THE HOUR AND THE MAN
A BEACON AMONG THE YEARS--TRYING PERIOD FOR PRESIDENT WILSON--GERMANY
CONTINUES DILATORY TACTICS--PEACE EFFORTS FAIL--ALL HONORABLE MEANS
EXHAUSTED--PATIENCE CEASES TO BE A VIRTUE--ENEMY ABANDONS ALL
SUBTERFUGE--UNRESTRICTED SUBMARINE WARFARE--GERMAN INTRIGUES WITH
MEXICO--THE ZIMMERMANN NOTE--AMERICA SEIZES THE SWORD--WAR IS
DECLARED--PERSHING GOES ABROAD--FIRST TROOPS SAIL--WAR MEASURES--WAR
OPERATIONS
An enormous beacon light in history will attach to the year 1917. The
outstanding feature of course was the entry of the United States into
the great war--the deciding factor in the struggle. It marked the
departure of America from the traditional policy of political isolation
from Europe. History will record that it was not a voluntary, but a
forced, departure, due to the utter disregard by Germany of our rights
on the seas, at home and elsewhere.
The first thirty days of the year found the man at the head of our
government still hoping against hope, still struggling with all the odds
against him, still courageously engaged in efforts for peace. It was a
particularly trying time for President Wilson, as a large portion of his
own party and most of the nation was arrayed against him. The people in
general felt that the time for writing notes, for parleying had passed.
On December 12, 1916, Germany, in a formal note, had offered to enter
into peace negotiations, but did not specify any terms. The note
referred in boastful language to the victorious German armies. It was
rejected by the Allies as empty and insincere. The president on December
18, 1916, had addressed all the beligerents asking them to indicate
precisely the terms on which, they would make peace. Germany's reply to
this note was no more satisfactory than before. The Allies replied
demanding restorations, reparation and indemnities.
On the 22nd of January the president appeared before the senate in his
famous "peace without victory" address, in which he advocated a world
league for peace. His views were received sympathetically, though the
Allies pointed out that no peace based on the condition of things before
the war could be durable, and that as matters stood it would be a
virtual victory for Germany. It was the president's last effort to bring
peace to the world without resorting to armed force.
The most biased historian is bound to affirm that Woodrow Wilson
exhausted every effort not only to keep the United States honorably at
peace, but to bring about a pacific attitude and understanding among the
belligerents. When finally he saw that no argument save that of the
sword would avail, when finally the hour struck, he became the man of
the hour courageously and nobly.
After President Wilson's failure to bring about even a pacific attitude
among the warring nations, no peace appeal from any quarter calculated
to receive respectful attention was made, excepting that issued by Pope
Benedict August 15, four months after the United States had declared
war. The President summarized the Pope's proposals as follows:
"His Holiness in substance proposes that we return to the status
existing before the war, and that then there be a general
condonation, disarmament, and a concert of nations based upon an
acceptance of the principle of arbitration; that by a similar
concert freedom of the seas be established; and that the
territorial claims of France and Italy, the perplexing problems of
the Balkan States and the restitution of Poland be left to such
conciliatory adjustments as may be possible in the new temper of
such a peace, due regard being paid to the aspirations of the
peoples whose political fortunes and affiliations will be
involved."
The president's reply to the Pope forcibly stated the aim of the United
States to free the world from the menace of Prussian militarism
controlled by an arrogant and faithless autocracy. Distinguishing
between the German rulers and the people, President Wilson asserted that
the United States would willingly negotiate with a government subject to
the popular will. The note disavowed any intention to dismember
countries or to impose unfair economic conditions. In part the
President's language was:
"Responsible statesmen must now everywhere see, if they never saw
before, that no peace can rest securely upon political or economic
restrictions meant to benefit some nations and cripple or embarrass
others, upon vindictive action of any sort, or any kind of revenge
or deliberate injury. The American people have suffered intolerable
wrongs at the hands of the Imperial German Government, but they
desire no reprisal upon the German people, who have themselves
suffered all things in this war, which they did not choose. They
believe that peace should rest upon the rights of peoples, not the
rights of governments--the rights of peoples great or small, weak
or powerful--their equal right to freedom and security and self
government and to a participation upon fair terms in the economic
opportunities of the world, the German people, of course, included,
if they will accept equality and not seek domination."
About five weeks prior to the Pope's proposition, the Germans had again
put forth a peace feeler. On July 19, the German reichstag adopted
resolutions in favor of peace on the basis of mutual understanding and
lasting reconciliation among the nations. The resolutions sounded well
but they were accompanied by expressions to the effect that Germany in
the war was the victim of aggression and that it approved the acts of
its government. They referred to the "men who are defending the
Fatherland," to the necessity of assuring the freedom of the seas, and
to the impossibility of conquering a united German nation. There was no
doubt in the mind of any neutral or any belligerent opposing Germany
that the German government was the real aggressor and that the freedom
of the seas had never been restricted except by Germany herself, hence
there was no tendency to accept this as a serious bid for peace. The
resolutions figured largely in German internal politics but were without
effect elsewhere.
Stockholm, Sweden was the scene of a number of peace conferences but as
they were engineered by socialists of an extreme type and others holding
views usually classed as anarchistic, no serious attention was paid to
them. The "pacifists" in the Allied and neutral countries were more or
less active, but received little encouragement. Their arguments did not
appeal to patriotism.
Going back to the beginning of the year, within a week after the
President's "peace without victory" speech before the senate, Germany
replied to it by announcing that beginning February 1, it would begin
unrestricted submarine warfare in certain extensive zones around the
British Isles, France and Italy. It would, however, out of the kindness
of its heart, permit the United States to use a narrow track across the
sea with a landing at Falmouth, one ship a week, provided the American
ships were painted red and white and carried various kinds of
distinguishing marks.
This of course was a direct repudiation by Germany of all the promises
she had made to the United States. The President saw the sword being
forced into his hands but he was not yet ready to seize it with all his
might. He preferred first to exhaust the expediency of an armed
neutrality. On February 3, he went before a joint session of the house
and senate and announced that Ambassador von Bernstorff had been given
his passports and all diplomatic relations with the Teuton empire
severed. On February 12, an attempt at negotiation came through the
Swiss minister who had been placed in charge of German diplomatic
interests in this country. The President promptly and emphatically
replied that no negotiations could be even considered until the
submarine order had been withdrawn.
On February 26, the lower house of congress voted formal permission for
the arming of American merchant ships as a protection against submarine
attacks, and appropriated one hundred million dollars for the arming and
insuring of the ships. A similar measure in the senate was defeated by
Senator Robert M. LaFollette of Wisconsin, acting under a loose rule of
the senate which permitted filibustering and unlimited debate. The
session of congress expired March 4, and the President immediately
called an extra session of the senate which amended its rules so that
the measure was passed.
Senator LaFollette's opposition to the war and some of his public
utterances outside the senate led to a demand for his expulsion from
that body. A committee of investigation was appointed which proceeded
perfunctorilly for about a year. The senator was never expelled but any
influence he may have had and any power to hamper the activities of the
government, were effectually killed for the duration of the war. The
suppression of the senator did not proceed so much from congress or the
White House, as from the press of the country. Without regard to views
or party, the newspapers of the nation voluntarily and patriotically
entered what has been termed a "conspiracy of silence" regarding the
activities of the Wisconsin senator. By refusing to print his name or
give him any sort of publicity he was effectively sidetracked and in a
short time the majority of the people of the country forgot his
existence. It was a striking demonstration that propaganda depends for
its effectiveness upon publicity, and has given rise to an order of
thought which contends that the newspapers should censor their own
columns and suppress movements that are detrimental or of evil tendency,
by ignoring them. Opposed to this is the view that the more publicity a
movement gets, and the fuller and franker the discussion it evokes, the
more quickly will its merits or demerits become apparent.
If any evidence was lacking of German duplicity, violation of promises
and general double-dealing, it came to light in the famous document
known as the "Zimmermann Note" which came into the hands of the American
state department and was revealed February 28. It was a confidential
communication from Dr. Alfred Zimmermann, German Foreign Minister,
addressed to the German Minister in Mexico and proposed an alliance of
Germany, Mexico and Japan against the United States. Its text follows:
"On the 1st of February we intend to begin submarine warfare
unrestricted. In spite of this it is our intention to endeavor to
keep neutral the United States of America. If this attempt is not
successful, we propose an alliance on the following basis with
Mexico: That we shall make war together and together make peace. We
shall give general financial support, and it is understood that
Mexico is to reconquer the lost territory in New Mexico, Texas and
Arizona. The details are left to you for settlement. You are
instructed to inform the president of Mexico of the above in the
greatest confidence as soon as it is certain there will be an
outbreak of war with the United States, and suggest that the
president of Mexico on his own initiative, should communicate with
Japan suggesting adherence at once to this plan; at the same time
offer to mediate between Germany and Japan. Please call to the
attention of the President of Mexico that the employment of
ruthless submarine warfare now promises to compel England to make
peace in a few months."
The American steamers City of Memphis, Vigilancia and Illinois had been
sunk and fifteen lives lost in pursuance of the German submarine policy
to torpedo without warning and without any regard to the safety of crews
or passengers, all ships found within the barred zones. The President
could no longer postpone drawing the sword. Being convinced that the
inevitable hour had struck, he proved himself the man of the hour and
acted with energy. A special session of congress was called for April 2.
The day is bound to stand out in history for in the afternoon the
President delivered his famous message asking that war be declared
against Germany. He said that armed neutrality had been found wanting
and in the end would only draw the country into war without its having
the status of a belligerent. One of the striking paragraphs of the
message follows:
"With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of
the step I am taking, and of the grave responsibility which it
involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my
constitutional duty, I advise that the congress declare the recent
course of the imperial German government to be in fact nothing less
than war against the government and people of the United States;
that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus
been thrust upon it and that it take immediate steps not only to
put the country in a more thorough state of defence, but also to
exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the
government of the German empire to terms and end the war."
Congress voted a declaration of war April 6. Only six senators out of a
total of 96, and fifty representatives out of a total of 435, voted
against it. Congress also, at the request of the President, voted for
the creation of a national army and the raising to war strength of the
National Guard, the Marine corps and the Navy. Laws were passed dealing
with espionage, trading with the enemy and the unlawful manufacture and
use of explosives. Provision was made for the insurance of soldiers and
sailors, for priority of shipments, for the seizure and use of enemy
ships in American harbors, for conserving and controlling the food and
fuel supply of the country, for stimulating agriculture, for enlarging
the aviation branch of the service, for extending credit to foreign
governments, for issuing bonds and for providing additional revenues by
increasing old and creating new taxes.
The extra session of congress lasted a few days over six months. In that
time it passed all the above measures and others of less importance. It
authorized the expenditure of over nineteen billions of dollars
($19,321,225,208). Including the amount appropriated at the second
session of the preceeding congress, the amount reached the unheard of
total of over twenty-one billions of dollars ($21,390,730,940).
German intrigues and German ruthlessness created an additional stench in
the nostrils of civilization when on September 8, the United States made
public the celebrated "Spurlos Versenkt" telegram which had come into
its possession. It is a German phrase meaning "sunk without leaving a
trace" and was contained in a telegram from Luxburg, the German minister
at Buenos Aires. The telegram (of May 19, 1917) advised that Argentine
steamers "be spared if possible or else sunk without a trace being
left." The advice was repeated July 9. The Swedish minister at Buenos
Aires sent these messages in code as though they were his own private
dispatches.
On August 26, the British Admiralty had communicated to the
International Conference of Merchant Seaman, a statement of the facts in
twelve cases of sinkings during the previous seven months in which it
was shown how "spurlos versenkt" was applied. It was shown that in these
cases the submarine commanders had deliberately opened fire on the crews
of the vessels after they had taken to their small boats or had
attempted to dispose of them in some other way.
Within six weeks after the declaration of war our government was
preparing to send troops to France. An expeditionary force comprising
about one division of Regulars was announced May 14. General Pershing
who was to command arrived in England June 8, and in France June 13. The
first body of our troops reached France June 27 and the second a little
later. The safe passage of these troops was remarkable, as their
departure had been made known to Germany through her spies, and
submarines laid in wait for the transports. The vigilance of our
convoying agencies continued throughout the war and was one of the high
spots of excellence reached in our part of the struggle. Of a total of
over 2,000,000 soldiers transported to France and many thousands
returned on account of sickness and furloughs, only 661 were lost as a
direct result of German submarine operations.
On December 7, the United States declared war against Austria-Hungary.
This was largely on the insistence of Italy and was valuable and
gratifying to that ally.
President Wilson on December 26, issued a proclamation taking over the
railroads of the country, W.G. McAdoo was appointed director general.
The proclamation went into effect two days later and the entire rail
transportation system, for the first time in the history of the nation,
passed under the control and management of the government.
Excepting the revolution in Russia which led to the abdication of Czar
Nicholas II (March 11-15) and so disorganized the country that it never
figured effectively in the war afterwards, the year was one of distinct
advantage to the Allies.
Kut el Amara was retaken by the British February 24. Bagdad fell to the
same forces March 11. From March 17th to 19th the Germans retired to the
"Hindenburg Line" evacuating a strip of territory in France 100 miles
long and averaging 13 miles in width, from Arras to Soissons. Between
April 9 and May 14, the British had important successes in the Battle of
Arras, capturing Vimy Ridge April 9. Between April 16 and May 6 the
French made gains in the Battle of the Aisne, between Soissons and
Reims. Between May 15 and September 15 occurred an Italian offensive in
which General Cadorna inflicted severe defeats on the Austrians on the
Carso and Bainsizza plateaus.
The British blew up Messines Ridge, south of Ypres, June 7 and captured
7,500 German prisoners. June 12 King Constantine of Greece was forced to
abdicate and on June 29, Greece entered the war on the side of the
Allies. A mutiny in the German fleet at Wilhelmshaven and Kiel occurred
July 30 and a second mutiny September 2.
August 20-24 the French recaptured high ground at Verdun, lost in 1916.
October 23-26 a French drive north of the Aisne won important positions
including Malmaison fort. The Germans retreated from the Chemin de
Dames, north of the Aisne, November 2. Between November 22 and December
13 occurred the Battle of Cambrai in which the British employed "tanks"
to break down the wire entanglements instead of the usual artillery
preparations. Bourlon Wood dominating Cambrai was taken November 26. A
surprise counterattack by the Germans December 2, compelled the British
to give up one-fourth of the ground gained. Jerusalem was captured by
the British December 9.
The British national labor conference on December 29, approved a
continuation of the war for aims similar to those defined by President
Wilson.
Aside from the collapse of Russia, culminating in an armistice between
Germany and the Bolsheviki government of Russia at Brest-Litovsk,
December 15, the most important Teutonic success was in the big
German-Austrian counterdrive in Italy, October 24 to December 1. The
Italians suffered a loss of territory gained during the summer and their
line was shifted to the Piave river, Asiago plateau and Brenta river.
Brazil declared war on Germany October 26.