CHAPTER XXIX.

CONCLUSION OF THE WAR.

BEFORE summing up the Artillery share in the American War of

Independence, a glance may be taken at the domestic life of the Regiment

at this time. From the date when the Regimental feeling first developed

itself, there has always been a body of officers whom taste,

opportunity, or ability has singled out to express the hopes, schemes,

or resolutions, which may have existed among the officers at large for

the welfare of the Corps. The centre of the Regimental life which has

found its expression in such men has always been Woolwich. In the

earlier days of the Regiment this was natural, as its head-quarters and

its commanding officer were at that station: in later times, when the

Regiment became too large for the supervision of one man, the head-

quarters of the Battalions were concentrated there; and after the

appointment of a Deputy-Adjutant-General of the Royal Artillery, his

office remained at Woolwich for many years, the centre of administration

of the whole corps. The large force of Artillery always at Woolwich, the

manufacturing departments, and the numerous Regimental establishments,

such, for example, as the Royal Artillery Institution, and the

Department of Artillery studies, conspire at the present day to render

Woolwich more than ever the centre of the Regiment's intellectual and

domestic life.

In the correspondence between officers at out-stations and at head-

quarters, at various times in the Regiment's history, may be read much

that is interesting of Regimental schemes and wishes. The great domestic

event during the American war was undoubtedly the formation of the

Invalid Battalion, thus ridding the four service Battalions of their

invalid companies, and giving them effective men instead. The promotion

given by the augmentation gave also great satisfaction to the officers,

and in no place was it hailed with more delight than in America.

Although the Invalid Battalion was not formed until 1779, its formation

had been part of a scheme which had entered into the consideration of

the thoughtful officers of the Regiment for some years. In a letter from

General Pattison, at New York, to Captain Blomefield, at Woolwich, the

scheme is thus alluded to. "I have just time, and that is all, to

acknowledge and thank you for your obliging communication of the new

arrangement for the Corps of Artillery. I began to despair of that plan,

after lying dormant so long, ever taking place. You will, I am sure, do

me the justice to believe that its being brought to light again, and

carried into execution, affords me the truest satisfaction, and I very

sincerely congratulate you upon the event. I hope, too, it is a prelude

to something still better, _and that the next step will be to form the

four Battalions into as many Regiments, to consist of two Battalions

each_; and then I think the young officers need not be very solicitous

to get into the Line." This is a very interesting quotation; and shows

that the idea which has frequently been entertained, although happily

never carried out, of dividing the Regiment into small Regiments with

independent promotion, is at least a century old. Division of a

different description may soon be necessary; a more thorough separation

of the Garrison Artillery from the Horse and Field Artillery; but a

division into several Regiments would have few good results, and many

evil. That the division, which it is said above may become necessary,

has never been effected, is demonstrative of the strength of the

Regimental feeling, which could tolerate so many anomalies, rather than

admit the small end of the wedge of separation. As science progresses,

Siege and Garrison Artillery wander farther away every day from the

Field branch of the Arm; and the difficulty of ensuring the necessary

proficiency in officers who are changed repeatedly from one service to

another wholly distinct, as well as the natural tendencies of young

officers towards the mounted branches, may some day compel the issue of

the long deferred edict of divorce. That such divorce is practicable

without infringing on the Regimental system is as firmly believed by

those who have given the subject their consideration, as that the duties

of the various branches would be better performed, were the officers to

realize that they would be retained in their performance during the

whole of their professional lives. Embarrassing details, and individual

hardships, might terrify a military reformer from undertaking the task;

but such hardships are inevitable in every reform, and it is the duty of

a conscientious and statesmanlike reformer to master details, instead of

being mastered by them.

A century ago, the anxiety for a division of the Regiment which animated

not a few thoughtful officers was inspired by the longing to create a

promotion in the junior ranks, which would stimulate zeal, and remove

the despair which was creeping over them. Not a few subalterns during

the American War, who distinguished themselves, asked and obtained as

their reward commissions in the Line. The elder officers might well

become anxious, and look hungrily for any scheme which would deter their

younger comrades from abandoning a service to which they did honour. And

in this anxiety we may read an explanation of the almost undue delight

which the creation of the Invalid Battalion, and eight additional

service companies, with the consequent promotion, produced.

Not that in the Fourth Battalion there was not another minor reason for

rejoicing. Its head-quarter staff had accompanied the Battalion almost

from the commencement of the War; and there was no one at home to give

the same attention to the recruiting, as would have been paid by the

Battalion's own staff. The creation of two new service companies, to

remain at Woolwich as a Depôt for the companies abroad, would, it was

hoped, ensure more care in recruiting, and, as General Pattison wrote

ironically, "my friends will not be put to the trouble of sending me any

more drafts of _picked_ men." The recruiting accounts for the various

companies would also be expedited, for under the existing arrangement it

too often happened, as the General wrote, that "the Agents have been

prevented by more important affairs from bringing to any settlement the

concerns of those, who are at 3000 miles' distance."

But there were more pleasing subjects of correspondence between Woolwich

and the out-stations than recruiting or promotion. There was a genuine

desire springing up in the hearts of the more thoughtful officers for a

more scientific training, a desire which was daily acquiring strength,

and whose mere existence ensured success; for those who sought it for

others, endeavoured by their own exertions to secure it for themselves.

At this time in the Regiment's history the feeling attained strength and

certainty that to be a scientific corps was as high an aim as to win

battles. Armed science was felt to be the aim of study. Something higher

than mere gallantry, something more durable than brilliancy or _dash_,

was felt to be necessary in officers of Artillery. Inventive genius was

encouraged in the professional field; individual talent was coaxed and

rewarded; and to the ordinary Regimental _esprit_, without which a

military life would be a mere Valley of Dry Bones, was added scientific

enthusiasm. There was, doubtless, much haziness as to ways and means;

much uncertainty as to the details of the closer alliance which it was

felt should exist between the corps and the scientific world; but there

was enthusiasm, and a readiness to employ any aids already existing,

which would certainly ensure success. The foundation of the Royal

Military Repository; the establishment of such Government works as those

at Waltham Abbey; the closer connection between the Royal Laboratory and

the Regiment by the appointment of Captain Congreve as the Controller of

the former,—all combined to give increased life and strength to the

scientific tendencies which might otherwise have languished. The feeling

which was to find strong and eloquent expression from distinguished,

although unprofessional lips, nearly a century later, in the same

Woolwich where it had been born, was certainly, albeit dimly, in

existence then. With what a ring did the words now to be quoted echo in

the old birthplace of the Regiment! How grandly did they give shape and

consistency to the dreams which for a hundred years had been haunting

those to whom their profession was dear!

"The two classes," said the eloquent speaker,[38] "which will have an

increasing—it may be a preponderating—influence on the fate of the human

race for some time, will be the pupils of Aristotle and those of

Alexander,—the men of science and the soldiers. In spite of all

appearances and all declamations to the contrary, that is my firm

conviction. They, and they alone, will be left to rule, because they

alone—each in his own sphere—have learnt to obey. It is, therefore, most

needful for the welfare of society that they should pull with, and not

against, each other,—that they should understand each other, respect

each other, take counsel with each other, supplement each other's

defects, bring out each other's higher tendencies, counteract each

other's lower ones. The scientific man has something to learn of you,

which I doubt not that he will learn in good time. You, again, have

something to learn of him, which you, I doubt not, will learn in good

time likewise. Repeat—each of you according to his powers—the old

friendship between Aristotle and Alexander; and so, from the sympathy

and co-operation of you two, a class of thinkers and actors may yet

arise, which can save this nation, and the other civilized nations of

the world, from that of which I had rather not speak, and wish that I

did not think, too often and too earnestly.

"I may be a dreamer; and I may consider, in my turn, as wilder dreamers

than myself, certain persons who fancy that their only business in life

is to make money;—the scientific man's only business to show them how to

make money;—and the soldier's only business to guard their money for

them. Be that as it may, the finest type of civilized man which we are

likely to see for some generations to come will be produced by a

combination of the truly military with the truly scientific man. I say,

I may be a dreamer; but you at least, as well as my scientific friends,

will bear with me, for my dream is to your honour."

But to return to the operations of the Army in America. In the last

chapter allusion was made to the successful attack made on Stony Point,

on the Hudson, by the British troops from New York, in which General

Pattison took a prominent part. Very shortly afterwards a dashing

attempt was made by the Americans to retake it. The post was considered

to be safe against any sudden surprise; but at midnight, on the 15th

July, 1779, a bold and daring attempt was made to retake it, and it was

carried by storm in less than twenty minutes. The number of the

assailants was stated by themselves not to exceed six hundred, under

Brigadier Wayne. The garrison was nearly equal in strength, and

commanded by Colonel Johnson, of the 17th Regiment, an officer of

considerable experience and reputation; yet the enemy, advancing in two

or three columns from different points, was in a few minutes master of

the place. The Commandant of New York, in his report of the occurrence

to Lord Townshend, said: "It must, in justice, be allowed to General

Wayne's credit, as well as to all acting under his orders, that no

instance of inhumanity was shown to any of the unhappy captives. No one

was unnecessarily put to the sword or wantonly wounded. Our loss in

killed is not yet ascertained, but it is thought to be trifling, and the

number of wounded amounts only to one Captain, four subalterns, and

about eight-and-thirty men, of whom is one corporal of the Artillery.

The rebels assert that they had only four men killed. Our loss in

prisoners is a very serious one—almost the whole of the 17th Regiment,

two companies of the 71st (Grenadiers), about sixty of the Loyal

American Corps, and, I am particularly grieved to say, one Captain, one

subaltern, four non-commissioned officers, thirty-nine privates, and one

drummer of the Artillery. One subaltern (Lieutenant Roberts) made his

escape by getting to the shore, and swimming near a mile to the

'Vulture' Sloop of War."[39]

As soon as they obtained possession of the work, the Americans turned

the guns of the fort against the opposite post of Verplank's Point,

occupied by the 33rd Regiment, Ferguson's Corps, and part of the Loyal

American Battalion. Part of the rebel force, under General Macdougal,

threatened an attack upon the east side, and repeatedly attempted to

force the piquets, but without success, for Colonel Webster and the

troops under his command behaved with great spirit. Reinforcements from

the camp and from Philipsburg soon arrived; and the enemy, somewhat

hastily, evacuated Stony Point, demolishing the works as much as

possible, and carrying off all the brass guns and stores in a large

armed galley, mounting one 32-pounder and eight 4-pounders, which they

sent down the river for the purpose. Fortunately, the wind was against

the vessel on her return; and Lieutenant Douglas, of the Artillery, who

was in command of a detachment at Verplank's Point, opened fire on her

with such success from an 18-pounder gun, that, after being hulled

several times, she was run on shore to prevent her sinking, and then set

on fire. Lieutenant Douglas, as was mentioned in the last chapter, and

his detachment, were honoured by the thanks of the Commander-in-Chief

for their good behaviour. "Endeavours were afterwards used to recover

the cannon, but as they did not succeed it was presumed that the rebels

with their usual industry found some means, under favour of the night,

to convey them up the river. Upon the enemy evacuating Stony Point, we

once more took possession of it, with the 42nd, 63rd, and 64th

Regiments. Captain Ferguson is made Governor, and it is now fortifying

with a close work, which it had not before. The Army is since fallen

back again from Dobbs's Ferry to its former camp at Philipsburg."[40]

The next event worthy of mention is that described by the Commandant of

New York as "a most extraordinary attempt to take by assault the post of

Paulis Hook, that has been occupied by the King's troops ever since they

took possession of New York." This story has been told by American

writers, but it will be equally interesting to English and American

readers to have placed before them the official report of the

occurrence, made by General Pattison to Lord Townshend. "Paulis Hook,"

wrote the gallant General, "is on the Jersey shore, opposite to this

town, and considered as an appendage to it. I am sorry to say the

enterprise, bold as it was, succeeded but too well, and little to the

honour of the defendants. That your Lordship may judge of the strength

of this post from its natural situation and from the works raised for

its protection, I send the enclosed plan, which will show how far it

ought to have been out of the reach of insult. The troops allotted to

garrison it were the 4th Battalion of Skinner's Provincial Brigade,

under the command of Colonel Buskirk, and a part of the Invalid

Battalion. Major Sutherland, of the Invalid Battalion, was the

Commandant. On the preceding day it was determined that Colonel Buskirk

should march out a detachment that evening, with the design of

surprising a party of 100 rebels near the English neighbourhood. As the

garrison would thereby be much weakened, the Major applied to me for a

reinforcement for that night of a Captain and forty men, which I

complied with, and sent them from the Hessian Regiment of Knyphausen. At

half-past three o'clock the next morning advice was brought to me that,—

firing of musketry being heard at Paulis Hook,—it was probably attacked,

but having (soon after the command was given me of this garrison)

established with Major Sutherland the signal he was to make in case he

should be attacked in such force as to require succour from hence,—

namely, to fire two pieces of cannon and to hang out three lights,—and

being informed that no cannon had been heard or lights seen, I concluded

that Buskirk was on his return, and that some small party had been

harassing his rear, the firing at that time having nearly ceased.

However, I immediately sent over to know what was the real state of the

post. Upon the return of the messenger, I was filled with astonishment

at receiving a letter from Major Sutherland, saying that the enemy,

having got through the abattis, had taken the right-hand and centre

block-houses and the principal fort, but that the round redoubt, in

which was himself, with a Captain and twenty-five Hessians, had been

defended; that the left block-house was likewise safe; and that the

enemy had retreated, carrying off with them the guards of the two block-

houses, which (though almost impregnable, except by cannon) were

shamefully abandoned, the detachment of Artillery from the fort, and

such officers and soldiers as were in their barracks. He further added

that he was under great apprehensions of Colonel Buskirk's corps being

cut off. I, thereupon, without loss of time, sent over the flank

companies of the Guards, with 100 men from the Brigade, and nearly the

same number of Hessians, with a party of Artillery, under the command of

the Field Officer of the day, Lieutenant-Colonel Cosmo Gordon. The light

infantry were pushed forward about ten miles; and Colonel Buskirk, after

the _coup manqué_, made his retreat good to Paulis Hook, without any

loss, bringing four prisoners,—and the Guards likewise took a Captain

and six prisoners on their march. What is nearly as extraordinary as the

enterprise itself and the success of it is, that the enemy, though in

full possession of the fort, did not spike a gun, destroy the

ammunition, or do the least injury to any of the buildings. The strength

of the garrison at the time it was assaulted was about 200; and, by the

returns I have received, there were, _killed_, four sergeants, two

corporals, and three privates; _wounded_, two sergeants; and, _taken or

missing_, four subalterns, seven sergeants, five corporals, and ninety-

seven privates. Lieutenant Cockburne, who was the Artillery officer on

duty there, says that a soldier came to the hut where he slept, within

thirty yards of the fort, to give him the alarm; that he instantly flew

towards the fort, but found the enemy masters of it, whereupon he ran to

the block-house, and thereby saved himself from being taken prisoner.

The Commander-in-Chief was pleased to order a Board of two Brigadier-

Generals and three Field Officers to assemble the day following, to

inquire into the cause of the affront suffered at Paulis Hook on the

morning of the 19th August, 1779, and to report to him thereupon; and

yesterday, having received the opinion of the Board, he gave orders for

putting Major Sutherland in arrest, and for him to prepare to take his

trial before a Court-martial, upon a charge of 'general misconduct as

Commandant of Paulis Hook on the morning of the 19th inst.'" Major

Sutherland was ultimately acquitted.

The demand for Artillery officers became so great that the Cadets who

were attached to the companies in America were commissioned as Second

Lieutenants in the autumn of 1779, by Sir Henry Clinton, as Commander-

in-Chief, "to entitle them to sit at Courts-martial and to command as

officers." This step, combined with the removal of many officers, who

were absent on sick leave, to the new invalid companies, their places

being filled with effective officers, rendered the force in America more

efficient than it had been at any previous period of the war.

With the year 1780 commenced what may be called the Southern epoch of

the War of Independence, whose opening scene was successful for the

British arms, being the capture by Sir Henry Clinton of Charlestown,

South Carolina. Previous to removing so large a portion of the New York

garrison to assist in his offensive operations, Sir Henry determined to

evacuate Rhode Island, bringing the troops—British and Hessians—with

Artillery and stores, to New York. Private intimation was given to

Lieut.-Colonel Innes, who commanded the Artillery on the island, and he

was thus able to make the necessary preparations for the removal of

stores, ammunition, and horses. With such care and assiduity did he

perform the duty, that when the troops reached New York on the 27th

October, 1779, the whole of his guns, stores, and horses—with the

exception of twenty—came with them. The armament of Rhode Island, which

was thus added to the defences of New York, consisted of 20 field-guns,

9 howitzers, 17 mortars, and 72 iron guns of various calibres. From want

of vessels to convey it, over 1300 tons of hay were left on the island,

a commodity which could ill be spared. The enemy made no attempt to

molest the troops, either during their embarkation or their retreat.

Notwithstanding the increase just mentioned to the armament of New York,

the Commandant was unable with the guns at his command to arm the new

fortifications which he had been making. There is a memorandum in the

Record Office of the purchase by him of ten 12-pounder iron Swedish guns

for the new fortified lines near Fort Knyphausen, from the North to the

East River. These guns were exposed to a careful proof, and were bought

at the rate of 16_l._ per ton.

It was immediately after the departure of Sir Henry Clinton's force for

Charlestown that the intense frost occurred, mentioned in the last

chapter as having closed the navigation of New York, and deprived it of

its insular advantages. It had the effect of satisfactorily testing the

loyalty of the inhabitants, and of adding another proof of General

Pattison's ability and energy. In a report made by him to Sir Henry

Clinton, dated the 21st February, 1780, he sketches the plan he had

resolved on in case of attack; and as it is an interesting contribution

to the History of the War, part of it is now given:—"As General

Knyphausen and General Tryon were pleased to approve of my disposition

of part of the garrison and militia troops for the internal defence and

security of the city and its vicinity, I take the liberty of enclosing a

copy of it. If the enemy had crossed over at Harlem, or on the North

River anywhere to the south of the line of McGowan's Pass, the 42nd

Regiment, the Brigade of Losberg, and the two Anspach Battalions, were

to have advanced to positions which General Knyphausen had fixed upon,

from Colonel Clerke's house to the circular Redoubt on the East River,

and several light field-pieces were fixed upon sleighs, ready to march

to wherever they might be wanted. In the Foundry Redoubt I placed a 24-

pounder and two 6-pounders, with a 13-inch mortar, as commanding a long

reach of the North River; and in the new Star Fort near it were added

three small mortars.

"The cannon upon the Fort and batteries were kept loaded; the guard at

your Excellency's quarters, as well as all the others along the North

River, from the time of the ice being passable, were doubled every

evening; and a night piquet of a Captain and fifty men put on board the

'Earl Cornwallis,' Ordnance transport, which was so placed at the Hay

Magazine Wharf that her guns bore up and down the river. An armed galley

which lay near had also every evening an officer and twenty-five seamen

on board.... I had almost forgot to mention a little Corps formed from

the Baggage and Store Guards left in town, which might be useful, if

collected together. I therefore put them under the orders of Major

Small, and they made—with those he had of the 84th Regiment—upwards of

200 men. I am sorry to have trespassed so much upon your Excellency's

time by giving this long detail, but think it my duty, Sir, to inform

you of the several steps and precautions which have been taken for

discharging the important trust your Excellency was pleased to honour me

with.... I persuade myself that the recent proofs of loyalty among so

numerous a body of His Majesty's subjects in this town cannot fail to be

acceptable to your Excellency, and I shall be happy if the endeavours I

have used to give vigour and exertion to it are so fortunate as to be

honoured with your approbation. All the Captains of the City Militia, in

order to render it as useful as possible, have agreed to and subscribed

certain regulations (of which I enclose a copy), for punishing

delinquents and for keeping in repair and in good condition all their

arms, &c.; and in order to their being instructed in the use of them,

they are to be out every Saturday in the afternoon, and the Associated

Volunteer Companies every Sunday. I would therefore presume to hope,

Sir, if your Excellency shall please to approve of their continuing

embodied, that in a short time so respectable a force as 4000 men in

arms, with some knowledge in the use of them, may be capable of giving

such protection to this city, as may make a garrison of less strength

sufficient in general for the defence of it."[41]

In a subsequent letter to Lord George Germaine, General Pattison writes

as follows:—"I will entreat your Lordship's permission to recite further

proof, since the Militia were embodied, of their readiness and goodwill

to aid and assist the public service—a piece of justice I owe them.

About ten weeks ago the commanding Engineer applied for a daily working

party from this garrison of 500 men for completing the _hither_ line of

defence, agreeable to the orders that were left with him by Sir Henry

Clinton, from the North to the East River. As that number could not be

given without making the duty of the troops too severe, I sent a

requisition to the Associated and Militia Companies to furnish a daily

quota of 300 men for the purpose of raising one of the new projected

Redoubts. They most readily acquiesced, and after thirty days' labour

finished the work in a very complete manner, and with as much

cheerfulness as they began it—_taking neither pay nor provisions_;—and

having thus raised a monument to their own credit, I called it the

Citizens' Redoubt, which the Commander-in-Chief has been pleased to

confirm. A more recent instance of their good disposition to answer one

of the useful ends of their being put into military array was shown upon

the late move which General Knyphausen made into the Jerseys. It was

then thought necessary to take over such a force as reduced my garrison

to 700 men. The ordinary guards could not with any safety or propriety

be lessened below 400. I was therefore under the necessity of calling

upon the Militia to act upon that occasion. They most willingly

complied, and furnished 150 men with officers in proportion for many

days together, which, though attended with loss by quitting their

several avocations, was productive of no murmur or discontented

expressions, and I had often the pleasure to see citizens of large

property standing sentinels over public stores and magazines."

These extracts are interesting to the ordinary reader, as descriptive of

New York during the British occupation; and especially interesting to

the Artilleryman as evincing the great tact with which General Pattison

must have governed the city. The services of the inhabitants were not

merely acknowledged warmly by Sir Henry Clinton, but also by the King.

Let the reader now turn for a moment to the military operation which had

been the main cause of the reduction of the New York garrison—the Siege

of Charlestown, in South Carolina.

The Artillery on this expedition was commanded by Major Traille, or

Traile, an officer who has already been mentioned, and who died, as a

Major-General, in 1795. The fleet, with the transports, reached Tybee on

the 1st February, 1780, after a succession of storms;—on the 9th they

sailed for North Ediste; and having reached it on the following day, the

Grenadiers and Light Infantry landed on John's Island, and on the 27th

the whole army crossed without opposition to James's Island. One of the

transports, conveying guns and stores, with a detachment of Artillery

under Captain Collins, foundered at sea during a gale, but fortunately

the crew and the troops were picked up by a privateer. The stores, which

were considerable, including 1000 barrels of powder, had to be replaced

from New York without delay.

As far as can be ascertained from the records, the guns used in the

siege were 24-pounders and 18-pounders; but a number of 6-pounders and

3-pounders accompanied the force, to be employed in the subsequent field

operations. It was the 1st April before Sir Henry Clinton commenced to

erect his battery, which he did at a distance of 800 yards from the

town: and by the 19th April the second parallel "had been carried to 150

yards from the main works, and the (English) batteries had acquired a

manifest superiority over those of the besieged."[42]

The services of the fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot had been eminently

useful. On the 9th April he had availed himself of a fair wind and

flowing tide, and had passed Fort Moultrie—a strong fortification on

Sullivan's Island—which was intended to defend the entrance to the bar.

This step took the Americans by surprise. As Lee writes, the uniformly

credited opinion that the American naval force could successfully stop

the enemy from passing the bar—inasmuch as their ships would have to be

lightened, taking out their guns and other incumbrances—was at the

moment of trial found fallacious. "It was discovered that the American

frigates could not approach near enough to oppose the passage of the bar

with any kind of success; and we necessarily abandoned without a

struggle this point of defence so much relied on."[43] The summons to

surrender immediately followed; and the answer was that "duty and

inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last

extremity." General Lincoln was in command of the garrison—an able and

courageous officer, and one who possesses additional interest in the

eyes of Royal Artillerymen from the fact that he was subsequently

exchanged for their brave brother officer, General Phillips, of whom

more will have to be said in this chapter.

The siege was conducted sternly and without intermission. In the words

of the American historian "the answer was no sooner received than the

British batteries commenced the dire assault, which continued without

intermission." The investiture of Charlestown, by extending his

operations to the north of Cooper's River, was Sir Henry Clinton's next

object. By detaching 1500 men under an excellent officer Lieut.-Colonel

Webster, and another whose reputation as a dashing officer has lived

longer among his enemies than his friends, Lieut.-Colonel Tarleton, he

completely succeeded in his purpose. Further reinforcements from New

York enabled Clinton to strengthen this belt—which prevented the retreat

of the Charlestown garrison—and Lord Cornwallis assumed the command of

the forces on the land side. Then followed in rapid succession the

surrender of Mount Pleasant, Lempriere, and Wando posts, and Fort

Moultrie itself. "Soon followed the completion of the third parallel,

which placed the garrison at the mercy of the besiegers. Unwilling, from

motives of humanity, to increase the hardships of the unfortunate, the

British Admiral and General a second time demanded surrender. Lincoln,

now, from necessity, yielded up his army; but still, anxious to save the

militia and inhabitants from captivity, he excepted them in his

assenting answer, which exception being declared inadmissible, the

negotiation ceased. Reluctantly Sir Henry Clinton renewed the contest by

opening the batteries of the third parallel, and pushed his works under

their fire to the brink of the canal, which by a sap to the dam was

drained.... The inhabitants became assured that the concluding scene

could not long be deferred, and though heretofore devoted to the defence

of the town, now with one accord supplicated General Lincoln to

relinquish the exception made in their favour, and to accept the terms

proffered. The amiable Lincoln could no longer hesitate in stopping the

effusion of blood. He communicated to Sir Henry Clinton his readiness to

lay down his arms upon the conditions before offered. Highly honourable

was the conduct of the British commanders. They did not press the

unfortunate, but agreed that the terms before rejected should form the

basis of capitulation, which being soon prepared, signed, and ratified,

Charlestown was surrendered on the 12th May, 1780, six days after the

parallel was finished."[44]

Daring, or rather immediately after, the siege, a painful occurrence

took place, which is thus alluded to in a report from the officer

commanding the Royal Artillery:—"Although your Lordship is doubtless in

possession of all the essential particulars relative to the reduction of

Charlestown, I nevertheless beg leave to enclose the copy of the return

I received from Major Traille of the killed and wounded during the siege

of that town. I most sincerely regret the loss of that valuable officer,

Captain Collins, as well as the rest who shared his unhappy fate. The

misfortune was owing to the incautious proceedings in collecting and

assorting the arms of the rebel prisoners in a house where a quantity of

powder happened to be lodged. Besides the officers and soldiers, there

was a conductor of stores and several artificers who perished by this

accident."[45]

The rejoicings in New York on receipt of the intelligence of the fall of

Charlestown are thus described in the Commandant's official report:—"We

were made happy in the fullest degree by the glad tidings of the

surrender of Charlestown and its garrison. So universal a joy was spread

on the occasion in this city as was never known before; and if there be

any who do not really feel it, they at least affect to express it.

Permit me, Sir, with the most heartfelt satisfaction to offer my

congratulations upon this glorious event."[45]

In writing to Major Traille, General Pattison said:—"The encomium you

give of the good behaviour of the officers and men of the Artillery

during the siege of Charlestown cannot fail to be very agreeable to me.

I sincerely regret the loss of poor Collins, and all who shared his

unhappy fate. The escape young Macleod had upon that occasion was very

fortunate."[45]

In a very short time after the fall of Charlestown, South Carolina was

cleared of rebels by the English troops, and Sir Henry Clinton returned

to New York, leaving Lord Cornwallis in command.

The state of affairs in America at this time cannot but awaken comment

and speculation in the student's mind. The speculation may be idle, but

it is instinctive. What was the state of the rebel army at this time? of

the rebel Government? of the rebel fleet? Let their own historian—so

often quoted here—reply. The army was demoralized, neglected, almost

mutinous. The Government was imbecile, interfering, and incapable. As to

naval operations, Lee's own words were as follows:—"Every attempt made

by the naval force of the enemy during the war succeeded: ... and many

such operations took place." And yet we lost our colonies.

New York was ours,—thoroughly, loyally ours, in spite of all that

American writers may say. Canada was ours; then, as now, loyal and true.

The great Middle and Western States did not exist, which now so swell

the strength of the great Republic in riches and in muscle. And yet we

lost our colonies.

Our fleets more than matched their foes; our soldiers fought then as

well as they have ever fought since. The Peninsula, the Crimea, India

itself, cannot show in their annals more determined courage than was

shown in the English ranks between 1775 and 1781. And yet we lost our

colonies.

Where was the weak place in our harness? God help us! it was where it

will be again if Englishmen do not take care; if Englishmen do not sink

class and party differences when the word is given to fight; if

Englishmen do not remember that a nation is weak when disunited, and its

army at such a time is weaker still.

There was another weak point, and to it we must now come in our

narrative. Our Generals during this great war were brave; they were even

in their way able; and, as we have seen, they were frequently

successful. But they were in presence of a Master. Pettiness, obstinacy,

blundering, on the part of his Government might vex and weary

Washington; reluctance and timidity on the part of his allies might at

times nearly ruin his plans; but his courage, his skill, his confident

hope, survived and surmounted all obstacles. If one reckons up the

qualities which make a General, we shall find he possessed them all.

Patriotism—it was his almost to an exaggerated extent; for, having once

adopted a view which he considered patriotic, he did not care to reason.

Enthusiasm—would God that every man who draws a sword for England had

but one-half of that which swelled Washington's bosom! Purity of

motives—who can think of the scenes which are now historical, when he

would have resigned the power he had so justly earned, without feeling

(even after all these years) that he is in the antechamber of a man who

was pure and above reproach? And skill—if any man doubts it, let him

think of that scene at Yorktown to which this chapter slowly leads. To

see one's schemes mature so surely and so happily is the highest reward

for his exertions for which a General can hope; and as in this case it

implied that independence for his country which had been his sole and

unselfish aim, one can conceive Washington ready, even then, to resign

his command and sheath his sword.

He was to America what Wallace was to Scotland, and Garibaldi to Italy;

but he had a larger sphere of action than the former, and a more

statesmanlike mind than the latter.

With dissension at home, and Washington against them in the field, who

can wonder that, in spite of continued courage and spasmodic success,

our armies failed to secure our colonies?

* * * * *

There was an acting-bombardier in the Royal Artillery, named Richard

Atkinson Boddy, who died at Woolwich on the 18th January, 1837. Animated

by the same desire which has filled the breast of many an Artilleryman,

to commemorate in some durable form the services of his corps,

Bombardier Boddy commenced to make extracts from all military histories

which touched on the subject which he had so strongly at heart. A

manuscript volume of such extracts was left by him at his death, and was

thus alluded to in his will:—"To the library of the non-commissioned

officers of the Royal Artillery I bequeath a manuscript book of the

services of many of the officers, written by myself. In the event of the

dissolution of the library, I will that the book do revert to my

father."

Among the extracts contained in this volume are three, referring to the

operations in America subsequent to the capture of Charlestown, and

describing in detail the affairs known as Camden, Ninety-six, and

Guildford.

Before proceeding to other operations, the result of Bombardier Boddy's

industry will be communicated to the reader. And if by means of this

work any tribute can be paid to the memory of a non-commissioned

officer, whose _esprit_, diligence, and unselfish labour are well worthy

of imitation, not merely will justice have been done, but others may be

inspired to follow his example. There is no rank in the service in which

men may not do something,—not merely to add to, but also to commemorate,

the distinction of the corps in which they serve. In the case of the

Royal Artillery this has been emphatically proved, not merely by the

industrious labourer now mentioned, but also by one already quoted, the

author of 'England's Artillerymen.'[46]

The Battle of Camden was fought on the 16th August, 1780. Lord

Cornwallis commanded the English troops, whose total strength did not

exceed 2000. General Gates—who had received General Burgoyne's

submission at Saratoga—commanded the Americans, who were nearly 6000 in

number. The Royal Artillery was represented by two subalterns (one of

whom, Lieutenant William Marquois, died on the 15th October of wounds

received during this action), two sergeants, and fifteen men. In spite

of the disparity of strength, so complete was the victory of the English

that 1000 of the enemy were killed or wounded; the pursuit by Colonel

Tarleton and the English cavalry extended as far as twenty-two miles;

the whole of the enemy's artillery, a large number of waggons, and 2000

stand of arms were captured; and "of the 6000 men who composed Gates's

army, not sixty could have again been collected."[47] The English

regiments which most distinguished themselves were the 23rd, 33rd, and

71st, under Colonel Webster; and the heaviest loss fell upon the 33rd.

Four guns were present with the Royal Artillery; but on account of the

small number of gunners, men from the Line or volunteers must have

assisted in working them. The total number of casualties on the English

side was as follows—_killed_, 70; and _wounded_, 250.

The affair called "Ninety-six" in the MS. volume referred to is

identical with that known as the "Battle of Cowpens." On this occasion

the British were totally defeated, with a loss of their guns, two in

number. Fortunately for the Royal Artillery, almost equal satisfaction

can be obtained from this defeat as from many victories. Lord

Cornwallis, in his despatch to Sir Henry Clinton, wrote as follows:—"In

justice to the detachment of Royal Artillery, I must here observe that

no terror could induce them to quit their guns, and they were all killed

or wounded in defence of them." This engagement took place in January,

1781.

The last of the three actions mentioned in the extracts referred to, is

that known as the "Battle of Guildford." It was a victory for the

English arms, but a most expensive one. Nearly one-third of the Royal

Army was left _hors de combat_. The Royal Artillery lost only Lieutenant

Augustus O'Hara and one gunner killed, and four men wounded. Lord

Cornwallis could not afford to follow up the victory; and although he

captured the enemy's artillery, and the American losses far exceeded

that of the English, there is no doubt that from this day the American

spirits rose, and Lord Cornwallis's position became serious. The Battle

of Guildford was fought in March, 1781. The American force was 5000

strong, but about one-half was composed of militiamen, who were of

little use, and who fled to their homes after the battle. The total

strength of the British force did not exceed 2400 of all ranks. Soon

after the battle, Cornwallis had to commence a retreat.

It was in this battle that Lieutenant Macleod of the Royal Artillery—

afterwards Sir John Macleod—behaved with a skill and gallantry which

Lord Cornwallis never forgot. If the commendation of his own commanding

officer must have been agreeable, how much more that of his enemies! Lee

in describing this battle, of which he says, "On no occasion, in any

part of the world, was British valour more heroically displayed,"

singles out young Macleod more than once for conspicuous notice. On one

occasion he says that one battalion, which at a critical period had been

driven back with slaughter, had "its remains saved by the British

Artillery."

Leaving now these three engagements, the reader is requested to turn to

an operation in the war, in which the _Commander_ of the English forces

was an Artilleryman.

In the beginning of 1781 Major-General Phillips, of the Royal Artillery,

who had been a prisoner since the convention at Saratoga, was exchanged

for the American General Lincoln. He was immediately appointed, by Sir

Henry Clinton, to the command of a force of 2000 men to watch the French

and prevent them from sailing for the south. He was then ordered to

Virginia, to join General Arnold's force, which had been ravaging the

country almost unopposed, but which was now in a somewhat hazardous

position. On effecting the junction with Arnold, General Phillips

assumed the command of the united force, numbering now about 3500 men.

It was a change for the better in every way. Arnold was disliked by all

under his command, for they never could forget that he was a traitor;

and as a soldier he was in every way inferior to Phillips. Among the

regiments forming the force for the service on which Phillips was to be

engaged in Virginia were the 76th, 80th, Simcoe's Queen's Rangers, some

German troops, and Arnold's American Legion. On the 19th April General

Phillips proceeded up James River to Barwell's Ferry, and on the 20th he

landed at Williamsburg, a body of the enemy's militia retiring on his

approach. On the 22nd he marched to Chickahominy; and on the 25th,—early

in the forenoon,—he set his army in motion for Petersburg, reaching it

in the evening. A small encounter with some militia took place when

within a mile of the town, in which the rebels were defeated, with a

loss of 100 killed and wounded. Lee, in his 'Memoirs of the War in the

Southern Departments,' writes very severely of the way in which

untrained militia were exposed by the American Government to the attacks

of regular troops. His strictures, and the lesson he draws from the

experiences of this raid in Virginia, are worthy of quotation at a time

when it is becoming more generally recognized in England that the

profession of arms is one requiring special training as much as any

other. "What ills," he writes, "spring from the timidity and impotence

of rulers! In them attachment to the common cause is vain and illusory,

unless guided, in times of difficulty, by courage, wisdom, and

concert.... Whenever the commitment of our militia in battle with

regulars occurs, the heart of the writer is rent with painful emotions,

knowing, as he does, the waste of life resulting from the stupid, cruel

policy. Can there be any system devised by the wit of man more the

compound of inhumanity, of murder, and of waste? Ought any Government to

be respected which, when peace permits the substitution of a better

system, neglects to avail itself of the opportunity? Were a father to

put his son, with his small sword drawn for the first time, against an

experienced swordsman, would not his neighbours exclaim, 'Murderer! vile

murderer!' Just so acts the Government, and yet our parents are all

satisfied, although whenever war takes place, their sons are to be led

to the altar of blood. Dreadful apathy! shocking coldness to our

progeny!"

In Petersburg, and, indeed, wherever the British troops went in

Virginia, all military stores belonging to the rebels were destroyed,

and the warehouses with their cargoes of tobacco and flour were

systematically burnt. Lee is very severe in his description of this

method of warfare, very bitter in his denunciations of the human

vultures who follow conquering armies, and very ironical in his

allusions to the tobacco war carried on by the English; and yet, in the

same breath, he admits that no human foe went out to meet them and give

them battle; that everywhere there was, on the part of the Americans, "a

fatal want of preparation, of military apparatus, and of system." Wanton

and purposeless devastation is strongly to be deprecated in war; but was

this raid a purposeless one? The garrison of New York had been wofully

weakened, and the English troops in the south were at times dangerously

divided. If the American armies could not be drawn apart to meet the

English by hope of victory, perhaps they might be tempted by the hope of

saving Virginia from this "so dreadful visitation, precursor of famine

and of plague."[48] Doubtless there was this strategic purpose in the

Virginian raid, just as there was later in the raid in Connecticut, by

which Clinton hoped to tempt Washington back from that dreaded march

which culminated so triumphantly for him at Yorktown.

Again, even admitting irregularities and excesses not to be justified by

strategy (although this need only be done for the sake of argument, so

much exaggeration is there in the American accounts of this expedition),

were there not special reasons which might lead one to expect them? Who

filled the ranks of the American Loyalist Regiments which fought under

Phillips and Arnold? They were men who had lost everything for their

King, whose homes had been confiscated, and who had been outlawed and

execrated by their countrymen because, forsooth, they had come to a

different opinion on a political question. Were these the men to walk

through the enemy's country with dainty step and gloved hand? There is

something brutalizing in war under the most favourable conditions; but

when the combatants commence with feelings of hatred and thirst for

revenge, he would indeed be a rare disciplinarian who could prevent an

occasional outbreak in the course of a continued and successful

campaign.

On the 27th April, 1781, General Phillips, with his force, marched for

Chesterfield Court-house, and detached General Arnold to a place called

Osborne's. According to some accounts, the two forces had again met

before the circumstance occurred which is now to be related; but,

according to a manuscript book in the Royal Artillery Record Office, it

was while some guns were attached to General Arnold's detached force. It

is not very material, but as it is to the credit of the regiment whose

services these pages commemorate, one would rather believe that General

Phillips,—an Artilleryman himself,—had been in command, than General

Arnold. Some armed vessels had been collected in James River for a

special purpose by the Americans, and either the whole or part of

Phillips' force marched with a view to secure them. In reply to a

summons to surrender, the Commodore replied that he was determined to

defend himself to the last extremity.

Two 6-pounders and two 3-pounders (the latter called "grasshoppers" in

Lee's account, a favourite nickname for these guns, although sternly

forbidden to be used in any official returns to the Commanding Officer

of Artillery) were then taken to the banks of the river, with a

detachment of the Royal Artillery, under Captain Fage and Lieutenant

Rogers. The King's troops were exposed to the fire of the 'Tempest,'

twenty guns; the 'Renown,' twenty-six; the 'Jefferson,' fourteen; and

several smaller vessels. Some few hundred Militia also kept up a fire

from the other bank of the river. It does not say much, for the American

fire to find it recorded that not a single English soldier was hurt. The

fire of the Royal Artillery seems to have been of a very different

description. According to one account, so effectual was it, that, in a

very short time, the ships were obliged to strike their colours, and the

Militia were driven from the opposite shore. From want of boats the

English were unable to secure their prizes; and the Americans made their

escape, scuttling some of their vessels and setting fire to others. The

loss of the enemy, according to this account, was very great, "owing to

the well-directed fire of the British Artillery." Lee's account is as

follows: "Quickly two sixes and two grasshoppers were brought to bear

upon the Commodore; when he as quickly scuttled and set fire to his

vessels, escaping, with his crew, to the northern banks of the river,—

one way of 'holding out to the last extremity,' but not that commonly

understood by the term." Among the many services in which the Artillery

was engaged during the American War, perhaps none were quainter than

this successful duel between four light field-pieces and an armed

squadron of no inconsiderable strength, supported by troops on shore.

On the 29th April General Phillips marched, with the main body, in the

direction of Manchester, which he reached on the following day, and

where he destroyed a quantity of stores. General Arnold went, with the

remainder of the troops, up the river in boats. Although the Marquis de

la Fayette, with a considerable force, was at Richmond, and saw what was

being done, he made no attempt to stop the damage; and on the following

day General Phillips returned to Osborne's, where the engagement with

the ships had taken place. Here he became seriously unwell, with a bad

form of fever; and although he lingered to the 13th May, he was unable

to perform any active duty, and was carried about in a vehicle until

unable longer to leave his couch. The army had reached Petersburg before

he died. This place is described by Lee as "the great mart of that

section of the State which lies south of the Appomattox, and of the

northern part of North Carolina, standing upon its banks about twelve

miles from City Point, and, after the destruction of Norfolk, ranking

first among the commercial towns of the State." To the Royal

Artilleryman this Virginian town will always have a peculiar interest,

as having been the scene of the death of as brave and honourable a

soldier as ever served in the Regiment. From the glorious day at Minden,

his professional career of more than one-and-twenty years had been one

of credit to his corps, honour to himself, and usefulness to his

country. He had been thirteen years in the Regiment before the Battle of

Minden, so that his total service when he died exceeded thirty-four

years. He was beloved by all who served with him, and was a model for

Artillerymen to imitate, in gallantry, ability, and _progress_. He was

eminently a progressive officer.

With September, 1781, came the commencement of the operations which

virtually terminated the war. Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis held

different opinions as to the mode of prosecuting the war in Virginia:

the former devoting his energies to the defence of New York; the latter

anxious for increased numbers with which to carry on offensive

operations. The Home Government was eager to secure some point on the

southern coast, where the Army and Navy could mutually assist one

another, and such a point Cornwallis was ordered by Sir Henry Clinton to

secure. The place ultimately selected by him was a village called

Yorktown, on a peninsula between James and York Rivers, along with the

adjoining village of Gloucester, on the other bank of York River. This

position he fortified to the utmost of his power, and communicated with

Sir Henry Clinton at New York, with a view to reinforcements being sent

to his assistance. Washington had completely deceived Clinton, and had

induced him to believe that New York, not Virginia, was the object of

the proposed operations of himself and his French allies. Taken by

surprise by the sudden movement to the South now made by Washington and

his forces, Clinton endeavoured to recall him by invading Connecticut,

but without success; and having received an urgent letter from

Cornwallis on the 23rd September, he called a Council of War, and on the

24th he wrote, promising to start about the 5th October with 5000 troops

and twenty-three men-of-war to relieve him. Had he fulfilled his

promise, a great disaster would have been spared; but instead of leaving

on the 5th, it was not until the 19th,—the very day that Cornwallis,

after a weary fortnight's expectation, had been obliged to surrender,—

that he left Sandyhook; nor did he arrive off the Capes of Virginia

until the 24th.

Of the gallantry of Cornwallis and his troops there has never been any

question. He did not surrender until his ammunition was expended, his

defences crumbled under the enemy's fire, and hope of succour completely

fled. Of the gallantry of that portion of his troops in which the reader

of these pages is most interested, he himself thus wrote in his official

despatches: "Captain Rochfort, who commanded the Artillery, and, indeed,

every officer and soldier of that distinguished Corps, have merited, in

every respect, my highest approbation."

The force of Royal Artillery present at the capitulation of Yorktown

amounted to 167 of all ranks. The largest number whom Lord Cornwallis

had commanded during his Virginian campaign did not exceed 233, with

fifty additional German Artillerymen. But, in addition to casualties

before the investment of Yorktown, the loss to the Royal Artillery

during the time between the 27th September and the 19th October,—the

date of the capitulation,—was as follows:—

Killed 24

Wounded 21

Missing 2

There were also nineteen sick, in addition to the wounded, on the day

the garrison surrendered.

In this crowning point of the American War the defenders were as much

outnumbered as Sir Henry Clinton was out-manœuvred by Washington. It is

impossible to praise too highly the tactics of the latter General on

this occasion. The difficulties with which he had to contend were

numerous. A spirit of discontent and insubordination had been manifested

during the past year among his troops; there was a Loyalist party of no

mean dimensions in the South; in Pennsylvania he could reckon on few

active supporters; and New York,—stronger now than ever, after six years

of British occupation,—seemed hopelessly unattainable. Worse than all,

however, the French Admiral was nervous, and reluctant to remain in so

cramped a situation with so large a fleet. Had he carried out his threat

of going to sea, instead of yielding to Washington's earnest entreaties

and remonstrances, the capitulation would never have taken place. Lee's

description of the scene on the day the garrison marched out is doubly

interesting, as being that of a spectator: "At two o'clock in the

evening the British Army, led by General O'Hara, marched out of its

lines with colours cased and drums beating a British march. The author

was present at the ceremony; and certainly no spectacle could be more

impressive than the one now exhibited. Valiant troops yielding up their

arms after fighting in defence of a cause dear to them (because the

cause of their country), under a leader who, throughout the war, in

every grade and in every situation to which he had been called, appeared

the Hector of his host. Battle after battle had he fought; climate after

climate had he endured; towns had yielded to his mandate; posts were

abandoned at his approach; armies were conquered by his prowess—one

nearly exterminated, another chased from the confines of South Carolina

beyond the Dan into Virginia, and a third severely chastised in that

State, on the shores of James River. But here even he, in the midst of

his splendid career, found his conqueror.

"The road through which they marched was lined with spectators, French

and American. On one side the Commander-in-chief, surrounded by his

suite and the American staff, took his station; on the other side,

opposite to him, was the Count de Rochambeau in like manner attended.

The captive army approached, moving slowly in column with grace and

precision. Universal silence was observed amidst the vast concourse, and

the utmost decency prevailed; exhibiting in demeanour an awful sense of

the vicissitudes of human fortune, mingled with commiseration for the

unhappy.... Every eye was turned, searching for the British Commander-

in-chief, anxious to look at that man, heretofore so much the object of

their dread. All were disappointed. Cornwallis held himself back from

the humiliating scene, obeying emotions which his great character ought

to have stifled. He had been unfortunate, not from any false step or

deficiency of exertion on his part, but from the infatuated policy of

his superior, and the united power of his enemy, brought to bear upon

him alone. There was nothing with which he could reproach himself: there

was nothing with which he could reproach his brave and faithful army:

why not then appear at its head in the day of misfortune, as he had

always done in the day of triumph? The British General in this instance

deviated from his usual line of conduct, dimming the splendour of his

long and brilliant career.... By the official returns it appears that

the besieging army, at the termination of the siege, amounted to 16,000

men, viz. 5500 Continentals, 3500 militia, and 7000 French. The British

force _in toto_ is put down at 7107; of whom only 4017 rank and file are

stated to have been fit for duty."

With this misfortune virtually ends the History of the American War,—

certainly as far as the Royal Artillery's services are concerned.

Another year, and more, was to pass ere even the preliminaries of the

Treaty of Independence should be signed; and not until 1783 was Peace

officially proclaimed: but a new Government came into power in England

in the beginning of 1782, one of whose political cries was "Peace with

the American Colonies!"; and Rodney's glorious victory over the French

fleet on the 12th April in that year made the Americans eager to meet

the advances of the parent country.

Sir Henry Clinton resigned in favour of Sir Guy Carleton, and Washington

remained in Philadelphia. The companies of Artillery were detailed to

proceed to Canada, Nova Scotia, the West Indies, and a proportion to

England, on the evacuation of New York, which took place in 1783; the

Treaty of Peace having been signed on the 3rd September in that year at

Versailles. The same Treaty brought peace between England and her other

enemies, France and Spain, who had availed themselves of her American

troubles to avenge, as they hoped, former injuries.

As far as comfort and satisfaction can be obtained from the study of an

unsuccessful war, they can be got by the Royal Artilleryman in tracing

the services of his Corps during the great war in America. Bravery,

zeal, and readiness to endure hardship, adorn even a defeated army; and

these qualities were in a high, and even eminent degree, manifested by

the Royal Artillery. In the blaze of triumph which is annually renewed

in America on the anniversary of their Declaration of Independence,

Americans do not, it is hoped, forget that, whether England's cause was

just or not, her soldiers were as brave as themselves.

A few words may here be introduced with reference to such of the

officers of the Regiment as were engaged in this war, and afterwards

obtained high professional reputation. A summary of their services may

be taken from the valuable Appendix to Kane's List. In addition to

General Pattison, whose career has already been sketched, the following

officers may be mentioned:—

1. Major-General THOMAS JAMES, an officer who held a command during the

early part of the War of Independence; who wrote a valuable work on

Gibraltar, entitled "The Herculean Straits;" and who died in 1780, as a

Colonel-Commandant.

2. Lieut.-General S. CLEAVELAND, an officer who has already been

mentioned as having commanded the Royal Artillery during the American

War, prior to the arrival of General Pattison; who had previously served

in the West Indies and at the capture of the Havannah; and who died in

1794, also in the rank of Colonel-Commandant.

3. Lieut.-General F. MACBEAN, an officer frequently mentioned in this

volume, as having been present at Fontenoy, Rocour, Laffeldt, Minden,

Warberg, Fritzlar, and in Portugal. He was appointed to the command of

the Royal Artillery in Canada, in 1778; was elected a Fellow of the

Royal Society in 1786; and died in 1800, as Colonel-Commandant of the

Invalid Battalion.

4. Major-General W. PHILLIPS has already been repeatedly noticed in this

volume, and his death during the war already recorded.

5. General Sir A. FARRINGTON, Bart., served in America from 1764 to

1768, and from 1773 to 1783, having been engaged in most of the

engagements during the war, up to the Capture of Philadelphia, after

which he commanded the Artillery in Halifax, Nova Scotia. "He commanded

the Royal Artillery at Plymouth in 1788-9, at Gibraltar in 1790-1, at

Woolwich 1794-7 and in Holland in 1799. He was D.C.L. of Oxford, and in

consideration of his long and valued services he was created a Baronet,

on the 3rd October, 1818. He served in three reigns, for the long period

of sixty-eight years, being at the time of his death the oldest officer

in the British service, retaining the use of his faculties, and

performing the functions of his office to the last."[49]

6. Lieutenant-General THOMAS DAVIES is thus mentioned in Kane's List:

"He saw much service in North America during the operations connected

with the conquest of Canada. At one time (while a Lieutenant) he

commanded a naval force on Lake Champlain, and took a French frigate of

eighteen guns after a close action of nearly three hours. Lieutenant

Davies hoisted the first British flag in Montreal. He served as Captain

of a Company in the most important actions of the American Revolutionary

War. During his long service he had command of the Royal Artillery at

Coxheath Camp; also at Gibraltar, in Canada, and at Plymouth. He was

also two years Commandant of Quebec." This officer joined as a cadet in

1755, and died as a Colonel-Commandant in 1799.

7. General Sir THOMAS BLOMEFIELD will receive more detailed notice when

the story of the Copenhagen expedition, in 1807, comes to be written in

these pages. His services during the American War are thus summarised by

Kane's List: "In 1776, Captain Blomefield proceeded to America as

Brigade-Major to Brigadier Phillips. Among his services at this period

was the construction of floating batteries upon the Canadian Lakes; and

he was actively engaged with the army under General Burgoyne until the

action which preceded the unfortunate convention of Saratoga, when he

was severely wounded by a musket-shot in the head. In 1780 Captain

Blomefield was appointed Inspector of Artillery, and of the Brass

Foundry.... From this period (1783) dates the high character of British

cast-iron and brass ordnance. Major-General Blomefield was selected, in

1807, to command the Artillery in the expedition to Copenhagen, and

received for his services on this occasion the thanks of both Houses of

Parliament and a baronetcy." He died as a Colonel-Commandant on 24th

August, 1822.

8. Major-General ROBERT DOUGLAS has already been mentioned for his

gallantry as a subaltern during the American War. In 1795 he was

appointed Commandant of the Driver Corps, an office which he held until

1817. He died at Woolwich, in 1827, as a Colonel-Commandant of a

Battalion.

9. Lieutenant-General Sir JOHN MACLEOD has already been mentioned in

connection with the Battle of Guildford, and will receive more detailed

notice in the next volume, his own history and that of his Regiment

being indissolubly woven together. It may here be mentioned, however,

that, "on his return from America, he was placed on the Staff of the

Master-General; and from this time till his death he was employed in the

important duties of the organization of the Regiment, and of the

arrangement and equipment of the Artillery for all the expeditions (of

which there were no fewer than eleven) during this period. He held

successively the appointments of Chief of the Ordnance Staff, Deputy-

Adjutant-General, and Director-General of Artillery. He commanded the

Royal Artillery during the expedition to Walcheren in 1809. In 1820

George IV., desirous of marking his sense of his long and important

services, conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and invested him

with the Grand Cross of the Royal Guelphic Order."[50] The whole of his

official letter-books, during the time he was Deputy-Adjutant-General of

Artillery, are deposited in the Royal Artillery Record Office, and

afford a priceless historical mine to the student. His letters are

distinguished by rare ability and punctilious courtesy.

10. General Sir JOHN SMITH, who had been in Canada since 1773, was taken

prisoner by the rebels, at St. John's, in November, 1775. In 1777 he was

exchanged, served under Sir William Howe, and was present at Brandywine

Creek, Germantown, the Siege of Charlestown, and at Yorktown. He

commanded the Artillery under Sir Ralph Abercromby in the West Indies in

1795; accompanied the Duke of York to Holland in 1799; and served at

Gibraltar from 1804 to 1814, being Governor of the place at the

conclusion of his service. He died as Colonel-Commandant in July, 1837.

Lastly may be mentioned Lieut.-General Sir EDWARD HOWORTH, one of the

officers taken prisoner at Saratoga. He commanded the Royal Artillery in

later years at the battles of Talavera, Busaco, and Fuentes d'Onore. He

died as Colonel-Commandant of a Battalion in 1821.

The reader will now enter upon a region of statistics, which, at the

date of the publication of the present work, possess a peculiar

interest.

Quickened as promotion had been by the extensive active service, and

proportionate number of casualties in the Regiment, between 1775 and

1782, it was still unsatisfactory; and with a future of peace, it was

certain to become more so. It was necessary to introduce some remedy,

and, in doing so, the Board of Ordnance adopted wisely the principle

pursued in later times by the late Secretary of State for War, Mr.

Cardwell, and made an organic change in the proportions of the various

ranks, instead of accelerating promotion in a temporary, spasmodic way,

by encouraging unnecessary, impolitic, and costly retirements. Mr.

Cardwell, in 1872, when shadowing forth his views on this subject to the

House of Commons, was unconsciously maturing the scheme commenced by the

Ordnance in 1782—commenced, but never completed—for the Temple of Janus

was not long shut after 1783; and war postponed for many years the

necessity of accelerating a promotion which had ceased to be stagnant.

The dullness which followed 1815 was relieved periodically by

augmentations to the Regiment in the form of other battalions; but the

relief was only temporary, and a darker shadow than ever loomed on the

Regimental horizon, when Mr. Cardwell took office. His remedy was

complex; but included, in a marked manner, the idea, born in 1782, of

reducing the number of officers in subordinate positions, and increasing

the proportion of field officers.

By a Royal Warrant, dated 31st October, 1782, His Majesty was pleased on

the recommendation of the Board of Ordnance to declare that "the present

establishment of our Royal Regiment of Artillery is in respect to

promotion extremely disadvantageous to the officers belonging thereto,

and that the small number of field officers does not bear a due

proportion to that of officers of inferior rank." With a view to "giving

encouragement suitable to the utility of the said corps, and to the

merits of the officers who compose it," His Majesty decided that on the

30th of the following month the existing establishment should cease, and

another be substituted, of which the two prominent features were—as will

be seen by the annexed tables—a very considerable increase in the number

of field officers, and the reduction of one second lieutenant in each

company. It was also decided that the second lieutenants remaining over

and above the number fixed for the new establishment should be borne as

supernumeraries until absorbed, and that stoppages should be made in the

following manner to meet the expenses of their pay, viz.:—

£ _s._ _d._

From each of the two junior Second Colonels, 4_s._ 0 8 0

From each of the two junior Second Lieutenant-Colonels, 0 4 0

2_s._

From each of the two junior Second Majors, 5_s._ 0 10 0

From each of the six junior Captains, 4_s._ 1 4 0

From each of the six junior Captain-Lieutenants, 1_s._ 0 8 0

4_d._

From each of the six junior First Lieutenants, 8_d._ 0 4 0

—— —— ——

£2 18 0

—— —— ——

The annual total of this stoppage—amounting to 1058_l._ 10_s._—was in

the first instance applied to the payment of the supernumerary second

lieutenants, and any surplus that might remain was ordered to be divided

annually on the 31st December (in proportion to their pay) among the

several officers who were at the time contributing towards it; and it

was directed that as soon as the number of second lieutenants should be

reduced to one per company, the stoppages should cease to be made.

The effect of the alteration in the proportion of officers in the

various ranks is very distinctly shown by Colonel Miller in his

pamphlet. Previous to the change, the proportion of company to field

officers had been as 21 to 1; now it became as 8½ to 1.

The following tables show (1) the establishment and cost of the Regiment

in 1782 prior to the introduction of the new system; and (2) the

proposed establishment, which came into force on the 30th November,

1782. The number of company officers—five per company—then fixed,

remains, to this day, unchanged in the Horse and Field Artillery; but a

subaltern per company or battery in the Garrison Artillery was reduced

by the late Secretary of State for War, thus further improving the

proportions of the field and company officers:—

1782.—PRESENT ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT

OF ARTILLERY.

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

Pay per diem. Pay per annum.

£ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._

The Master-General of the Ordnance. Colonel.

The Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance.

Lieutenant-Colonel.

4 Colonels- 44_s._ each. 8 16 0 3212 0 0

Commandant

4 Lieutenant- 20_s._ each. 4 0 0 1460 0 0

Colonels

4 Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1095 0 0

4 Adjutants 5_s._ each. 1 0 0 365 0 0

1 Surgeon-General 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Surgeons' Mates 3_s._ 6_d._ 0 14 0 255 10 0

each.

4 Quartermasters 6_s._ each. 1 4 0 438 0 0

1 Bridge-master 0 5 0 91 5 0

4 Chaplains 6_s._ 8_d._ 1 6 8 486 13 4

each.

1 Apothecary- 0 0 0 0 0 0

General

31 ——

MASTER-GENERAL'S COMPANY OF GENTLEMEN CADETS.

1 Captain 1 6 0 474 10 0

1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0

Lieutenant

1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0

2 Second 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0

Lieutenants

60 Gentlemen Cadets 2_s._ 6_d._ 7 10 0 2737 10 0

each.

1 Drum-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8

1 Fife-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8

67 ——

COMPANY OF ARTILLERY.

1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0

Lieutenant

2 First Lieutenants 5_s._ each. 0 10 0 182 10 0

2 Second Lieutenant 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Sergeants 2_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Corporals 1_s._ 10_d._ 0 7 4 133 16 0

each.

9 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 15 0 273 15 0

each.

18 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 1 4 0 438 0 0

each.

73 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 3 13 0 1332 5 0

2 Drummers 1_s._ each. 0 2 0 36 10 0

116 ——

1044 Nine Companies more the same 73 10 0 26827 10 0

_For service in Jamaica._

116 One Company more the same 8 3 4 2980 16 8

SECOND BATTALION.

1160 Ten Companies of Artillery the 81 13 4 29808 6 8

same as the 1st

THIRD BATTALION.

1160 Ten Companies of Artillery as 81 13 4 29808 6 8

above

FOURTH BATTALION.

1160 Ten Companies of Artillery as 81 13 4 29808 6 8

above

A FIFTH BATTALION OF INVALIDS.

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

1 Lieutenant- 1 0 0 365 0 0

Colonel

Commandant

1 Major 0 15 0 273 15 0

1 Adjutant 0 5 0 91 5 0

3 ——

COMPANY OF INVALIDS.

1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0

1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0

1 Sergeant 0 2 0 36 10 0

1 Corporal 0 1 10 33 9 2

1 Drummer 0 1 0 18 5 0

3 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 5 0 91 5 0

each.

6 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 0 8 0 146 0 0

each.

36 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 1 16 0 657 0 0

51 ——

459 Nine Companies more the same 32 15 6 11962 17 6

————

5367

1782—PROPOSED ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT

OF ARTILLERY.

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

Pay per diem. Pay per annum.

£ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._

Master-General of the Ordnance. Colonel.

Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance.

Colonel, second.

4 Colonel- 44_s._ each. 8 16 0 3,212 0 0

Commandants

4 Second Colonels 24_s._ each. 4 16 0 1,752 0 0

4 Lieutenant- 20_s._ each. 4 0 0 1,460 0 0

Colonels

4 Second 17_s._ each. 3 8 0 1,241 0 0

Lieutenant-

Colonels

4 Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1,095 0 0

4 Second Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1,095 0 0

4 Adjutants 5_s._ each. 1 0 0 365 0 0

1 Surgeon-General 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Surgeon's Mates 3_s._ 6_d._ 0 14 0 255 10 0

each.

4 Quartermasters 6_s._ each. 1 4 0 438 0 0

1 Brigade-Major 0 5 0 91 5 0

4 Chaplains 6_s._ 8_d._ 1 6 8 486 13 4

each.

42 ——

MASTER-GENERAL'S COMPANY OF GENTLEMEN CADETS.

1 Captain 1 6 0 474 10 0

1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0

Lieutenant

1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0

2 Second 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0

Lieutenants

60 Gentlemen Cadets 2_s._ 6_d._ 7 10 0 2,737 10 0

each.

1 Drum-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8

1 Fife-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8

67 ——

COMPANY OF ARTILLERY.

1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0

Lieutenant

2 First Lieutenants 5_s._ each. 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0

4 Sergeants 2_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Corporals 1_s._ 10_d._ 0 7 4 133 6 8

each.

9 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 15 0 273 15 0

each.

18 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 1 4 0 438 0 0

each.

73 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 3 13 0 1,332 5 0

2 Drummers 1_s._ each. 0 2 0 36 10 0

115 ——

1035 Nine Companies more the same 71 14 0 26,170 10 0

————

1259

_For service in Jamaica._

115 One Company more the same 7 19 6 2,907 16 8

SECOND BATTALION.

1150 Ten Companies of Artillery the 79 13 4 29,078 6 8

same as the 1st

THIRD BATTALION.

1150 Ten Companies of Artillery as 79 13 4 29,078 6 8

above

FOURTH BATTALION.

1150 Ten Companies of Artillery as 73 13 4 29,078 6 8

above

FIFTH BATTALION—INVALIDS.

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

1 Lieutenant- 1 0 0 365 0 0

Colonel

Commandant

1 Major 0 15 0 273 15 0

1 Adjutant 0 5 0 91 5 0

3 ——

COMPANY OF INVALIDS.

1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0

1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0

1 Sergeant 0 2 0 36 10 0

1 Corporal 0 1 10 33 9 2

1 Drummer 0 1 0 18 5 0

3 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 5 0 91 15 0

each.

6 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 0 8 0 146 0 0

each.

36 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 1 16 0 657 0 0

51 ——

459 Nine Companies more the same 32 15 6 11,962 17 6

———— ——— —— —— ——————— —— ——

5337 £406 16 4 148,488 1 8

——— —— —— ——————— —— ——

Proposed Establishment £148,488 1 8

Present Establishment 147,393 1 8

———————— — —

Increase £ 1,095 0 0

With the Peace of 1783 came a reduction in the Regiment from 5337 of all

ranks to 3302, with a saving to the country of the difference between

148,488_l._ 1_s._ 8_d._, the cost of the old establishment, and

110,570_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._, the cost of the new. But the reduction and the

saving were not effected at once. Every allowance was made for existing

claims and interests; and for the first year after the Peace of

Versailles, a charge was allowed of 129,373_l._ 11_s._ Two schemes were

submitted by the Board for carrying out the required reductions: one

left the number of non-commissioned officers untouched; the other

reduced it by one-half and spared the privates, who now were to receive

the title of gunner universally, that of matross being abolished. The

first scheme was approved, but only as a temporary measure, and many of

the details were left optional to the captains of companies. In the

words of the Royal warrant, "If in any company the commanding officer

and captain should choose to keep all the four sergeants, the four

corporals, the nine bombardiers, and the eighteen gunners, he will of

course have but twenty-two matrosses to retain, and must discharge the

remainder, as each company is to consist only of sixty men, whether non-

commissioned officers or privates (including three contingent men),

besides the two drummers, so that a company wishing to preserve its

present sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, and gunners, will be composed

of as follows, viz.:—

Sergeants. 4

Corporals. 4

Bombardiers. 9

Gunners. 18

Matrosses. 22

Contingent men. 3

Drummers. 2

——

Total. 62

"But a company choosing to discharge any of their present sergeants,

corporals, bombardiers, or gunners, will have so many more matrosses to

keep, and all future vacancies of sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, or

gunners will be supplied by matrosses only, until the establishment is

brought to

Sergeants. 2

Corporals. 2

Bombardiers. 3

Matrosses to be called Gunners. 50

Contingent men. 3

Drummers. 2

——

Total. 62

"It is further intended that fifteen men of each company should be

artificers in the following proportion, viz.:—

Carpenters. 4

Smiths. 5

Collar-maker. 1

Wheelers. 4

Tailor. 1

——

Total. 15

"The captains are therefore to endeavour to preserve in each company as

many men of those trades as will make up the number required; and should

there be in any of the companies more of one trade than the complement,

they will be set down as men to be transferred to some other company

that may be in want of them. These fifteen artificers, with ten

labourers from each company, are to be employed as such at Woolwich, and

at the different outposts or garrisons where they may be stationed, and

will receive the following extra pay, viz.:—

Smiths. One at 2_s._ per diem.

Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.

Two at 1_s._ per diem.

Wheelers. One at 2_s._ per diem.

Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.

One at 1_s._ per diem.

Carpenters. One at 2_s._ 6_d._ per diem.

Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.

One at 1_s._ per diem.

Collar-maker. One at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.

Tailor. One at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.

and the labourers at 9_d._, for so many days as they work, which will be

four in each week, the other two days being reserved for their being

trained as Artillerymen. The other twenty-five men per company are to do

all the duty of the Regiment.

"Such men as are entitled to go to the Invalids are to receive the

pension, and whom the officers may wish to have discharged will, of

course, receive that provision.

"If any of the sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, or gunners, who from

their services are not entitled to the Invalids or pension, should wish

to be discharged, and can take care of themselves, they should be parted

with in preference to matrosses, as the difference of their pay will be

a saving to Government, and the establishment will approach so much the

nearer to what it is intended to be. It is not, however, meant that men

under this description, whom the officers may wish to keep should be

discharged, but only such as they can spare without prejudice to their

companies....

(Signed) "RICHMOND."

All honour to the Duke of Richmond! No Master-General ever penned a more

considerate and kindly Warrant, and none ever more fully realized the

speciality of the Artillery service. "Without prejudice to their

companies:" here is the true Artillery unit officially recognized. No

word of battalions: these were mere paper organizations, devoid of all

tactical meaning. History in the end always preaches truth; and at the

close of a seven years' season of very earnest war, the uppermost

thought in the mind of his Grace—the Colonel _ex officio_ of the Royal

Artillery—was the welfare of _the companies_.

The pruning-knife had to be used, for the taxpayers of England were yet

staggering and reeling under the burden of wide-spread and continuous

hostilities; but it was to be used with all tenderness for the

susceptibilities of the true Artillery unit, and of the captains through

whom the needs of that unit found expression.

The reductions having been decided upon, the following was the first

distribution of the Regiment after the Peace of Versailles:—

FIRST BATTALION.—Six companies were ordered to Gibraltar to relieve the

five belonging to the Second Battalion, which had been stationed there

during the Siege. Four companies went to the West Indies, and one was

reduced.

SECOND BATTALION.—The whole ten companies of this battalion were ordered

to Woolwich.

THIRD BATTALION.—The companies were directed to be stationed as follows:

five at Woolwich; one at the Tower; two at Portsmouth; one at Plymouth;

and one at Chatham.

FOURTH BATTALION.—Three companies of this battalion were stationed in

Jamaica, four in Canada, two at Halifax, Nova Scotia, and one in

Newfoundland.

Besides various small detachments in Great Britain, the Invalid

Battalion had to find the Artillery part of the garrisons of Jersey,

Guernsey, Newcastle, and Scotland. It will be observed that Ireland is

not mentioned, that country being garrisoned by the Royal Irish

Artillery, which still enjoyed a separate existence.

* * * * *

On a November night in 1783, a large gathering of Artillery officers

took place at the 'Bull' Inn, on Shooter's Hill, to welcome Colonel

Williams and the officers who had served during the Great Siege of

Gibraltar, on their return to England. Among those present were officers

who had served in the Regiment during the Seven Years' War, in the

American War of Independence, in the East and West Indies, and in

Minorca, besides those guests whose deeds had attracted such universal

admiration. This convivial meeting seems a fit standpoint from which to

look back on the years of the Regiment's life and growth between 1716

and 1783. From the two companies with which it commenced, it had now

attained forty _service_, and ten _invalid_ companies; and instead of

pleading—as was done in its infancy—inability to find men for the

foreign establishments, it was able now to furnish Artillery for Canada,

Gibraltar, and the West Indies, to the extent of twenty companies,

besides finding drafts for the service of the East India Company, one of

which had left only a few nights before this gathering to welcome the

Gibraltar heroes.

Already the motto—not to be given until 1832—had been earned; already

_Ubique_ represented the services of the corps; already _Quo fas et

gloria ducunt_ represented the aspirations of its members.

Much jealousy had been displayed by the other arms of the service; but

it merely served to consolidate the scattered Regiment, and to awaken as

decided a Regimental _esprit_, as existed in smaller and less

distributed corps. The decisions on points of difference had almost

invariably been in favour of the Royal Artillery: in 1756 the Artillery

were directed to take the right of other troops on parade; and every

argument as to the status of the officers was answered in their favour

up to 1751, when all doubt on the subject was removed, and all

discussion ceased, by the King instead of the Master-General signing

their commissions.

On every occasion when the services of the corps were required, the zeal

and ability of officers and men were readily acknowledged; and their

conscientiousness in duty was as conspicuous as their knowledge of their

profession. And with this sense of duty and professional skill, came

that loveable feeling so well described in the words quoted in the

introductory chapter of this volume. "It has ever been our pride, as a

corps, to be regarded as one family; and if one member of it, in any

remote part of the world, in any way distinguished himself, it was felt

universally that he had reflected credit and honour on the whole corps."

In this gathering among the woods on Shooter's Hill, on that November

night, this Regimental feeling found expression.[51]

* * * * *

Many of the readers of this volume are doubtless familiar with the

beautiful interior of the new Garrison Church at Woolwich, the Walhalla

of the Royal Artillery. Over the communion table, memorial windows have

been placed by the officers of the Regiment, "To the glory of God, and

in commemoration of the services of their Corps during the great wars

with France and Russia." As autumn deepens into winter, and the twilight

comes down during the evening service, many must have noticed how with

the dying light all the figures in the painted windows sink away in

shadow and darkness, with the exception of the centre figure, whose pale

form—ghastly pale as Rubens' Dead Christ in Antwerp Cathedral—seems to

start out from the darkness, and become more distinct as the others fade

away.

Is the simile far-fetched—it certainly is not irreverent—to say that, as

out of the gathering chancel-gloom He, the great emblem of affection and

duty, seems to come and linger among his worshippers, so out of the

twilight of the receding years there seems to stand amid all the dimness

and uncertainty of details—the confusion of figures—the forgetfulness of

even great facts, a grand eloquent figure of Duty, learnt in stern

warfare, impressed in no idle peace, and loved in exact proportion as

the heart became inspired by increasing _esprit_, and enlarged by

unselfish pride?

Duty needs not love, nor encouragement, to make it noble; but a warm

blush comes into the marble cheek, and a quickened pulse to the strong

heart, when affection and duty go hand in hand, and the two great

lessons of the God-man—love and obedience—blend unconsciously into one.

During the sixty-seven years of the Regiment's existence, at the date

when this chapter concludes, this blending had gradually and surely been

effected; the fierce and selfish spirit of the pre-regimental trains had

disappeared, and an unselfish ambition had taken its place.

Who shall say that in the sympathy of numbers there is not a power

incalculable? And who can say that in its highest sense this sympathy

can be attained without either a common object, a common charge, or a

common danger? If the Regimental system failed in all else in military

life, it succeeds in answering these three requisites. A common object—

the attainment of a glory which can be common and yet personal; a common

charge—the great legacy of former glory, which a man would be a craven

if he let the breath of scorn approach; and a common danger, which on

service shall knit every man to his neighbour, and in after times shall

bind them together again by sympathies and memory.

At times, indeed, the gloom may be great; the twilight may deepen with

unnatural and unexpected rapidity; but even among beaten, and dying, and

darkening figures, _one_ must ever stand out in a Corps which has learnt

true discipline—a figure which twilight cannot shroud, and which even

disaster itself at times may illumine, which not even monotonous

routine, nor seemingly valueless tasks can dim—the eternal and divine

figure of Duty.

-----

Footnote 38:

Canon Kingsley, at the R.A. Institution, on October 3rd, 1871.

Footnote 39:

MS. Correspondence of General Pattison, R.A.

Footnote 40:

Official MS. Correspondence, Commandant's Office, New York.

Footnote 41:

MSS. in R. A. Regimental Library.

Footnote 42:

Cust.

Footnote 43:

Lee.

Footnote 44:

Lee.

Footnote 45:

MSS. in R. A. Library.

Footnote 46:

Browne, now Bandmaster of the Royal Horse Artillery.

Footnote 47:

Cust.

Footnote 48:

Lee.

Footnote 49:

Kane's List.

Footnote 50:

Kane's List.

Footnote 51:

It may be interesting to state here that on the 5th October, 1783, the

first Committee was chosen to establish a regular Regimental Mess in

the new barracks on the Common. The entrance subscription was fixed at

1_l._ 1_s._ Hitherto the officers had messed in two public-houses in

Woolwich, known jocularly as the "Bastion," and "Redan." The new mess-

room—afterwards a chapel—was where the Recreation Rooms now are.