio

Agapida; “his bitterness against the holy Christian faith had been

signalized in battle during the lifetime of his father, and the same

diabolical spirit of hostility was apparent in his ceasing to pay this

most righteous tribute.”

Chronicle of the Conquest of Granada, from the mss. of Fray Antonio Agapida · 第 1 / 100 章