Introduction

[Illustration: Cannon]

_On September 28, 1761, a year after France's vast North American empire

had been surrendered to the British at Montreal, Canada, the flag of

Great Britain was raised over Fort Michilimackinac, far to the west at

what is now Mackinaw City, Michigan. A force under Major Robert Rogers,

leader of the almost legendary Rogers' Rangers, had reached Detroit in

1760 and had taken control of that post, but the coming of winter had

compelled the British to wait until the following year to take over the

other French outposts in the upper Great Lakes._

_Although Major Rogers later was to serve as commanding officer at

Michilimackinac, the red-coated troops who marched into the little

stockaded fort on the south shore of the straits connecting Lake Huron

and Lake Michigan were commanded by Captain Henry Balfour. He found that

the French garrison had departed for the west months before, leaving the

fort in charge of Charles Langlade, a native of the area who had fought

brilliantly on the French side during the French and Indian War. Balfour

was greeted by several enterprising Englishmen who had gotten a head

start in the race to gain control of the lucrative fur trade which for

so long had been monopolized by French traders at Michilimackinac._

_After accepting the fort's formal surrender and before leaving for the

west, Balfour detailed a small force from the famous Royal American or

60th Regiment to remain as the garrison. Two years later, during the

great Indian uprising of 1763, fierce Chippewa warriors massacred over

half of the soldiers and temporarily drove the British out. But within a

year they returned in greater numbers, and from then until 1781, when it

was abandoned for a new, more easily defended post on Mackinac Island,

Fort Michilimackinac was one of the key links in the chain of military

and trading posts which Great Britain maintained on the western frontier

of its American colonies._

_Among those who came to the fort in the late 1760's was a Scotsman,

Daniel Morison, surgeon's mate in the Royal Americans' Second Battalion.

Of his life before and after his tour of duty at Fort Michilimackinac we

know nothing. Under ordinary circumstances we would agree with one of

Morison's commanding officers who told him bluntly, "You are not worth

my Notice." But Morison is worth our attention because between 1769 and

1772 he kept a journal in which he set down in language that is often

unintentionally hilarious and at other times brutally frank the best

account that we have of life at this outpost of European civilization._

_This important historical document, now published for the first time in

its entirety, was purchased in 1914 by the great collector of materials

relating to the history of Michigan and the Old Northwest, Clarence M.

Burton, who bought it from a book seller in London, England, for $55. He

brought the journal back to the state in which it was written where it

now rests in the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public

Library._

_Dr. Morison's journal provides us with a picture of the English

population of the fort, a people beset by violence, lawlessness,

tyrannical officers, petty bickering, and assorted other problems. A

reading of the journal should dispel any romantic notions of what

conditions were like at an eighteenth-century frontier fort._

_The inhabitants of Michilimackinac consisted of several groups. There

were the soldiers, numbering around a hundred men. A few of them, we

learn from Morison, had brought out their wives. The commanding

officer's house was the most impressive of the thirty-odd wooden

buildings located within the stockade. The other officers lived in

various cabins in the fort, as did the rank and file of the troops until

1769 when a large barracks was constructed in the center of the fort.

Dr. Morison's complaints about the poor quality of the housing are

supported by statements of others who commented on the ramshackle

construction which necessitated constant repairs and made the danger of

fire an ever-present fear._

_As a military fort Michilimackinac was scarcely adequate even to

withstand the attacks of Indians. The post was maintained, however,

because it was a convenient center of the fur trade. The small garrison,

with its six-pound and nine-pound cannon mounted on the bastions, was

enough to impress the Indians who lived in the vicinity and those who

gathered here each summer with the reality of British armed might. This

symbol of military power protected the English fur traders who made up

the second, and most important, segment of the fort's population._

_By 1767 Michilimackinac had become for the British as it had been for

the French the headquarters for the fur trade of a fourth of the

continent. Canoes were sent out from here loaded with trade goods to be

exchanged for furs at distant Indian villages located in the uncharted

wilderness north and west of Lake Superior, westward across the

Mississippi, and southward to the Illinois country. For two or three

months in the summer hundreds of _voyageurs_ and traders came back from

the west, bringing in the furs they had gathered during the previous

year or two. Like the lumberjacks of a later era, these men were bent on

enjoying to the fullest degree their brief contact with the comforts of

civilization before they returned to the west to barter for more furs._

_A few traders who had acquired sufficient means to enable them to hire

others to do the actual trading remained here the year round and

occupied cabins in the fort. These Michilimackinac traders, men like

Benjamin Frobisher, Isaac Todd, George McBeath, and others not mentioned

by Morison, together with their agents or partners in Montreal who

obtained the trade goods and sold the furs, dominated the fur trade for

decades._

_From Morison's narrative we see that the officers and the traders

permanently in residence at the fort formed an elite group. It is

obvious that the French _habitants_ and half-breeds who comprised a

third part of the fort's population, not to mention the Indians of the

area, were not admitted to this exclusive social club. That the strain

of being cooped up in the small fort, cut off from all contact with the

outside world for over half the year, proved too much for some of the

members of this clique, especially the bachelors, is also obvious._

_Equally apparent is the fact that Dr. Morison, poor man, was unsuited

to withstand the rigors of life at this post. He was apparently an

educated man who could quote accurately from Virgil's _Aeneid_, and a

man of refinement and sensitivity. To some of the cruder members of the

English set he must have seemed an easy target and a source of amusement

when life became too dull and the bowls of toddy ran dry. Feeling

himself much persecuted, as he certainly was, and outraged by the

injustices of which he and others were the victims, Dr. Morison fumed,

but, with a few exceptions, as when he refused to permit the whipping of

a soldier to continue, he lacked the courage necessary to stand up to

his oppressors. So, like Lieutenant Maryk in _The Caine Mutiny_, who

kept a secret log on the activities of his sick captain, Dr. Morison

recorded in his journal the evidence which he no doubt hoped would some

day enable him to bring Ensign Robert Johnson, Captain George Turnbull,

and his other tormentors to justice._

_Actually, Dr. Morison probably was not a doctor at all. He was a

surgeon's mate, which means that he may once have been an apprentice to

a surgeon and that he may have taken a course or two at a medical school

but that it is unlikely he ever graduated since had he done so he would

not have been simply a mate. The professional ability of the British

army surgeon's mate was of a notoriously low order, and, if we may

believe one of the Royal Americans' regimental surgeons, Daniel Morison

was no exception in this respect. Surgeons were scarce, however, and a

small frontier garrison, even when, as at Michilimackinac, it had been

plagued by much sickness, had to be satisfied with the services of a

mate. Unlike the surgeon, who was commissioned by the king, the

surgeon's mate was only a warrant officer appointed by the colonel of

the regiment. The mate, therefore, was inferior in rank even to the

ensign, the lowest of the commissioned officers. This was undoubtedly

the source of many of Morison's problems. He claimed the title of doctor

and demanded equal status with the officers, who, for their part,

treated him as they would a common soldier._

_Comments added at the end of the manuscript in a different handwriting

indicate that someone in England who possessed Morison's journal in the

nineteenth century intended to publish it in a magazine. No evidence has

been found that this was done. In preparing the journal for publication

we have ignored the numerous changes that this earlier editor made in

the document and have retained Morison's own phraseology at all times,

including the misspelled words and grammatical construction so typical

of his age. The narrative has been broken into five parts, and

paragraphing and punctuation has been supplied at some places in the

interest of easier reading. Material within brackets has been inserted

by the present editor._

_GEORGE S. MAY_

_Lansing, Michigan_

_March 6, 1960_

[Illustration: "Doctor, damn your blood, get up & give us a bowl of

Toddy!"]

I

An Entertainment and a Violent Assault

[Illustration: Musket and saber]

_Dr. Morison begins his journal innocently enough with an account of a

party which he and others gave in the fall of 1769. Among the other

hosts was Isaac Todd, who later helped found the great Canadian

fur-trading firm, the North West Company, and whose long-time partner,

James McGill, endowed McGill University in Montreal. The party began to

get out of hand with the arrival of a couple of rowdy traders--John

Chinn, who is best remembered as a partner in an unsuccessful

copper-mining venture in Michigan's Upper Peninsula, and Forrest Oaks,

who was a prominent fur trader at Michilimackinac and later at Montreal

for a number of years after 1769._

_Morison, who seems to have been something of a name-dropper, mentions

as he goes along other men who are familiar to students of the fur trade

and British military history. But all of them are dwarfed by Ensign

Robert Johnson, who crashed Morison's party and soon turned the evening

into a nightmare. Johnson (which is apparently how he spelled his name,

although Morison insists on calling him Johnstone) is the villain of

Morison's journal, a scoundrel and bully whom we come almost to admire

for the infinite variety of ways in which he gave vent to his evil

nature._

_He had been deeply involved in the Robert Rogers affair which had

rocked the little community at Michilimackinac two years before. Johnson

was in Detroit in the fall of 1767 where he had gone for the treatment

of an injury when a messenger from British military headquarters for

North America arrived with orders to place Major Rogers, commandant at

Michilimackinac, under arrest on suspicion of treason. Johnson brought

these orders back to the Straits, and it was Lieutenant John Christie,

an officer who also figures prominently in Morison's journal, who

arrested Rogers. Johnson later asked to be given charge of the detail

that took Rogers to Montreal for trial, boasting that he would foil any

attempt that might be made to set Rogers free. However, when Rogers was

acquitted, those who had hoped to see him convicted charged that the

prosecution's case had been fatally weakened by Johnson's testimony

which had enabled the defense to show that Rogers had been mistreated

while he was a prisoner. Such mistreatment would be in keeping with the

picture of Johnson's character which emerges from a reading of Dr.

Morison's journal._

Narrative of an Action of Burglary and felony perpetrated on the

Dwelling House & person of Daniel Morison, Surgeon's mate of the 2d.

Battn. 60th Regt. at Michilamackinac the Seventh day of November (about

5 Oclock in the morning) in the Year one thousand seven hundred & sixty

nine, Vizt:

That the evening before being the sixth of November, Isaac Todd,

merchant, William Maxwell, commissary of provisions & I proposed to give

an Entertainment at Sergt. [Thomas] MacMurrays to which we Severally

invited such people as we thought (in such a remote corner) qualified to

make the evening pass agreeably. Accordingly we met, and everything was

carryed on with the greatest Decency & innocent Mirth till John Chinn &

Forrest Oaks, traders, joined us.

After drinking a glass round, John Chinn (who appeared to be the worse

of liquor) before & at supper began to be troublesome, opened upon me

with Volleys of ragged raillery (without the least provocation on my

side) and that blended with Opprobrious Expressions, namely, that I was

an officer in the Rebellion &c. in the Year 1745 [the abortive Scottish

attempt to place Bonnie Prince Charlie on the British throne], which

tho' I knew was an arrant untruth, did not think it prudent to make the

proper answer his wrongious Assertions deserved, [but] waved it off in

the smoothest manner, lest the Company should be disturbed.

Notwithstanding, our merriment was in a great measure unhinged, as the

said John Chinn's only pleasure consisted chiefly in being officious, by

hobb or nobbing with everyone [who] would chuse to drink with him, &

indeed importunely pouring perpetually in upon those who did not chuse

to drink more than would do them good.

About the hour of eleven o'clock, Ens. Robert Johnstone (who for ought I

know invited himself) came in, accompanied by Ens. John Strickland & Mr.

[George] Main. We continued thus till about one O'clock in the morning,

when Numbers of our Company thought proper to retire. I proposed

retiring also, but Isaac Todd insisted upon my spending one hour or two

more with them. Rather than disoblige I consented.

About half one hour after, Ens. Johnstone asked the Company how their

punch pleased them. They answered, well enough. Then he, the said Ens.

Johnstone, blabbed out publickly, Vauntingly & wantonly, he had mingled

four ounces of Jallap [a purgative] with the water that was a boiling

for proportioning the Punch & Sangary [wine spiced and diluted with

water]. This giddy Declaration, instead of meeting with approbation,

occasioned the interjection of one universal sneer. I said nothing tho'

I perfectly knew such irregular proceedings could not be intended for

good. Therefore I silently winked over it, as others did; at the same

time took particular notice that Ens. Johnstone drank nothing but wine

all the night over.

John Chinn and Forrest Oaks, who left the Company about one o'clock,

seemingly fuddled, returned to the charge one hour & one half

thereafter. The abovesaid John Chinn appeared to be as unruly as ever.

In short, conversation became very insipid. Drinking was the principal

amusement, varnished over with various inconsistencys. At length time

dragged on very heavily. Consequently [I] excused myself to be away,

pleading the part I had to act in regard to my department. Upon which

John Chinn swore by a bloody Oath he would come with a Hatchet and pull

down my house, if I did not stay a little longer. To palliate this

foolish menace, I thought it prudent to humour, [rather] than exasperate

[him] on that Occasion.

[I] continued in [his] company till about four o'clock, then sheered off

quietly not imagineing he would persist in his folly. [I] went to bed

without dread or fear, as I gave no other plausible offense except what

my absence suggested to them. But the Sequel will evidently discover the

Maliciousness of their perverse intentions, for about five o'clock in

the morning the seventh of November abovesaid, the door of my house was

forcibly broke open, one plank of the Door-leaf, bars, bolt &c. pulled

down to the floor. Upon entering my Room they also broke down my stove

which was strongly made of bricks, clay & lime. This unwarrantable deed

was principally perpetrated by Ens. Robert Johnstone of the 2d Battn. &

Oaks the trader.

So fast was I asleep [that I] knew nothing of these violent proceedings

untill Oaks Surprized me out of a profound sleep, tumbling in roughly in

my bed [and] bawling loudly, "Doctor, Doctor, damn your blood, get up &

give us a bowl of Toddy, other wise You'll repent it."

I wakened as out of a dream. He, the said Oaks' next question was if I

had my durk by my bed-side. I answered, "Never in time of peace." Upon

this I called to my servant John Forbes to light a candle, which was no

sooner done, & set upon the table at my bed side after my servant

retired to the kitchen, then the said Ens. Johnstone kicked down &

overturned the table, candle, candlestick, &c., topsy turvy in great

wrath.

"Is this You, Ens. Johnstone," says I, "who behaves so rudely."

"You ly," he says, "I am a gentleman."

I made answer that his rude behavior betrayed the contrary in the eyes

of good men.

Then he swore bloodily in the height of Rage, he would shew me that he

was a gentleman & immediately fell upon, attacked & pelted me violently

in my naked bed, he & his abbettor Oaks. The room being dark all my

attempts of defence were rendered ineffectual by Oaks's exerting his

outmost strength to entangle me in my sheets & bed-Cloathes out of which

I struggled to extricate myself like a fish entangled in a net. They

pelted me pell-mell with incessant blows repeatedly, on the face, left

breast, &c., to the Effusion of my blood. Before I could recover myself

out of the jeopardy into which I was involved, my shirt, sheets &

pillowcase [were] all bespattered with gore & blood in my naked bed

untill Sergt. McMurray & Arthur Ross, soldier, with the assistance of my

servant, John Forbes, turned them out of the Room. Otherwise it is

[hard] to know where the consequences would end. William Maxwell, the

Commissary, & Christian Burgy, trader, came in who saw my face bruised

all over, besmeared [with] Blood.

In the meantime Forrest Oaks had the impudence to come back again, &

upon a rehearsal of my bad useage, very unmannerly gave me the ly twice

or thrice, in my own house. To this Sergt. MacMurray, Mr. Maxwell & the

abovesaid Christian Burgy was present, who can testify in this, as well

as other Circumstances. I imagined he intended this insult as a

provocation to stirr me up to do something rash, of which he might make

a handle to invalidate my pretensions to Justice on account of his being

accessory to the violent attack upon my person as abovesaid.

Whether there were more accomplices [who] acted in conjunction with Ens.

Johnstone & Forrest Oaks at the breakeing of my house &c., I cannot

positively determine (the room being dark) except what may be inferred

from a chain of Circumstances. For John Chinn (whose mind it seems was

so replete with the dregs of his former menaces abovesaid, as if he

intended to make his menace good) he, the said John Chinn, was met by

Isaac Todd on his way to my house, with a great Hatchet in his hand. Mr.

Todd asked where he was going. The said John Chinn answered, to break

down the Doctor's house. Upon which Mr. Todd, partly by persuasion, &

partly by dint of strength, brought him home to his lodgeing.

Whether it was before this, or after, I cannot say, my servant John

Forbes catched the said John Chinn at the porch before my broken door,

with a large Hatchet, while the assailants abovesaid, to wit, Ens.

Johnstone & Oaks, were perpetrating their malicious designs against me.

He, the said John Forbes, asked the said John Chinn what was he going to

do with that Hatchet. John Chinn replyed, to break down the Doctor's

house. After a little altercation my servant persuaded him to deliver up

the Hatchet.

No sooner the assailants abovesaid was expelled the house, as above

mentioned, then the said John Chinn entered my house abruptly, as

straight as a rush, & with an air of authority, impudently (tho' he saw

my face &c. all over with blood besmeared) minding his belly more than

my hard treatment asked if I should give him a bowl of Toddy, in

presence of Mr. Maxwell & Mr. Burgy.

When these irregular proceedings perspired [_sic!_] the most

considerable gentlemen in the Garrison came to see me, to wit, Capt.

[Beamsley] Glazier [commandant, 1768-70], Lieut. Nordberg, Lieut. [John]

Christie, Ens. Strickland, Mr. Todd, Mr. Main, Mr. [Charles?] Morison,

Mr. Maxwell & Christian Burgy, who can all & one of them attest they

plainly saw that the door of my house &c. were forcibly broke open as

abovesaid, & that my face &c. was all over besmeared with blood & gore,

& my shirt, sheets, pillowcase, were plentifully bespattered with blood

also.

John Chinn, upon Recollecting what he had done, [realized he had] forgot

his Hatchet, which he was very impatient to have in his possession once

more, as it was then in custody of my servant John Forbes for about half

one hour. The said John Chinn employed Christian Burgy, abovesaid, to

bring it back to him. I did not chuse to give it, but upon the said

Christian Burgy's earnest Expostulations I complyed, & ordered my

servant to deliver it. At the same time [I] told Christian Burgy it was

to the same purpose, as he & my servant could testify with Isaac Todd,

[to] the maliciousness of his [Chinn's] unwarrantable intentions as

abovesaid.

Soon after Ens. Johnstone & his abbettor Forrest Oaks had been expelled

my house, he, the said Ens. Johnstone, went to Ens. Strickland's. The

abovesaid Isaac Todd happened to be there, who upon Johnston's

appearing, observed blood upon his hands &c. [Isaac Todd] asked him,

where he had been. The said Ensign Johnstone replyed Vauntingly, he was

giveing some knocks to the Doctor.

About half one hour after seven the evening before, Ens. Johnstone with

some other accomplices were discovered scaling up a ladder opposite to

which there was a half door, up the loft, at the lower end of my house.

My servant John Forbes & another soldier observing a noise, as if the

half door was thrown down upon the loft, [started out] but before my

servant & the other soldier could get out to make a real discovery, the

attempters were scattered about different ways. What their intentions

were in regard to this little Enterprise depends upon them to explain

but the judicious may readily conclude it a prelude to their malicious

perpetrations before daylight next morning.

Before, at, or about six weeks preceeding the 7th November abovesaid,

there was a strong report prevailed in [the] Garrison (which I am now

persuaded was not without foundation) that the said Ens. Johnstone,

being in company with some gentlemen in the fort, had breathed out

menaceing and malevolent expressions against me, threatening he would

use me ill.

Ens. Johnstone's reasons for this extravagant Declaration I am yet a

stranger to, as it is conscious to myself I never did in word or deed

give him any just grounds of provocation. Notwithstanding this surmise,

I took no further notice of [it] than studying to evade his Company,

excepting behaveing with common civility on general terms, as I knew his

Character among the public to be of a turbulent & troublesome, meddling

[and] loquacious Disposition.

Upon the whole, I believe, it will not be attended with much Difficulty

to investigate sufficient evidences, who will attest to the Veracity of

the above, when they are legally called upon to declare their

Sentiments, Solemnly without the least partiality or mental reservation

in presence of any competent Tribunal, by which it will evidently appear

(to the Judicious) with other concurring Circumstances that the forcibly

breaking up of my house &c., together with the violent assault upon my

person as above specifyed, may be justly attributed to premeditated &

malicious intentions. Authentick witnesses to prove the last assertion

are Isaac Todd, Benjiman Roberts, late Lieut. in the 46th Regt.,

Benjiman Frobbisher, merchant, & William Maxwell, Commissary of

Provisions in this Fort.

N. B.: When Sergt. McMurray & Arthur Ross came into my house they found

Ens. Johnstone holding my servant by the hair of his head & pelting at

him with several knocks altennarly [alternately?] for attempting to

force him out of the house, which he got accomplished with the

assistance of Sergt. MacMurray & Arthur Ross.

N. B.: That in the month of March 1766, he [Johnson] threatened he would

break my head. No sooner [did] I put myself in a position of Defence,

but he desisted from his insolent menaces. Proof: Lieut. Allan Grant of

the 2d. Battn., Lieut. Varingon & Adjutant Biron [John Burrent], both of

the 1st. Battn. 60th Regt.

II

Concerning the Most Irregular Proceedings

[Illustration: Flags]

_Daniel Morison was so incensed by the events related in the preceding

narrative that he wrote out two versions, which, however, with the

exception of an occasional difference in wording are the same. Following

these events, from time to time he recorded some of the "irregular

proceedings" which transpired at the fort, largely as a result of the

actions of the irrepressible Ensign Johnson._

_Morison's journal illustrates vividly how completely the military

authorities dominated the lives of the fort's inhabitants. Not only were

the soldiers at the mercy of their officers, but civilians, such as

Morison's nephew, William Morison, were helpless in the face of military

indifference to their problems since there was no civil authority at

Michilimackinac or anywhere else in what is now Michigan to which they

might appeal during this period. Traders constantly complained at the

high-handed actions of the fort's commanders who, these traders charged,

used their position to gain great material benefits for themselves and

imposed ruinous regulations on those traders who would not give them a

cut of their profits. The royal government sought to correct these

abuses, but throughout the period of British rule Michilimackinac is

said to have had a reputation as a center of corruption and misrule._

[Illustration: "Ensign Johnstone (who was there with his wife)

saluted him with innumberable knocks & kicks."]

Remarks December 1769.

[1stly.] That a few days after this unwarrantable Outrage perpetrated

against my dwelling House & person, John Chinn & Forrest Oaks were so

conscious of their Enormous guilt [and] struck with such a Remorse, that

they declared that they would upon their knees publickly on the Parade

beg to be pardoned if that would satisfy for the Errors they were

conscious of haveing committed. This they expressed in the Audience of

William Maxwell, Commissary, Sergt. McMurray, George McBeath, [and]

Henry Williams, traders.

2dly. That a certain gentleman heard it surmised among them that if the

above Submission would not take place, they might have another Resolve

which was to tamper with my Servant & advance him one hundred pounds by

way of bribe, as they looked on him as the most Material witness in my

intended process against them.

3rdly. Such is the depraved disposition of this profligate Garrison at

this Juncture (as well as now degenerateing into the most irregular

proceedings dayly) they had recourse to calumnious aspersions

contriveing to patch up false invective & ignominous Reports (as under

the Necessity of keeping my room, on account of the Severe [bruises] I

had sustained from such a rough handleing, that I wore Boots with

Creepers in my Room & [was] found lying down in my bed with them); with

this additional & abominable connivance that I kept so long close in my

Room to embrace one opportunity to drive away Sorrow & get drunk

privately. Such are the Diabolical dispositions of many in this remote

garrison who make a perpetual habit of murdering time in excesses of

Debauchery & most Licentious practices. These false aspersions I had

communicated to me by George Main and Charles Morison, trader, the 10th

December, 1769.

4thly. Upon the 11th do. Ens. Johnstone assumed to encroach upon my

Province by visiting Sergt. McPherson of the Colonel's Company, who says

he never sent for him Directly or indirectly. He immediately insisted

upon seeing his wound, tho' he was but newly dressed one hour before,

[and] took off the dressings, &c. After inspection he told my patient

for his comfort, it looked very bad, & that he knew nothing better for

him than to bathe it with brandy. [He] set off directly, & left the

tumefyed wound exposed to the Open air, till my servant was obliged to

go & dress him a second time. This among the rest is one specimen of the

Ens. Johnstone's activity to interfere in matters which did not concern

him. That at the same time he told Sergt. McPherson if he belonged to

the Company, he [would give] commands. He would immediately confine Dr.

Morison in the common guard house.

N. B.: That in a few days after this Violent Assault, John Chinn and

Forrest Oaks were observed conjointly & severally, loading their guns &

pistoles, which I dare say were intended for bad purposes which they

would in all appearance have prosecuted had not their proceedings been

disapproved of by a certain gentleman in the Garrison.

One night the ensueing spring, when they carroused heartily at their

Bowl, John Chinn proposed to pay another Visit to the Doctor, which

being disapproved of by one of the principals in the Assault, was

dropped.

The 25th. December 1769. Ens. Johnstone with his irregular associates,

contrived among them, about day set in the evening, to send a frenchman,

who served Isaac Todd merchant, upon a false Message to me two different

times in great haste, acquainting me that his master was very sick, &

that he earnestly, in the most pressing manner, demanded my immediate

assistance. Upon which I Repaired directly to wait upon Mr. Todd, & upon

due enquiry, found the Message to be a mere bubble, very like the

triffling projectors, Isaac Todd declareing himself well, & took it

highly amiss that they should take such libertys with his name, or give

me such Unnecessary trouble.

Some time in Summer 1770, Ens. Johnstone Knocked down a soldier of the

general's Company, called Walker by name, in presence of the Commanding

officer, Capt. [George] Turnbull. The poor soldier applyed to me, & told

me he was afraid his cheek bone was broke, which did not happen to be

the case, tho' it was prodigiously swelled. Which cost me five or six

days attendance and applications, before he recovered so as to be fit

for Duty.

Sunday evening at 11 O'clock, 2d. December 1770, a frenchman knocked at

the door of my house very hard, when I was abed. Imagining it Might be

from some sick soldier, [I] called to my servant to open the Door, &

there appeared a frenchman with a card in his hand, charged with Mr.

Chinn's Compliments to Doctor Morison, begging the favour of his Company

to take a dance with them at Christian Burge's house. This I rejected

with outmost derision & Contempt, as I never did prostitute my judgement

so low as to join Company of any Denomination to break the Lord's day in

such a publick [and] infamous manner; & indeed I looked upon the Company

so mean that I should be very scrupulous to join them even on a Weekly

day. I doubt not but Ens. Johnstone might be at the head of such a

Heathenish proposition as there is no irregularitys committed here,

wherein he is not either a prompter or a ready Countenancer if not a

perpetrator.

Sunday the 9th December 1770. Betwixt the hours of 11 & 12 o'Clock

forenoon, when the Garrison was at Church, Sergt. [Thomas] Carlile of

the general's company had the guard that day, & being thirsty stepped

over to his own house (which was adjacent & directly opposite to his

guard) for a drink of spruce beer. He no sooner opened the Door of his

room than Ens. Johnstone (who was there with his wife) saluted him with

innumberable knocks & kicks till (almost in his own words to me) he had

knocked his head into blubber, then kicked him in the private parts

(from which Violence his private parts, particularly one of his

testicles, are greatly Swelled, of a hue black as his Hat). [Johnson

gave him] many bumps upon his head, [and] his jaw bones, as he himself

says, [are] so painful that he can scarce open his mouth, but with great

difficulty.

The poor Sergt. immediately returned to his guard & the next day applyed

to the commanding officer Capt. Turnbull of this Fort for his Protection

in regard to his most grievious situation, from the Attrocious and

barbarous usage he had sustained by the violent proceedings of Ens.

Johnstone whom he was determined to prosecute to the outmost for the

Violence done to his person, in his own house.

N. B.: Ens. Johnstone confined two or three soldiers in the black-hole

for being absent from Divine service, where they were in durance while

he himself was pounding & kicking the poor Sergt. in this barbarous

manner.

Late in the evening Sunday above said, Ens. Johnstone was swaggering

away upon the Parade with a naked sword, or Dagger, in his hand, & when

it seems he could not meet a Humane [_sic_] Subject to Use ill, he

wrecked his Vengeance on a dog (belonging to one of the Soldiers of the

Garrison) by cutting him to the back-bone. The poor brute made such a

hideous noise, his wound being beyond Remedy, [that] his master was

obliged out of Pity to put him out of pain by shooting him thro' the

head.

Wednesday 12th December 1770. A little before Roll-Call Ens. Johnstone

struck my servant, John Forbes, by giveing him several blows, which hurt

him prodigiously, for attempting to ridd some Dogs that were a fighting

& make[ing] a terrible Noise at the Door of my house. He struck Sergt.

McMurray, acting Sergt. Major in the fort, with a severe blow, at the

same time knocked down flat [on] the ground Henry Adams of the

Collonel's Company, so that the dogs of this garrison are so Usefull,

Sergents & Soldiers must be knocked down for attempting to hinder them

from fighting & makeing a noise.

Ens. Johnstone kicked Sergt. McPherson of the Collonel's Company in

presence of the Commanding officer, a little before he went down to

Detroit last fall. Wednesday 26th December 1770, upon the evening of

that day Ens. Johnstone knocked down Sergt. May upon the Parade, by

giveing him two severe blows on the neck & Jawbones, after which he

confined him, brought him to a tryal, & sentenced [him] to be reduced to

the ranks.

On Saturday 29th, Do., Ens. Johnstone wrangled with my nephew, William

Morison, erroneously & threatened to confine him in the common

guard-house.

Sunday evening 30th Do., Mrs. [George] McBeath invited me to walk into

her house. I was no sooner seated than she entered a grieveous Complaint

to me against Ens. Johnstone, affirming that he used uncommon libertys

with her Character, upon which she wrote him the evening before a very

spirited Letter of which she shewed me a Copy. She actually pronounced

him a very bad man. As a strong instance of which, among many she could

adduce, she declared he had frequently tampered with her by many

stratagems to destroy her peace with her husband, which she looked upon

as such a vile insinuation she was determined never to admit of his

Company for the future.

Tuesday evening the 1st. Jan'y 1771. John Savage, Taylor & Soldier in

the general's Company, twixt 11 & 12, had the Door of his house forced

open [and was] committed to the guard-house for not suffering his wife

to comply with obscene proposit[ions made] to her. At this Exploit Ens.

Johnstone was one of the chief witnesses. The prisoner was set at

liberty next morning without any crime given against him.

Monday the 7th Jan'y 1771. Ens. Johnstone decoyed away Sergt. Carlile's

wife, which he has been contriveing to accomplish many months before

this finishing stroake, & tho' her husband was like to break his Heart,

and crying out his Eyes on the occasion, Yet no Remonstrances would be

payed the least attention to. Ens. Johnstone quitted his Room in the

officer's barracks that evening which he exchanged with Mr. Main for

his. [He] sleeped with her that night in his new room where he lives

with her still, without dread or shame, while the poor Husband is left

in such a disconsolate situation that is not easy to describe. He next

morning (poor man) applyed to the Commanding Officer, who gave him no

satisfactory redress, as he did not chuse to interfere either pro or

con. Yet the next day after her Elopement from her husband she had the

honnour of dining with the commanding officer and his mess, who drank

tea with her that evening at her new lodgeings.

Sergt. Carlile had the mortification to see his wife dayly conducted by

one of the mess to dine with the commanding officer, Capt. Turnbul, &

the good Company with him, at which the poor Sergt. was like to go

distracted but could not help himself.

Ens. Johnstone in the month [of December?] 1770, haveing crossed on a

party of pleasure in company with Capt. Turnbull & William Maxwell,

Commissary, flogged Knight, Soldier in the general's Company, with his

own hand, without any regular tryal for his crime. Proof: William

Maxwell, Commissary, Rogers & McLean, soldiers.

As Ens. Johnstone thought proper to turn trader by selling of common rum

to the soldiers & all others by whom he might gain a penny in this

clandestine Manner, in the month of October 1767, he was observed to

have filled up several Barrels of common rum with boiling water to make

up the Leakage. Afterwards [he] sold this at 18. sh. York currency pr.

gallon to Sergeants & Soldiers &c. in the Garrison. Proof: Sergeants

McMurray & Carlile with his own servant Arthur Ross, who assisted him by

his own self in the deceitfull operation.

Upon friday the 8th febry. 1771, Ens. Johnstone in presence of the

Commanding officer, Capt. Turnbull, Ens. Strickland, George Main,

William Maxwell, Commissary, [and] George McBeath, trader, attacked

William Morison, my nephew, in a most rude and Violent manner, without

any evident cause, in the billiard Room in the presence of six

witnesses. The Young man (who is sometimes liable to a fainting

Disposition) in the Scuffle he fell down & cryed Murder! William

Maxwell, Commissary of provisions, interposed, by which he received some

knocks from Ens. Johnstone without returning one blow, after which

Johnstone passed by [the] Commissary in a furious manner, & the young

man was flat down in a swoon. Ens. Johnstone raised up his left arm &

gave him repeated thumps opposite to the heart, by which it would appear

he intended to murder the young man.

He is now under care & it is a chance if ever he can get the better of

it. The commanding officer with all those of their Club was present to

all this. Some of them I am told stood firm with their backs to the room

door, I suppose to hinder any from comeing in to the assistance of the

ill-used Young man. At length the noise brought in Mr. Harise, who can

attest to everything he saw. Mr. Harise with one or two more carryed him

for dead to his room, where after untying his stock he gradually

recovered from his trance.

In the evening I went with my Nephew to wait on Capt. Turnbull to enter

a Complaint of his hard usage. After all the remonstrances he could

suggest, the Commanding Officer would give him no Redress, tho' he

himself was personally present to the crime committed by Johnstone. Upon

which I myself made application to Capt. Turnbull in the humblest manner

to put Ens. Johnstone under arrest & that there was no possibility of

maintaining peace in the Garrison while Johnstone was at liberty, nor

could I think myself safe in the Execution of my Office if my

Remonstrances to him on that score did not take place, which Capt.

Turnbull Absolutely refused to do by saying, with some warmth, he would

not put Johnstone under arrest, tho' there [were] as many crimes against

him as words on his Commission.

The 23d. feby. 1771. Ens. Johnstone quarrelled with William Maxwell,

Commissary, & revilled [him] (if not gave him a few blows) with

exasperating expressions, both in company of the commanding officer,

who, when words became too high, ordered Ens. Johnstone to his room,

wherein he did not continue above twenty four hours, for reasons best

known to the Commanding Officer & himself.

[Illustration: "... a woman who I have the greatest regard for

distracted me by her imprudent behaviour."]

III

A Regimental Court-Martial

[Illustration: Drum]

_The little domestic tragedy involving Sergeant Thomas Carlile, his

wife, and Ensign Robert Johnson, the first two acts of which transpired

in the last chapter, now comes to an end with the utter defeat and

humiliation of the poor sergeant._

_Brought to trial on a charge of being disrespectful to an officer,

Carlile sought to get his case tried not by a regimental court-martial,

but by a general court-martial which would have a larger number of

judges, including officers from other units, who would be more likely to

judge his case without prejudice. With Ensign Johnson sitting as a

member of the court it is not surprising that Carlile's request was

denied nor that he was found guilty and reduced to the rank of private._

_Carlile shortly was restored to his sergeant's rating but only after

agreeing to take back his faithless wife and writing a letter at

Johnson's order in which he abjectly begged forgiveness for daring to

suggest that the ensign ought not to sit as a member of the court._

_The record of Carlile's court-martial was stricken from the regimental

orderly book, but Morison copied the proceedings as follows:_

_Michilamackinac, February 16th, 1771._

_Proceedings of a Regimental Court Martial, 2d. Battn. 60th Regt. by

order of Capt. Turnbull, Commandant._

_President--Lieut. Christie_

_Prisoner, Sergt. Carlile_

_Ens. Johnstone, member_

_Confined by order of Ens. Strickland for being insolent & behaveing

with Disrespect to him. Ens. Strickland informs the Court that he went

a Carrioling [riding in a cariole, a kind of sleigh] with a Woman

under his Protection (namely Sergt. Carlile's wife and Ens.

Johnstone's whore) [and] that the prisoner came up and wished that the

Carriole, horse and all, might break in & go under the ice, with other

insolent Language._

_The Prisoner being put to defence denys the crime & says he will not

be tryed by a Regimental Courtmartial, but desires a general one, &

objects to Ens. Johnstone, for reasons he now will not mention. The

Court is of oppinion the prisoner is guilty of the crime laid to his

Charge, therefore do sentence him to be reduced and serve as private

in the Ranks._

_Signed/ Lieut. Christie, president_

_Approved, George Turnbull, Commandant._

Febry 1st. 1771. Ens. Johnstone by threats & promises prevailed upon

Sergt. Carlile, by frequent tamperings & Solicitations, to take his wife

back again. I imagine upon Examination of this accommodation it will

appear equally abominable as the original iniquitous & intrigueing

proceedings.

The 23d febry 1771. Ensigns Johnstone & Strickland haveing requested of

the commanding officer that Thomas Carlile, late Sergt. in generall

Armstrong's Company, should be restored, he is therefore restored to his

former rank (after signing, I fancy, uncommon preliminarys dictated to

him by the Destroyer of his peace and tranquility). He is to be obeyed

as such. One infamous restoration indeed when the terms are narrowly

scrutinized.

N. B.: That upon the 26th febry. 1771. Capt. Turnbull, Commandant,

Issued verbal orders to Sergt. [Mc]Murray of the General's Company to

Erase the proceedings of the Regimental Court Martial concerning Sergt.

Carlile's tryal out of the Regimental Orderly book, & if he could, would

get it Erased out of the orderly book of the Lieut. Colonel's Company

also. Accordingly Sergt. McGann of the Colonel's Company did erase it,

without any previous notice given to the officer who commanded the

Company. As that officer was not a little surprized at such uncommon

proceedings, he immediately confined him in the guard-house, who in his

own defence told his officer he received positive orders from the acting

Sergt. Major so to do, who had told him it was the orders of the day by

the commanding officer, Capt. Turnbull. Upon which the officer

commanding the Coll's Company sent for the acting Sergt. Major who

acknowledged to him he had received orders from the Commanding officer

of the Fort to have the tryall of Sergt. Carlile torn out of the Book of

both Companies doing duty in Garrison. Upon which Declaration the

officer set Sergt. McGann at liberty.

_Michilamackinac, 22d. febry 1771_

_Sir--_

_I hope You will pardon my takeing this Liberty to trouble You, but to

ease my own mind I cannot avoid it, by the instigation of my own

Notions. I was so imprudent to object to Ens. Johnstone's being a

member of my Court Martial, altho' I am now well convinced that his

own Honnour would not allow him to do anything prejudicial to Justice.

The only Excuse I can make to him & Ens. Strickland is that a Woman

who I have the greatest regard for distracted me by her imprudent

behaviour. This, Sir, I hope in some part will Extenuate my Crimes, &

I shall only further beg leave to Observe that Ens. Johnstone has

behaved to me as a good officer, & I have no ground of Complaint

against him, & I am extreamely sorry for, & beg his forgiveness & Ens.

Strickland's for my past behaveour, which I never will be guilty of

again._

_I have the Honnour to be, Sir,_

_Your most Dutifull & humble Servant,_

_Signed--Tho's Carlile, late Sergt._

_To Capt. Turnbull_

_Commanding at Michilamackinac_

_The above is a coppy of a Letter directed to Capt. Turnbull by order of

Ens. Johnstone._

_a true Copy_

_Signed/ Tho's McMurray_

_acting Sergt. Major_

[Illustration: Ft. Michilimackinac during the 1770's]

IV

A Catalogue of Foul Deeds

[Illustration: Stocks]

_Dr. Morison now summarizes the evidence he had collected against Ensign

Johnson into a catalogue of his "exploits." In addition to proving that

the ensign was a respecter of no one, regardless of age, rank, sex, or

position, the catalogue includes the intriguing report of alleged

intimacies between Johnson and Mrs. Robert Rogers. This information may

be true since we learn from another source that Major Rogers was said to

have been jealous of Johnson. The ironical aspect of this whole matter

is that ten years later when Elizabeth Rogers sued for a divorce from

the major one of her grounds for the action was that her husband had

been unfaithful to her while they were at Michilimackinac._

_Ensign Johnson finally met his match in the tough Connecticut trader,

Phineas Pond, and resigned his commission in November, 1771, and

disappeared from the scene._

_Sentencing a soldier to receive a thousand lashes, which Morison also

relates in this chapter, was an unusually brutal penalty, although at

least one sentence of fifteen-hundred lashes of the "cat" is on record.

Ordinarily ten lashes was regarded as sufficient punishment for most

offenses and as many as thirty-nine lashes was considered cruel._

[Illustration: "... sentenced to Receive 1000 lashes for

Desertion."]

Michilamackinack, 10th Aprile 1771. Ens. Johnstone attempted a rape on a

girl betwixt nine & ten Years of age. Her shrieking out Violently

alarmed her step-father, Arthur Ross, & others in the barracks. This

Arthur Ross was servant to Ens. Johnstone at the time, who upon makeing

remonstrances the next morning to Ens. Johnstone of his rude & uncommon

behaveour, Received a very severe blow on the left breast from his

master, Ens. Johnstone, which made him quit his service instantly.

Ens. Johnstone acknowledged publickly, by way of Bravado, he had carnal

dealings with Mrs. Oldham (the mother of this girl upon whom he

attempted this Rape) three years agoe, and about twenty Days agoe he

vaunted of the same foul deed, declaring publickly it was [no one's

business?]. This declaration happened two or three days before he

attempted the Rape upon her Young Daughter.

Tuesday the 23d Aprile 1771. We had a kind of horse race here; the most

of the garrison walked out to enjoy the pleasure of the Show. Ens.

Johnstone being appointed as one of the Judges upon the Occasion, Ens.

Strickland's mare was saddled for him, that he might be enabled to

execute the important office with the more Alacrity. The racers appeared

on the ground expecting Ens. Johnstone with outmost impatience. [They]

sent several messages in quest of him; his mare was found; but he

himself could not, & no wonder for he was then in a Captain's Cabin

marking barrells of Liquor to be Rolled over to the Suttler's house,

which was observed to be conveyed in this manner by Creditable

Witnesses. Ens. Johnstone seized this opportunity very seasonably while

the racers waited half one hour for his Judicial appearance before they

could start.

After secureing his Cargoe in this manner he appeared soon after the

racers started. The horse won & the mare lost the race (which is a

surprizing Circumstance) according [to] the prevailing constitution of

this fort.

Thursday 25th. Aprile 1771. A Barrell of Liquor, at least presumed to

be, was Rolled over to the Suttler's about 12 o'clock forenoon. This

Barrell was marked Capt G. T. [George Turnbull] & rolled over by

Donaldson [?] of the General's Company.

A Catalogue of Ens. Robert Johnstone of the 2d. Battl. Exploits.

The Doctor's Secret Journal · 第 2 / 9 题