CHAPTER XXI

THE LATER WARS AND CONQUESTS OF CHARLES THE GREAT

785-814

Wide scope of the later conquests of Charles—Outlying provinces governed

by his sons—Conquest of the Baltic Slavs—Subjection of Bohemia—Wars

with the Avars and their final subjection—Hostilities with the

Eastern Empire—Conquest of the Spanish March—Later revolts of the

Saxons—Wars with the Danes.

King Charles had now come to the end of the first of the stages of his

conquests, and the nearer enemies of the Frankish kingdom had been

reduced to subjection. With comparatively little trouble the fertile

Lombard plain had been won; after long toil and exertion the pathless

woods and moors of Saxony had been taken within the boundary of his

realm. But his schemes of conquest had a much wider scope than the

annexation of Lombardy and Saxony. Before Christendom could be reckoned

as safe from all foes without, there were more realms to be won, more

marches to be made secure. By pushing his frontier up to the Elbe and

the Julian Alps, Charles had taken up the ancient feuds of the Lombard

and the Saxon with their eastern neighbours, the Avar and the Slav.

Moreover, there was still the Spanish border to be made firm, for the

expedition of 778 had resulted in no permanent gain; the unstable

allegiance of Barcelona and Gerona was once more being paid to the

Ommeyad king at Cordova, not to the lord of the Franks.

The second period, therefore, in the record of the conquests of Charles

the Great includes the history of the making firm of his new eastern and

south-western borders. But this is not, like the first fifteen years of

his reign, a time of complete conquest and incorporation of races who

were near akin to the Franks. All the Teutonic peoples of central Europe

were already gathered beneath the sceptre of Charles; the tribes with

which he had now to do were strangers to the Franks, not only in

religion, but in blood and language. [Sidenote: Wide scope of Charles’s

schemes.] The work of Charles in the East in the second period of his

reign was to make the Slav and Avar harmless, by compelling their

princes to pay homage and tribute, not by occupying their realms with

Frankish garrisons, or carving them up into countships and marches. In

the West, on the other hand, his task was to build up a strong border

against the Moor, by conquering, one by one, the fortresses between the

Pyrenees and the Ebro. The Moslem had to be driven out, since there was

no hope of converting him. In the towns from which he was expelled a new

population grew up, neither purely Spanish nor purely Frank, but the

mixed race of the Catalans, in whose veins Romano-Spanish, Visigothic,

Aquitanian, and Frankish blood was mingled in various proportions, so

that they have always differed very considerably, both in character and

in language, from the inhabitants of the rest of the peninsula. But the

history of the foreign policy of Charles during the second period of his

reign contains much more besides his dealings with the Slav, the Moor,

and the Avar. He had frequent troubles with the East-Roman Empire,

arising from their disputed boundaries in Italy. In the very end of his

reign he met and turned off the first assault of the Danes on the

Frankish realm, an attack insignificant in itself, but portending the

gravest dangers in the future. We find him interfering beyond the

British sea with the affairs of Northumbria, and at the same time

extending his hand far to the south to seize the Balearic Isles. Even to

the distant Abbasside Caliph at Bagdad his fame was known, and Haroun’s

ambassadors sought the court of Aachen to concert an alliance with him.

In the second half of his reign Charles very frequently took the field

in person, but was not so constantly at the head of his armies as during

the period 773-85. [Sidenote: Charles makes his sons kings.] He had now

three growing sons, whom he intrusted with the charge of three important

sections of his realm, and he looked to them to guard each that portion

of the frontier of the Frankish empire which bordered on his own

sub-kingdom. Charles, the eldest of the three, ruled in western Neustria

(Anjou, Maine, Touraine); Pippin, the second, in Lombardy; Lewis, the

youngest, in Aquitaine. Charles would thus be specially concerned with

the unruly Bretons of Armorica, who twice made unsuccessful risings in

his father’s reign (786 and 799). Lewis was in charge of the Saracen

frontier along the Pyrenees. Pippin had to keep watch over the duke of

Benevento, as well as to turn his attention to the Avars on the

north-east of Italy. But the three princes were not strictly confined

each to his own sphere. Charles was occasionally sent against the

Saxons; Lewis conducted at least one campaign in southern Italy; Pippin

more than once took charge of an attack on the Slavs of Bohemia.

Whenever, in short, the great king could not march in person against a

rebel or a foreign enemy, he would send one of his sons to take his

place. He did not allow them to become completely localised and

engrossed with the affairs of their respective governments, but often

kept them with him at Aachen for many months at a time.

In reviewing the later conquests of Charles the Great it will be most

convenient to follow the geographical order from north to south, rather

than the chronological order of each campaign, for his arms were engaged

in so many quarters at once that an attempt to tell his doings in a

purely annalistic form leads to dire confusion.

On the North-East the Frankish border, after 785, was fringed by

Slavonic tribes, all ancient enemies of the Saxon. [Sidenote: Conquest

of the Northern Slavs.] These were the Abotrites in the north—in the

modern Mecklemburg—the Wiltzes beyond them in western Pomerania, and the

Sorbes in Brandenburg, on the Havel and Spree. These tribes, like their

kindred whom we have already met in the Balkan peninsula, were rude

peoples, and not very formidable enemies, owing to their subdivisions

under petty princes, and their incapacity for union. Though numerous and

not unwarlike, all the Slavs between Elbe and Oder were subdued by

Charles in a single campaign. He crossed the Elbe in 789 with an

Austrasian army, strengthened by levies of Frisians and of Saxons, who

served gladly against their ancestral foes. The terror of his name seems

to have stricken the Slavs with dismay. After a very slight resistance,

first the Abotrites and their chief king Witzin, then the Wiltzes and

their chief king Dragovit did homage to Charles, gave him as many

hostages as he chose to demand, and consented to pay him a tribute and

to receive the Christian missionaries whom he prepared to send among

them. The Frankish army marched through moors and woods till it saw the

Baltic at the mouth of the Peene in Pomerania, and then returned with

some booty and no loss to the banks of the Rhine. So thoroughly were the

Slavs subdued that during the next revolt of the Saxons they did not

take the opportunity of disowning their homage to Charles, but came to

help him against the rebels (795). Witzin, prince of the Abotrites, was

actually slain by the Eastphalians while in arms for the Franks, and his

death was well revenged by the king, who harried the lands along the

Elbe with exceptional severity to atone for his ally’s slaughter. In a

later Saxon rising (798) we again find the Abotrites taking arms at the

bidding of Charles. Their new king Thrasuco reconquered the

Nordalbingians without Frankish aid, and brought their chiefs in bonds

to the king’s feet, ‘whereupon Charles honoured him marvellously, and

gave the Slavs great gifts.’ [Sidenote: Wars of Dane and Slav.] Ten

years later the same prince and people fought valiantly against the

Danes when they invaded the northern frontier of Charles’s realm, though

their neighbours the Wiltzes on this occasion deserted to the enemy. The

latter people, however, were subdued again in 812, at the very end of

the great king’s reign, so that he left his eastern boundary

undiminished at his death. On the whole the Slavs of the North were not

by any means the most difficult to rule of the many races with whom

Charles had to deal.

With their fellow Slavs more to the south, the Czechs of [Sidenote:

Subjection of Bohemia.] Bohemia, the Franks had comparatively few

relations. The vast uninhabited tract of forest and mountain called the

Böhmerwald seems to have long kept them apart. But in 805-6 the king

sent against them his son and namesake Charles the Younger, who twice

wasted all the valley of the upper Elbe, and finally compelled the

chiefs of the Czechs to acknowledge their dependence on the Frankish

empire by paying tribute.

South of Bohemia, along the Danube and the Raab and Leithe, the realms

of Charles bordered on the Tartar tribe of the Avars, ancient enemies

both of the Lombards and of the emperors of Constantinople. The Avars

had of late years fallen on evil times. [Sidenote: War with the Avars.]

They were vexed with civil wars so much that none of their princes any

longer ruled the whole race, or could call himself by the title of

Chagan, the old name of their supreme ruler. Yet, though wasted by their

own dissensions, and by the revolts of the Slavonic tribes who were

their vassals, the Avars could not keep from their old habit of making

descents on their neighbours. They drew down their doom on themselves by

invading, in 788, at once the Lombard march of Friuli and the vassal

duchy of Bavaria. When next he had leisure, two years later, Charles

planned an invasion of their land on the largest scale. He himself

marched down the Danube with an Austrasian and Saxon army, burst through

the long line of fortifications with which the Avars had strengthened

their border, and wasted their lands as far as the Raab. At the same

moment a great Lombard host entered the valley of the Drave, pushed into

the heart of Pannonia, beat the Avars in the field, and stormed their

great circular camps. The complete subjection of the whole tribe would

have followed in the next year if Charles had not been called away by a

Saxon revolt, which kept him employed during the two next campaigning

seasons. The king himself never again took the field against the Avars,

but his son Pippin and Eric duke of Friuli continued the war on his

behalf. Twice they captured the great ‘ring,’ or royal camp, between

Danube and Theiss, the central stronghold of the Avar race, and sent its

spoils to Aachen in such quantities that Charles was able to send Avaric

trophies as gifts to all his friends, even to such distant kings as Offa

of Mercia. [Sidenote: The Avars subdued.] At last the spirit of the

Avars was so much broken that their chiefs, or ‘Tuduns,’ came of their

own accord to Aachen to do homage to Charles, and offered to receive

Christianity. Their submission was accepted. The king appointed one of

them to rule the whole race as his vassal, and bade him assume the

ancient title of Chagan (805). This prince was baptized by the name of

Abraham, paid a regular tribute to the Franks, and kept his subjects for

the future from the dangerous temptation of meddling with the Lombard or

Bavarian border. The Avars were, however, in a state of decay at this

time, and their race and kingdom were ere long to be swept away by the

invading Magyars.

The same fate which befell the Tartar Avars fell also upon their

southern neighbours and former vassals, the Slavs of the Save and Drave.

These Carantanians (Carinthians) and Slovenians were subdued by the arms

of Charles’s Bavarian and Lombard subjects, and became dependants of the

Frankish empire, forced to pay tribute and do homage, but not wholly

incorporated with the realm.

We have already spoken in a previous chapter of the dealings of Charles

with Italy. He never succeeded in fully subduing the duchy of Benevento,

though its dukes were several times compelled to do him homage when he

marched in person against them. Italy was finally put under charge of

Pippin, the king’s second son, who was given the royal title and

authority there as his father’s delegate. Pippin, besides the task of

striving to hold down Benevento, had also to cope with the intrigues of

the East-Romans in Italy. The Constantinopolitan emperor had still a

foothold in the peninsula at Naples, Reggio, and Brindisi, and still

enjoyed the homage of the half-independent peoples of Venice and Istria.

Luckily for the Franks the Eastern realm was during the most important

years of Charles’s reign, under the weak hands of the empress Irene

(780-90 and 797-802) and the usurper Nicephorus I. (802-11.) They

bitterly resented the establishment of a new power in Italy, and the

assumption of the imperial title by the Frankish king, which they

regarded as the worst insult that could be put upon the majesty of the

Eastern Empire, which claimed to be the sole and legitimate heir of

Augustus and Constantine. [Sidenote: Wars with the East-Romans.] But

their efforts went little further than endeavouring to stir up trouble

in Italy by means of the Lombard prince Adelchis, the son of king

Desiderius, who had fled to Constantinople and become a Byzantine

patrician. He tried to make more than one descent on Italy, but met with

uniform ill-success. The only serious fighting between Frank and

East-Roman was in the years 804-10, when Nicephorus I. undertook several

expeditions against Italy to avenge the revolt of Venice. In the

first-named year, a party among the Venetians, who were torn by civil

strife, called in the Franks and transferred their allegiance to

Charles. Nicephorus sent out a fleet which harried the coasts of Tuscany

and the Exarchate, but could make no solid impression on the Lombard

kingdom. A little later the East-Roman party in Venice got the upper

hand, and once more handed the city over to the Byzantines. Contented

with the recovery of his vassal-state, Nicephorus then made peace with

Charles. The only net result of the war had been that the Franks got

permanent possession of Pola and the other coast-cities of Istria, which

had hitherto been East-Roman. Michael Rhangabe, the successor of

Nicephorus, went so far in allying himself with Charles, that he

consented to recognise him as Emperor of the West, a concession accepted

with pride by the Franks, and regarded as a lamentable token of weakness

by the Constantinopolitans (812).

One of the consequences of the conquests of Charles in Italy was to

bring the Franks into collision with the Saracen pirates, who infested

the central Mediterranean, making their harbourage in the ports of the

islands which face the western coast of the peninsula. [Sidenote: Wars

with Saracen pirates.] At a date which cannot be accurately fixed, the

Franks took possession of Corsica and Sardinia, hunting out the Saracen

colonists who had conquered the islands from the East-Romans some fifty

or sixty years before. In 799 the Franks also took possession of the

Balearic islands. These distant dependencies were attacked and ravaged

by fleets from Spain on more than one occasion, but they were held down

to the close of the reign of Charles. They were given in charge to the

counts of Genoa and Tuscany, who seem to have been able to raise a

considerable fleet, and more than once gained naval victories over the

plundering Moor.

But the most serious struggle between Charles and the Moslems took place

in Spain, where during the whole of the second period of his reign the

fighting was almost continuous. The permanent advance of the Christians

beyond the Pyrenees began with the capture of Gerona in 785. The conduct

of the war fell mainly into the hands of Lewis, the third son of

Charles, whom his father had named king of Aquitaine, and trusted with

all the affairs of the south-west. He and his chief captain and

councillor William, count of Toulouse—a great hero in the Frankish

romances—had to deal with the two first Ommeyad kings of Cordova,

Abderahman (755-88) and Hisham (788-897), both strong and capable

rulers, from whom it was by no means easy to win territory. [Sidenote:

Conquests in Spain.] Nevertheless the Christian border slowly advanced,

owing to the seditious and turbulent Moslem governors, who were always

rebelling against their masters, and calling in Frankish aid. In 795 the

newly-won land beyond the Pyrenees—around the towns of Gerona, Cardona,

Urgel, and Ausona—was made into a separate government, the March of

Spain, and intrusted to a Margrave of its own, instead of forming a

dependency of the duchy of Septimania. Barcelona, the greatest town of

Catalonia, was added to the March in 797, by the treachery of its

governor Zeid, who, failing in a rebellion against his master at

Cordova, handed the place over to the Franks. The Moors recovered it for

a moment in 799, but king Lewis then came over the Pyrenees with the

whole levy of Aquitaine, and laid siege to the town. It held out for

nearly two years, but fell in 801, conquered by famine, after the Franks

had walled it in with a circumvallation, and sat before it in their huts

for the whole winter of 800-801. The Moorish population departed _en

masse_ after the surrender, and the great city was re-populated with

‘Goths’ from Septimania. The Franks were now firmly established beyond

the Pyrenees, and in the last ten years of Charles’s reign subdued the

whole southern slope of the mountains from Pampeluna as far as the mouth

of the Ebro. Tarragona, the second town of Catalonia, fell in 809, and

Tortosa, the great fortress which commanded the lower course of the

Ebro, in 811. After this the Franks were able to cross the river, and

ravage the wide plains of Valencia; it was probably their advance in

this direction that induced Al-Hakem, the third Ommeyad ruler of

Cordova, to sue for peace in 812, ceding to the Christians all that they

had gained beyond the Pyrenees. The Franks were not destined to hold

permanently the entirety of their conquests, but Barcelona and all the

towns north of it were lost to Islam and won for Christendom: these

strongholds guarded the Aquitanian frontier against Saracen inroads with

success, and were ultimately to form the nucleus of the more important

half of the Christian kingdom of Arragon.

Such were the foreign conquests of Charles the Great. But his offensive

campaigns were not the only wars in which blood was shed during the

later years of his reign. There were also troubles, though of

comparatively insignificant scope, within the interior of his realm. We

have already alluded to two fruitless attempts of the Bretons of

Armorica to resume their ancient independence. These were easily

crushed, but not so the later Saxon rebellions. [Sidenote: Later Saxon

revolts.] It was seven years after the pacification of 785 before the

unruly dwellers by the Elbe and Weser rose again, but in the eighth

summer some of the districts of the extreme north took arms again and

relapsed into their ancestral heathendom, ‘returning like the dog to his

vomit,’ in the words of the contemporary chronicler. The insurrection

spread widely among the Eastphalians and Nordalbingians in the following

year (793), and was not finally put down till 794, though it never

extended over the whole land, as did the great risings of the early part

of the reign of Charles. Ere two years more were passed there were new

troubles among the Engrians and Nordalbingians, which required the

presence of Charles: but it says much for the growing strength of his

power in the country that he was able to suppress them by means of

armies composed partly of Christian Saxons, and partly of the loyal

Slavs of the Abotrite tribe. The last outbreak in the land was as late

as 804: it extended only over the northern tribes, and was suppressed by

the summary transportation to Gaul of the whole of the unruly

Nordalbingian race, the greatest offenders among the rebels. Charles

settled 10,000 of their families in small colonies among the Neustrians,

and gave their vacant lands as a gift to his vassal, the king of the

Abotrites. This was the last Saxon rebellion: henceforth ‘they abandoned

the worship of evil spirits, and gave up the wicked customs of their

fathers, and received the sacrament of Christian baptism, mingling with

the Franks till at last they were reckoned one race with them.’

[Sidenote: Complete subjection of Saxony.] The complete subjection and

conversion of Saxony is marked by the creation of the first bishoprics

in the country at this period. Charles established bishops at Bremen,

Münster, and Paderborn in 804-6, to serve respectively as the religious

centres of northern, western, and southern Saxony. Others were

afterwards added at Hamburg, Osnabruck, Verden, Hildesheim, Minden, and

Magdeburg, but these foundations belong to the next generation. Round

these bishops’ sees grew up the first towns of Saxony, for hitherto its

inhabitants had lived a purely rural life, and never gathered within

walls.

The possession of Saxony brought Charles in the end of his reign into

hostile contact with a race almost unknown to his ancestors, but

destined to be only too well known to his sons—the Danes of the Jutland

peninsula and the Scandinavian isles, who dwelt beyond the Eider on the

Nordalbingian border. The advent of a new and militant Christian power

into the recesses of the unknown North seems to have stirred up the

Danes to unwonted activity. They must have heard from Witikind, and the

other Saxon exiles who took refuge with them, many tales of the untiring

energy and unrelenting severity of the great king of the Franks, and

feared lest his strong hand would be stretched out beyond the Eider to

add them to the list of his tributaries, and force them to accept his

religion. [Sidenote: Wars with the Danes.] To guard against the further

advance of the Franks, king Godfred built in 808 all along his frontier,

at the narrowest point of the isthmus of Schleswig, a great earthwork

from sea to sea, long known as the Dannewerk, and famed in wars down to

the last conflict of German and Dane in 1863. But Godfred did not

confine himself to defensive works; he began to make piratical descents

all along the Frisian and Flemish coasts as far as the mouth of the

Seine, and at the same time attacked the Abotrites and Wiltzes, the

Slavonic vassals of Charles on the Baltic. Godfred did much damage in

Frisia, and actually succeeded for a moment in crushing the Abotrites

and subduing the Wiltzes. He gave the Franks much trouble, since he

ravaged all the coast where it was unguarded, but took to his ships

again when a large army was sent against him. In 810 he penetrated so

far into Frisia, that he spoke, in boasting mood, of paying Charles a

visit at Aachen. But in the same year he was murdered by his own people,

and his nephew and successor Hemming made peace with the Franks. The

peace was ill-kept, for we hear of isolated Danish raids in the last

years of Charles’s reign and a fleet of war-ships, which were built in

the ports of Neustria for the defence of the coast, does not seem to

have protected the Frisian waters very efficiently.

But Charles did not survive to see the serious development of the Danish

attack: he died before his realm had suffered any serious loss from

their ravages, and must have been far from suspecting that ere he was

fifty years dead these half-known and somewhat despised foes would

pierce through the Frankish empire from end to end, and even sack his

own chosen dwelling, the royal palace of Aachen.

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The Dark Ages, 476-918 · 第 21 / 29 章