Southern States rebelled outright, and protested through their
legislatures against the measure as unconstitutional. Some favored
secession; others advocated nullification, and this was what was done.
They nullified the law and refused to stand by it. Clamor for State
rights was heard on every side. But they did not take this step till
they had waited two or three years for Congress to give relief by
reducing the tariff. In 1832 the crisis came; nullification was
pronounced by South Carolina, and she forbade the collection of tariff
duties in her own State. She also declared that if the United States
used force, she would withdraw from the Union and organize a separate
government. Andrew Jackson, who was President, determined to enforce the
tariff law in the State, and asked Congress for the power to use the
army to sustain the law. Volunteers had offered in South Carolina, and
the country stood aghast at the prospect of civil war. Here again Henry
Clay's eloquence saved the day. He proposed the measure of gradually
reducing the tariff through a period of ten years till it would provide
only for the expenses of the government. This removed the cause of
trouble, so South Carolina rescinded her act of nullification.
The South had continually yielded up portions of her immense territory
to the Union, and thus far there had been an equal balance of power in
the legislative voting of the two sections. The annexation of Texas
raised a stormy conflict. The South hoped for a division of this large
tract into five slave states. The North, as usual, wished to obtain
the lion's share. In 1835 Arkansas was admitted a slave State. In 1836
Michigan came in with free labor. After the Mexican War the retrospect
showed that since the Declaration of Independence the North had
possessed herself of nearly three-fourths of all the territory added
to the original states. She fought the annexation of Texas because it
would be slave-holding. In 1845 Florida was admitted with slave labor.
In the same year Texas came in as a slave State. In 1846 Iowa came in
with free labor; in 1848 Wisconsin, also free. When California applied
for admission in 1850 there was such bitter antagonism that it was
universally feared the Southern States would secede from the Union.
Should she be a free state there would then be no other State to offset
it with slaves. It was finally decided to leave the choice to California
herself. Henry Clay was again at hand to effect a satisfactory
compromise. In a former paper I have referred to the Fugitive Slave Law,
whereby runaway slaves should be captured and sent back to their owners.
But about a decade before the war, a great Abolition wave had begun
to flood the country. Thurlow Weed, William Lloyd Garrison, Parson
Brownlow, John Brown and Mrs. Stowe, by the power of tongue and pen
and printing press, endeavored to stir up the North to the pitch of
fanatical desperation, and the slaves to revolt against their masters.
It was not for the sake of the Union. Perish the Union, if only the
slaves were freed. Drive out the Southern States if they refused to
abolish them. Their acts and their words were the extreme of anarchy
and tyranny.
Jealousy had long formed a vindictive element in their breasts. And how
could the two sections be wholly fraternal? They had come from, not only
different stocks of population, but from different creeds in religion
and politics. There could be no congeniality between the Puritan exiles
who settled upon the cold, rugged and cheerless soil of New England,
and the Cavaliers who sought the brighter climate of the south, and who,
in their baronial halls, felt nothing in common with roundheads and
regicides.
In 1859 the tragic raid of John Brown at Harper's Ferry--his
execution--and the startling effects of the open outbreak against
slavery put the Southern States on guard. When the next presidential
election came on it was apparent from Mr. Lincoln's debates with Mr.
Douglas, what the future policy of the government would be. When he
therefore, won the election, the south withdrew her representatives from
Congress, and her states from the Union. Secession, so long threatened
by both sections in turn, had come at last. Everything had been done on
the floor of the House to harmonize the issues, but without avail.
On December 20, 1860 South Carolina passed the ordinance of secession.
On January 9, 1861, Mississippi followed; Florida, January 10; Alabama,
January 11; Georgia, January 19; Louisiana, January 26; Texas, February
1; Virginia, April 17; Arkansas, May 6; North Carolina, May 20;
Tennessee, June 8.
To sum up the Causes for the secession of the South:
1. The State had always been supreme: each was a distinct sovereignty,
not subject to the general government in matters of their own home rule.
2. The interests of the South were injured by the burden of tax for the
benefit of the North.
3. The Republican party had determined that slavery should not be
admitted in the territories--the Republicans were in power, and
foreseeing further interference in their rights, the South thought the
time had come to form an independent government.
4. The North refused to accept the compromise proposed by Senator John
J. Crittenden of Kentucky, which might have averted the war. Nor would
she consent to submit the matter to a vote of the people; hence there
was no chance for harmony. The aggressive measures of the North were
such as no self-respecting State in the South could endure.
It had come to be a habit in Congress, to insult the South because she
held slaves.
Reason and right alike succumbed to prejudice and hatred, and the
dissatisfied States, weary of wrong and oppression, sounded the note
of separation; and from every throat burst the refrain;--
We are a band of brothers,
Native to the soil,
Fighting for the property,
We've gained by honest toil.
* * * * *
Hurrah! Hurrah! for Southern rights hurrah!
Hurrah! for the Bonnie Blue Flag
That bear a single star.
The Southern Confederacy
Read May 11, 1909
More than a hundred years ago the American States rebelled against the
tyranny of England, the mother country, and formed a Confederacy of and
among themselves to work together for their own welfare and prosperity.
It was granted by their Constitution, and by the States, that each or
any individual State had the right under provocation, to withdraw from
the pact.
Not quite fifty years ago the Southern States of this Union, having
endured provocation after provocation, withdrew from their Northern
oppressors, and formed themselves into the Confederacy, whose brief
existence ran red with the best blood of her chivalrous land. War
was not contemplated. A peaceable separation was desired. A peace
conference was held to which representatives of the States were invited.
Measure after measure was proposed, so that war might be averted. All
were rejected. The recusant States must be whipped back into submission
to the autocrats that would direct their affairs. With restricted
territory, a minority of population, and home interests directly opposed
to those of the over-riding North, what was there to hope for but
continuous degradation? Our leaders have been accused of precipitating
the war for their own personal ambition. It was another "Aaron Burr
conspiracy." Let us hear what they had to say about it.
Jefferson Davis, the fearless soldier and upright citizen--the man who
by reason of his supreme fitness was a little later, chosen President of
the Confederacy, said in his last speech before the United States
Senate:
"Secession is to be justified upon the basis that the States are
sovereign. When you deny us the right to withdraw from a government
which threatens our rights, we but tread in the paths of our fathers
when we proclaim our independence. I am sure I but express the feelings
of the people whom I represent, toward those whom you represent, when
I say I hope, and they hope, for peaceable relations with you, though
we must part. This step is taken, not in hostility to others, not to
injure any section of the country, not even for our own pecuniary
benefit; but from the high and solemn motive of defending and protecting
the rights we inherited, and which it is our sacred duty to transmit
unshorn to our children."
Alexander Hamilton Stephens, of Georgia, Vice President of the
Confederacy, was a Whig, and like others of the leading statesmen,
loved the Union. When the North began to control the new territories,
and thus denied the South her legitimate share in the government
thereof, Mr. Stephens made a long and powerful argument in the House of
Representatives at Washington, some years before the Secession. He said
in part:
"If you men of the North, by right of superior numbers, persist in
ignoring the claims of the South, separation must follow; but why not
in peace? We say as did the patriarch of old, "Let there be no strife,
I pray thee, between me and thee * * * for we be brethren. Is not the
whole land before thee? Separate thyself, I pray thee, from me If thou
will take the left hand, then I will go to the right; or if thou depart
to the right hand then I will go to the left." In other words if we
cannot enjoy this public domain in common, let us divide it. This is a
fair proposition. * * * Unless these bitter and sectional feelings of
the North be kept out of the National Halls, we must be prepared for
the worst. Are your feelings too narrow to make concessions and deal
justly by the whole country? Have you formed a fixed determination to
carry your measures by numerical strength, and then enforce them by
the bayonet? If so the consequences be upon your own head. You may
think that the suppression of an outbreak of the Southern States would
be a holiday job for a few of your Northern regiments, but you may
find to your cost, in the end, that 7,000,000 of people, fighting for
their rights, their homes, and their hearthstones, cannot be easily
conquered. I submit the matter to your deliberate consideration."
Mr. Stephens, in a speech before the Georgia legislature opposed
secession, but said: "Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union,
whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of my people. Their
cause is my cause, and their destiny is my destiny."
These speeches and sentiments do not savor of stirring up strife--of
leading the South into rebellion "so that I may be king, and thou
my standard bearer." There could be no treason in doing what the
Constitution of the United States permitted. And so every speech of
farewell made by Southern representatives, was one, first of pleading
for redress--then of sincere regret that self-respect and justice forced
the rupture. The South never desired war, or bloodshed. The North defied
possible war, believing that within a month, at least, any resistance
must certainly be conquered. "We can easily whip them back." Well, it
was done, but not so easily. Not till years of carnage had wrought
their destiny.
John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, Vice President of the United States,
was termed the arch-traitor of all. His published speeches are in the
same spirit of regret, and of affection for the Union. In burning words
he showed how the Northern representatives were trampling down the
Constitution, and in eloquent remonstrance he pointed the way of escape
from threatened disaster. After leaving Congress he entered the
Confederate army as Major General, and served as Secretary of War in the
cabinet of President Davis.
Robert Toombs, of Georgia, was Secretary of State. In his speech before
the U.S. Senate in January, 1861, he reminded his hearers that the
Southern States had hundreds of sympathizers among the men of the North,
"who respect their oaths, abide by compacts, and love justice."
"The brave and patriotic men of the South appealed to the Constitution,
they appealed to justice, they appealed to fraternity, until the
Constitution, justice, and fraternity were no longer listened to in the
legislative halls of their country, and then, sir, they prepared for
the arbitrament of the sword. And now you see the glistening bayonet,
and you hear the tramp of armed men from your Capitol to the Rio
Grand. And all that they have ever demanded is that you abide by the
Constitution, as they have done. What is it that we demand? That we
may settle in present or acquired territories with our property,
including slaves, and that when these territories shall be admitted
as States they shall say for themselves whether they wish to have free
or slave labor. That is our territorial demand. We have fought for this
territory when blood was its price. We have paid for it when gold was
its price. New England has contributed very little of blood or money."
The senator goes on to specify what further measures the South demanded,
in sharp, incisive terms, but this extract suffices to show that our
leaders used every power of tongue and moral suasion to stave off
bloodshed.
Houston, Governor of Texas, in a public speech advised constitutional
means--anything in reason to prevent war.
Robert E. Lee, the great, the good, was cut to the heart at the
impending calamity. One of his friends said: "I have seldom seen a more
distressed man." Lee said: "If Virginia stands by the old Union so will
I. But if she secedes, then I shall follow my native state with my
sword, and, if need be with my life. These are my principles and I must
follow them."
Many public men in the North urged peaceable secession, notably, Horace
Greely. Foreign eyes were turned anxiously toward America. The South was
sending out millions of pounds of cotton every year, of which the
greater part went to England. A London paper of this decade said:
"The lives of nearly two million of our country are dependent upon the
cotton crops of the States. Should any dire calamity befall the land of
cotton, a thousand of our merchant ships would rot idly in dock; ten
thousand mills must stop their busy looms; two thousand mouths would
starve for lack of food to feed them."
In 1860, a Southern Senator said in congress;
"There are 5,000,000 of people in Great Britain who live upon cotton.
Exhaust the supply one week, and all England is starving. I tell you
COTTON IS KING."
But the die was cast. The ordinance of secession of South Carolina
unanimously passed December 20, at a quarter past one o'clock. Great
crowds were outside the hall of conference awaiting results. The
_Charleston Mercury_ issued an extra, of which six thousand copies
were sold. The chimes of St. Michaels pealed exultant notes; bells of
all other churches simultaneously rang. The gun by the post-office
christened "Old Secession" belched forth in thundering celebration.
Cannons in the citadel echoed the glad tidings; houses and shops emptied
their people into the streets; cares of business and family were
forgotten; all faces wore smiles--joy prevailed. Old men ran shouting
down the streets--friend met friend in hearty hand clasp--the sun shone
brilliantly after three days of rain--volunteers donned their uniforms
and hastened to their armories. New palmetto flags appeared everywhere.
Everyone wore a blue cockade in his hat. Great enthusiasm was shown at
the unfurling of a banner on which blocks of stone in an arch typified
the fifteen Southern States. These were surmounted by the statue of John
C. Calhoun, with the Constitution in his hand, and the figures of Faith
and Hope. At the base of the arch were blocks broken in fragments
representing the Northern States. A scroll interpreted the allegory to
mean a Southern Republic built from the ruins of the other half of the
country.
The sentiment of the community was shared by boys firing noisy crackers
and Roman candles. The patricians of Charleston drank champagne with
their dinners. That night there were grand ceremonies, with military
companies, bonfires, and glad demonstrations. The sister states soon
caught the infection, and sharing in the hope of independence, they too
withdrew from the Union.
On February 4, 1861, delegates from the seceded states--Virginia,
Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, North and South Carolina, Mississippi,
Texas, Louisiana, Alabama and Tennessee, had met at Montgomery Alabama
to organize the government of the Confederate States. The President and
Commander-in-chief, Jefferson Davis, was inaugurated at the State House.
Montgomery, February 18, 1861 and again at Richmond, Virginia February
22, 1862.
* * * * *
=Inauguration of Jefferson Davis=
The Congress of Delegates from the seceding States met at Montgomery,
Alabama, on February 4, 1861, and prepared a Provisional Constitution of
the new Confederacy. This Constitution was discussed in detail, and was
adopted on the 8th. On the next day, February 9, an election was held
for the selection of Chief Executive Officers, Jefferson Davis, born in
Kentucky, but a resident of Mississippi, being elected President, and
Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice President. While these important
events were transpiring Mr. Davis was at his home, Briarfield, in
Mississippi. It was his preference to take active service in the field,
but he bowed to the will of his people, and set out for Montgomery to
take the oath of office, and assume the tremendous responsibilities
to which he had been assigned in the great drama about to be enacted.
On his way to Montgomery he passed through Jackson, Grand Junction,
Chattanooga, West Point and Opelika. At every principal station along
the route he was met by thousands of his enthusiastic fellow-countrymen,
clamoring, for a speech. During the trip he delivered about twenty-five
short speeches, and his reception at Montgomery was an ovation. Eight
miles from the capital he was met by a large body of distinguished
citizens, and amid the huzzas of thousands and the booming of cannon
he entered the city.
From the balcony of the Exchange Hotel he addressed, shortly after his
arrival, the immense throng that filled the streets. February 18th had
been chosen for the day of the inauguration, and as the time drew near
the excitement increased. The ceremony was carried out with all the
solemnity and ceremony that could be thrown about it. The military
display was a beautiful one, and the martial maneuvers of the troops
seemed to portend a victorious issue. A platform was erected in front of
the portico of the State House, and standing with uplifted hand on this
eminence, while all the approaches were filled with vast crowds of
people, Jefferson Davis took the oath of office.
As the hour of noon approached an immense procession was formed, and
to the music of fife, drum, and artillery it moved toward the Capitol
building. On the platform awaiting the arrival of Mr. Davis were the
members of Congress, the President of that body, the Governor of Alabama
and Committees, and a number of other distinguished persons. Round after
round of cheers greeted Mr. Davis. After being seated on the platform
the Rev. Dr. Manley arose and offered an impressive prayer. President
Davis arose and read his inaugural address; then turning, he placed
one hand upon the Bible, and with the other uplifted, he listened to
the oath. His face was upturned and reverential in expression. At the
conclusion of the oath, in solemn, earnest voice, he exclaimed: "So help
me God!" He lowered his head in tears, and hundreds wept as they viewed
the solemn scene. Thus was officially launched upon a tempestuous sea
the Confederate Ship of State.
* * * * *
=Order of Procession=.
Music.
Military Escort of Montgomery Fusileers, Capt. Schenssler; Montgomery
Rifles, Capt. Farriss; Eufaula Rifles, Capt. Baker; Columbus (Ga.)Guard,
Capt. Sims.
President-Elect, Vice President and Chaplain in an open carriage, drawn
by six horses.
Congressional Committee on Ceremonies.
Various Committees.
Commissioners to the Government from States other than the States of the
Confederacy.
Ministers of the Gospel, all in carriages.
Citizens in carriages and on foot.
The Department of State, of Justice, the Treasury, War, Navy,
Post-office the various military corps, with officers and attaches--all
in short, that it takes to form and conduct a government, was ordered
from the best picked material. A Constitution was framed like that of
the United States, in the main; but the unsatisfactory clauses that had
wrought such havoc in the halls of Congress, were changed for the
better.
There were in the Confederate service one commander-in-chief, seven
generals, nineteen lieutenant-generals, eighty-four major-generals and
three hundred and thirteen brigadier-generals. The roster of the Union
greatly exceeded these numbers.
When all the departments were organized ready for the administration
of the new republic, commissioners were sent to President Lincoln at
Washington to negotiate for an equitable transfer of southern forts,
and for terms of an amicable separation. They were refused audience.
Every method known to national and international arbitration was
attempted without success; so when the strife was precipitated, the
south had no resource left but to resist by arms, no matter how
overwhelming the odds of the invading section.
On April 12, 1861, General Beauregard, learning that a fleet was forcing
its way into Charlestown harbor to join Major Anderson at Sumter, opened
fire upon the fort. The North charged the war was thus inaugurated by
the South. The South believed its action was necessary for self-defence.
However that might be, it was the onset of battle--of the greatest Civil
War the world has ever known. President Lincoln and President Davis both
called for troops. Mass meetings were held in every part of the country
North and South. The roll of the drum and the shrill fife of the march
were heard in every direction. Muster rolls were drawn up, drills were
in progress in hall and on the green. Every youth rush to take up arms.
After the great Confederate victory at Bull Run, some one wrote:
"They have met at last--as storm--clouds
Meet in heaven;
And the Northmen back and bleeding
Have been driven.
And their thunders have been stilled,
And their leaders, crushed or killed,
And their ranks, with terror thrilled,
Rent and riven."
They had indeed met. And they met and met again. Throughout the length
and breadth of the prolific country where cotton was king, the honest
achievements of a hundred years were ground into dust by the engines
of destruction.
The North came on as invaders; the South stood firm as defenders; and
in all the histories of the struggle this fact should be pre-eminent.
Of the hundred battles fought only that of Gettysburg was on Northern
soil. The beautiful lands of the garden spot of earth, as I have said,
were torn and pillaged and ruined, not alone by the fortunes of
civilized warfare, but by the ghastly horrors of cruelty and needless
vandalism. It is not the purpose of this paper to fight those battles
over. The strife lasted four years. The population of the North was
22,000,000; that of the South 9,000,000, of whom three and one-half
millions were slaves. The North was four times as great in numbers
as the South.
The North had three times as many armies. The South could not get enough
small arms for many months. All foundries for cannon, and all except two
powder mills were in the North. The North had food and provisions in
abundance. The South planted cotton and tobacco, but could not even in
times of peace, raise enough food, but were accustomed to buy from the
North and from Europe.
The Union had a treasury and a navy: the Confederacy had neither.
The North could renew supplies from abroad. The Southern ports were
blockaded and many necessaries of life were shut off. The Confederacy
set to work to make arms, ammunitions, blankets, saddles, harness,
and other necessities. Bells from churches and halls, dinner bells,
plantation and fire bells, along with stray pieces of metal, were melted
and cast into cannon. Old nails were saved and blacksmiths made of them
clumsy needles, pins and scissors.
For coffee was used burnt rye, okra, corn, bran, chickory and sweet
potato peelings. For tea, raspberry leaves, corn fodder and sassafras
root. There was not enough bacon to be had to keep the soldiers alive.
Sorghum was used for sugar.