PUBLIC FESTIVALS.
The Olympic Festival--The Gymnastic and Equestrian Contests--The
Hippodrome--The Judges--The Preliminary Ceremonies--The Course of
the Festival--Honours to the Victors--The Delphic Festival and
Pythian Games--The Isthmian and Nemean Games--The Athenian
Festivals--The Festivals of Dionysus.
In ancient and in modern times alike it has been usual to connect public
festivals with some religious observance, even though the actual
occasion might be the celebration of the change of the seasons or some
regular event connected with agriculture. Greek worship was naturally of
a cheerful nature. The sacrifices were usually followed by banquets,
which communicated a festive character to an act of worship, and this
was often accompanied by singing and dancing, sometimes of a serious and
solemn nature, at other times lively and cheerful. As a rule, sacrifices
to the heavenly deities were offered early in the day, but the banquet
did not take place till the afternoon, and thus opportunity was afforded
for devoting the interval to entertainments, among which, along with
song and dance, dramatic and gymnastic performances soon began to occupy
a place, and gradually to assume the character of regular competitions.
Sacrifices to the infernal deities took place in the afternoon or
evening, and were, in consequence, followed by a festival at night,
which often degenerated into a wild orgy. These festivities, which were
partly connected with the worship and partly celebrated for their own
sake or connected with ancient national games, were at first a natural
consequence of the religious ceremonies and the manner in which a nation
of the cheerful disposition of the Greeks would celebrate them. But as
these performances and festivities came to be more closely connected
with the religious festivals, they gradually became an integral part of
them, and were no longer left to the arbitrary disposition of the
persons concerned, but were taken in hand by the state or community, and
subject to regular arrangement.
The entertainments most commonly added to the religious ceremonies at
the festivals were, in the first place, those of a musical character,
partly vocal, partly instrumental, or a combination of both; in the
second, dances, both choric and pantomimic, lastly scenic
representations, gymnastic contests, processions, national games, etc.
Among these the musical, choregraphic, scenic, and gymnastic
representations were first raised to the dignity of regular
competitions. Of course, different festivals were celebrated in
different ways; apart from local differences, the very character of the
divinity in whose honour the festival was held, and the different phases
of the legend, necessitated differences in the mode of celebration and
in the regulation of those who were to take part in them; thus some
festivals were celebrated by both sexes together, and others by only
one, to the exclusion of the other. In one point, especially, the
Hellenic differed from our modern Christian festivals. It is a natural
consequence of the Christian religion that the great festivals are
celebrated at the same time by all believers in all parts of the
civilised world, while the Greek religion knew of no such religious
festivals common to all Hellenic tribes. There were a number of national
festivals which were of equal importance to all Greeks; but these were
not celebrated simultaneously throughout the country, but only at one
specially appointed place, to which spectators came from all parts, and
which thus provided an opportunity for great national meetings recurring
at regular intervals. In consequence of the decentralisation of the
country, these provided the only means of awakening and maintaining
national feeling among the Greeks. Other festivals were peculiar to
particular countries, or even to towns or communities; the differences
existing in Greek belief, which are often closely connected with
national traditions and racial peculiarities, were also marked in the
act of worship. Even those regular festivals which were celebrated alike
in most of the Greek states were not all held on the same day, but at
different times, which was probably due to the fact that Greek antiquity
was acquainted with no common calendar. The proceedings at these
festivals also differed greatly according to the place. We know very
little about the majority; most details have come down to us concerning
the Attic calendar and the customs in use there, though even here our
knowledge is very incomplete. The great Hellenic national festivals,
which were celebrated at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the isthmus of
Corinth, will first claim our attention.
Of these the Olympic festival is the oldest, at any rate as regards its
national importance. The festival and the games celebrated there existed
long before the year 776 B.C., after which its regular recurrence was
used for expressing the date of the year; still, it is only from this
time onward that we can regard it as a really national festival. The
Pythians did not begin to calculate by their games till the year 586,
the Isthmians in 582, and the Nemeans in 573. The Olympic and Pythian
festivals recurred every four years, the other two every two years; the
Olympic festivals always took place at the first full moon of the summer
solstice, the Pythian in the autumn of the third year of an Olympiad; we
cannot determine the exact period of the others, and only know that the
Isthmian games were held at midsummer, and the Nemean alternately in
winter and in summer. The main features of all, next to the usual acts
of worship, such as prayer, sacrifices, etc., was the gymnastic contests
connected with them. All four had attained so great a reputation even
beyond the frontiers of their narrow home that most of the Greek states
took part in them by means of official embassies (θεωρίαι) and numbers
of spectators came from a distance, and a great market was held there in
consequence. This universal interest taken in the festivals gave them a
character of inviolability, so that they were able to continue even in
time of war, since there was always a truce as long as the games lasted,
and all who took part in them were allowed to travel undisturbed, as
soon as the heralds of peace had announced the beginning of the sacred
month, first in their own state, and afterwards in that of all the
Greeks who took part in the contests. We possess far more details
concerning the Olympic festival than any other, and, in fact, it
exceeded them all in importance. The games constituted the most
important part, and it was for their sake that spectators came from most
distant parts of the ancient world to the plain of the Alpheus; and,
indeed, the myth concerning the origin of the festival is intimately
connected with these games. Every free-born Greek was allowed to take
part in them. Barbarians were strictly rejected, at any rate in the best
period of the Olympic festival, and it was not till the time of the
Roman Empire, when its glory had long departed, that this practice was
abandoned. They also excluded all who had committed murder or any other
great crime, or forfeited the rights of citizenship, and before the
beginning of the contest a strict examination was held into the claims
of all who desired to take part. At first only youths and men were
admitted; from 632 onwards boys were allowed to contend, at any rate in
some of the sports. We hear of women taking part or being victors in the
Olympic games, but this does not mean that they appeared in person; in
the chariot races and riding it was not the custom for the owner of a
horse to drive or ride, and thus rich women who were interested in the
training of horses could let them run at the Olympic games; and since it
was not the charioteer or rider, but the trainer and owner of the horses
who was crowned, they might thus obtain the prize.
The contests at Olympia were of a gymnastic or equestrian nature;
musical contests were excluded. But the perfect development of
gymnastics as shown at the Olympic competitions only took place very
gradually. At first the contests consisted only in running, and this was
the case for the first thirty Olympiads after the time when the counting
began. Then the double-course was introduced, and soon afterwards the
long course (724 B.C.). In the year 708 the pentathlon was added, and
thus the most important sports--jumping, throwing the spear and quoit,
and wrestling--were introduced, along with running, and henceforward
were regarded as one of the most attractive parts of the whole contest.
In 688 a boxing-match was added; in 680, chariot races with four
full-grown horses; in 648, riding races and the pancration. No more
contests were added; further changes were only slight modifications,
such as the admission of boys, who at first took part only in the
running and wrestling, then for a short time in the pentathlon, and
afterwards in the boxing-match, and only in very late times (200 B.C.)
in the pancration. In the year 520 the race in full panoply was
introduced, and in 408 the chariot race with two horses. Attempts were
made to introduce mules and mares, but these were soon abandoned; colts
were, however, introduced for the contest with four and two horses, and
also for riding. It was natural that when there was so large a number of
events they could not all, as at first, take place on one day; and,
indeed, it would hardly have been worth the journey from such great
distances. From time to time, as new sports were added, another day was
given to the festival, so that when the number was complete it generally
lasted for five days, divided in such a way that the three intermediate
days were devoted to the contests, the first and last to the public and
private sacrifices, processions and banquets.
The gymnastic contests have been already discussed in a previous
section; we must give some details here about the equestrian
competitions, among which racing with four-horse chariots was always
regarded as one of the most splendid. They employed for the purpose the
light two-wheeled chariots used in battle in the heroic age; these had,
as a rule, wheels with four spokes, and the car was open at the back and
closed in a semi-circular shape in front, with two bent hoops turned
back behind, which were used to catch hold of in jumping up. (Compare
the vase painting, Fig. 149.) Here we see the preparations for driving;
the charioteer, clad in a long garment according to ancient custom,
stands behind the two
[Illustration: FIG. 149.]
horses, which are yoked to the chariot, and seems about to complete the
arrangement of the harness, while an attendant in a short garment is
helping him; another attendant leads a third horse, which is probably
also to be yoked to the chariot; while the owner holds in his hand the
reins and the goad with which to urge on the horses. The usual plan was
to fasten the middle horse to a yoke at the end of the pole which is
raised in front, while the outer horses were connected with ropes at
either side, fastened to a ring in front of the chariot. The reins were
all drawn through a ring or loop at the top of the pole, and the pin on
to which this ring was fastened was connected with a vertical rod in
front of the chariot by a line drawn very tight, the object of which is
not clear; perhaps it was to establish equilibrium between the car,
which was drawn backwards by the weight of the driver, and the forward
pressure given to the pole by the pull of the horses. This picture also
shows other details of harnessing, the bridle, etc.
The races took place in the Hippodrome; but the one at Olympia is
completely destroyed, and all the knowledge we possess of its situation
is due to Pausanias, who gives us no information concerning the length
of the course to be run twice by full-grown horses. However, he supplies
a detailed description of the starting places, which were very
complicated, since no competitor must have an advantage over another by
starting earlier or having a shorter piece of ground to cover. For this
purpose the two long sides of the Hippodrome were of unequal length, and
the one at the end of which were the goal and the seats of the judges
was rather shorter than the other; the stands for the chariots were not
in a straight line, but in the form of the segment of a circle. The
ropes, which prevented the chariots from starting before the appointed
time, did not all drop at the same moment, but one after another in such
a way that the chariots started first from the more distant stands, and
reached a given point at the same time as those from the nearer stands,
which started a few seconds later, so that the racing began at this
place under equal conditions. The signal was given by the sound of
trumpets, and also by some ingenious mechanism which caused a bronze
dolphin on an elevated place at the beginning of the course to fall,
while an eagle, which till then had rested on an altar, rose into the
air with extended wings. At this sign the barriers fell, and the
chariots started in the appointed order over the longer side of the
course, and then, turning back, returned by the shorter side. This was
the exciting contest which has been so magnificently described by Homer
in his account of the funeral games in honour of Patroclus, and by
Sophocles in the “Electra.” The victor who first reached the goal, near
which sat the umpires, received the much-coveted reward of a wreath; but
even the next seems to have had some distinction or, at any rate, an
honourable mention.
Racing with four full-grown horses was always most popular, but there
were also races with two-horse chariots and with colts. Afterwards, when
riding races came into fashion, they became extremely popular, although
they never attained the great importance claimed by the chariot races in
the Olympic games. In both contests it was the trainer of the horse who
was regarded as victor, and though it sometimes happened that the owner
or his son drove or rode himself, yet it was more commonly done by
strangers, very often by professional charioteers and riders hired for
the purpose, like our jockeys of the present day. Instead of the wreath,
which was not allotted to them, they received a fillet as a token of
victory.
The judges (Ἑλλανοδίκαι) were appointed by the Elians, on whose
territory the games took place. Their number varied in the course of
years. At first, in 576 B.C., two citizens were chosen by lot to arrange
and superintend the contests; but a hundred years later there were nine
judges appointed, three for the equestrian contests, three for the
pentathlon, and three for the rest of the sports; to these nine a tenth
was soon added, then for a short time the number was reduced to eight,
and afterwards once more increased to ten, which remained the appointed
number. They were chosen by lot even in later times. As their decisions
were of extreme importance, it was regarded as no small matter to
undertake this responsible office; in fact, the judges had to be trained
in a special building in the market-place of Elis, in the arcades of
which they spent the greater part of the day for ten months, to be
instructed in their duties by the guardians of the laws (νομοθύλακες),
and in particular to acquire an accurate knowledge of gymnastic rules.
When the time of the games arrived, they took a solemn oath in the
court-house at Olympia, before the altar of _Zeus Herkeios_; their
period of office extended only over a single festival.
Their duties were to make the arrangements for the contests, and all the
festivals connected therewith; to examine the competitors as to their
right to enter; to superintend the training of the athletes and their
teachers in the gymnasium; to see that the athletes really entered for
the contests which they had chosen, and that everything was done
according to established custom, and the laws of the games were in no
way broken; for this purpose they also had disciplinary power, and a
right to impose considerable fines, and even sometimes inflict corporal
punishment. Finally, in case of uncertainty, they had to give judgment
about the victory, if necessary, by a majority of votes. A combatant who
was not satisfied could appeal against their decision to the council
(βουλή) of Olympia, but he could not afterwards be pronounced victor;
the most he could obtain, should it appear that the judges were in the
wrong, was their condemnation to pay a fine. Under the judges were
officials who helped to maintain order and carry out their ordinances;
and all the attendants present--and this must have been a considerable
number, owing to the great concourse of spectators and combatants--were
under their orders.
We can form some general idea of the succession of events and the
arrangement of festivities during the five days of the festival,
although we are not fully acquainted with all the details. A preliminary
ceremony was the entrance of the embassies from the various Hellenic
states. All the states considered it a matter of importance to send
their representatives equipped with as much splendour as possible, and
therefore the richest people were always chosen for the purpose. Since a
great deal of splendour was shown by these delegates at the festive
processions with their chariots and horses, their magnificent utensils,
etc., they probably held a grand entry on their arrival, and thus the
spectators, at the very beginning of the festival, were able to gratify
their love of fine sights. No doubt the whole proceeding began with a
sacrifice to Zeus, in whose honour the games were held, and who was
regarded as their director. Next, the umpires, the athletes who entered
for the contests, and the trainers who had come with them, took a solemn
oath in the court-house at Olympia. After a swine had been sacrificed,
the competitors had to swear that they possessed the full rights of
citizens, that they had fulfilled all the conditions which were
necessary for admission, and were ready to submit to the regulations. In
spite of this oath, an examination into their claims took place; it was
not only necessary to prove the right of citizenship, but also the
appointed training for the contests by the athletic diet already
described, and on this account the presence of the trainers was
desirable, if not indispensable, at the examination and oath. The horses
for the races were also examined. It is uncertain whether the lots to
determine the groups of competitors were drawn on this first day. The
drawing was preceded by a prayer to _Zeus Moiragetes_, the Director of
Destiny; then the charioteers drew lots for their places at starting,
and the others for their order of entry. The runners were divided into
groups, probably of four; the lot decided the order in which they were
to follow one another; and the victors in these races had then to run
once more for the prize. This however was probably only the case with
the single and double course, since it is not likely that there were so
many competitors for the more difficult long course and the race in full
panoply. Wrestlers, boxers, and pancratiasts drew lots from an urn, in
which small lots, of which a pair was marked with the same letters, were
thrown; each competitor drew out one. Those who drew the same letters
had to fight together; the victors then fought afresh. If there were
more than two victors, they probably drew lots again in the same way. At
last there was only one pair left, of which one was victor in the whole
contest. It sometimes happened that when these lots were drawn the
number of combatants was unequal, and thus one was left without an
opponent. He was called the third combatant (ἔφεδρος), and it was a very
lucky thing to draw this lot. Of course, it would be a very unusual
piece of luck for one person to be third combatant at all the drawings,
and thus be able at last to meet, with his strength unbroken, an
opponent who would have sustained many contests already; still, to draw
this lot even once was to have a distinct advantage. There was, of
course, a certain amount of unfairness connected with it, but they seem
to have found no other way out of the dilemma; still, in most cases,
when the victors and the third combatant drew afresh, it might be left
to chance to see that one person was not too highly favoured. Sometimes
a competitor was lucky enough to obtain a wreath without any contest at
all; for instance, if only two had entered for a particular contest, and
one of them did not appear in time or abandoned the fight. Many
celebrated athletes could obtain a prize thus by the mere terror of
their names.
The gymnastic and equestrian competitions continued from the second to
the fourth day; probably the boys contended on the second, the men on
the third and fourth days. We know little about the order of events;
still, it is probable that on the third day the racing took place first,
and in this order--long, single, and double course, then wrestling,
boxing, and pancration; on the fourth day the equestrian contests, the
pentathlon, and, last of all, the race in full panoply. There would then
be several changes of locality, since the equestrian contests took place
in the Hippodrome; the races, pentathlon, and other gymnastic sports in
the Stadion. There was, of course, a gymnasium at Olympia, but this
could not contain the multitude of spectators as well as the Stadion,
and, therefore, the wrestling school and gymnasium at Olympia were used
exclusively for the previous training of the competitors who came there
for the contests. On the last day the prizes were distributed. The
prize, as is well known, was the simplest possible--a mere wreath of
olive, which a boy, both whose parents must be alive, according to the
old tradition, cut with a golden knife from a wild olive tree in the
Grove of Altis. Another outward token of victory was the palm branch
granted to the victor, and, in consequence, the palm as a token of
victory often appears in the statues of the Olympic conquerors. In olden
times the wreaths to be distributed were placed on a brazen tripod; but
Kolotes, a pupil of Pheidias, constructed a magnificent table of gold
and ivory for the purpose, which was usually kept in the temple of Hera.
It was the duty of one of the judges to crown the head of the victor
with the wreath after it had been previously surrounded by a woollen
fillet. During this solemn act the herald announced the name of the
victor, as well as of his father and his native city. The importance
attributed by the ancients to the victory in the Olympic games was such
that this proud moment, when the victor received his reward amid the
applause of the whole people, and, as it were, before the eyes of all
Greece, was a sufficient compensation for all the troubles and
difficulties involved in the preparation for the contest. Still, there
were many other honours which fell to his lot, both in Olympia and at
home in his own country.
After the name of the victor had been announced, sacrifices and banquets
took place. It is not certain whether the great sacrifice of the
Elians, a hecatomb offered to Zeus as the supreme director of the
contests, took place at the conclusion of the festival, or at the
beginning; in any case, numerous sacrifices of thanksgiving were offered
by the victors and also by the delegates sent from other states. Very
often the victor’s sacrifice was combined with that of his countrymen;
for the state to which the conqueror belonged considered itself honoured
by his victory, and it was the duty of the delegates to exhibit as much
splendour as possible at the sacrifice as well as at the procession
connected with it. These solemn processions, which made the last day of
the feast a specially magnificent one, were accompanied by flutes and
citharas, and, perhaps, also by the singing of choruses. They probably
marched at first round the altars, while the flames of the sacrifices
were burning on them, and afterwards touched at all the sacred places
near the holy Altis.
In the afternoon a great banquet, given by the Elians to the victors,
united them all in the town hall (πρυτανεῖον); but even this was not the
end of the festivities, for feasting continued in the evening and far
into the night at entertainments given by the victors to their relations
and friends, who had hurried to the spot. These were more or less
magnificent according to the means of the givers, though sometimes the
state to which they belonged bore a part of the expenses. These festive
gatherings were also honoured by music and song, and it was on these
occasions that the songs of victory (ἐπινίκια), specially composed in
praise of the victor and his family, were often sung, along with old
songs, supposing it to have been possible in this short interval to
write, compose, and study one of these hymns of victory. Most of the
odes, especially those of Pindar, which have come down to us, were not
performed on these occasions, but at the festivities held in honour of
the victor in his own country, which were often celebrated there from
year to year.
Herewith the official programme of the festivities came to an end, but
there was no lack of further entertainment; for the opportunity of
appearing before so great a number of their countrymen, and thus
attaining sudden fame, was a very attractive one for poets and writers,
who in those days were little assisted by the bookselling trade. The
custom of holding lectures or reciting poems before the assembled people
originated in the 5th century, when it is said to have been introduced
by Herodotus, who read aloud a portion of his history at Olympia, though
this story is not entirely removed from doubt. It is, however, a fact
that from that time onwards recitations of this kind became commoner;
thus Gorgias the Sophist, and Hippias the Elian, held long discourses
here; and similarly, Prodicus and Anaximenes, Lysias, Isocrates, etc.,
lectured at Olympia; and in later times this was a frequent occurrence.
Occasionally, though less often, works of art were here exposed to view;
thus, a painter, Aetion, exhibited his picture of the marriage of
Alexander the Great and Roxana, and the astronomer, Oinopides, of Chios,
exhibited a brass tablet which was to explain a new method of
calculating the time, discovered by him. This last, however, turned out
a failure. The publicity of the Olympic festival was also used in other
ways. Important decrees relating to solemn pledges, treaties among
states, mutual acknowledgment of meritorious actions, decisions to
confer crowns, or other matters of importance, which it was desirable to
bring into universal notice as soon as possible, were proclaimed by the
solemn voice of the herald and then graven in bronze or stone, and set
up in the Altis.
Every free man might be present at the contests and other festivities,
provided his means permitted him to defray the expenses of the journey
and of a stay in the festive city. Naturally the greater number of the
spectators came from the neighbouring states of the Peloponnesus; but,
still, many came very long distances. So great was the interest roused
by these contests that people from all classes came to view them; and
even men of the highest intellectual eminence took pleasure in them.
Statesmen and generals, such as Themistocles, Cimon, Philopoemen;
philosophers, such as Thales, Chiron, Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato;
orators, such as Gorgias, Lysias, Demosthenes; poets, such as Pindar,
Simonides, were among the spectators; and though some of the poets,
especially Euripides, and philosophers were inclined to criticise rather
severely the value of the performances at Olympia, yet these were but
isolated opinions, and in no way tended to diminish the popularity of
the games or the glory of the victors in the eyes of the general public.
This interest was revealed by the endurance with which the spectators
continued to watch the games, in spite of the fact that they took place
in the very hottest season, and lasted for the greater part of the day;
from early morning, when they went to the Stadion in order to secure a
good place, till late in the afternoon, when the decision was given,
they watched and endured the heat, dust, crowding, and thirst, either
standing or squatting, according as space permitted, with that patience
and endurance of which only the people of the south are capable. No
doubt there were noisy expressions of sympathy during the contests,
encouraging or mocking cries, applause and sounds of sorrow, since all
feelings are expressed in a violent manner by southern nations. Women
were not allowed to be present at the games. The statement that the
maidens of Elis were an exception to this rule is scarcely credible.
Those women or girls who had come to the festival to accompany competing
husbands, sons, or brothers, had to remain on the other side of the
Alpheus. In consequence of the great number of spectators, inns and
lodging-houses were built to accommodate those who had not, like the
sacred envoys, brought their own tents with them. Moreover, as already
indicated, a kind of fair was connected with the Olympian festivities;
traders, with all manner of wares, some of them objects directly
connected with the festival, such as fillets, flowers, food, etc., and
other useful articles, set up their booths and tents; and, thus, along
with the festival, there was a busy commercial activity, such as was
common in every place where great crowds of people met together at fixed
times.
The games performed at Delphi in honour of Pythian Apollo bore the name
of the Great Pythia, to distinguish them from the Lesser Pythia, held
every year at Delphi, and also from the festival of the same name
celebrated in other places. This festival, which at first was held every
eight years, had been changed to a quadrennial one after the beginning
of the 6th century B.C.; it lasted several days, and gradually many
additions were made to the original contests. At first the musical
competition, which comprised cithara and flute playing, was the only
one; in later times, too, it was the principal part of the festival, but
after the example of the Olympian games, gymnastic and equestrian
contests were also added. A general truce was connected with the Pythian
games as well as with the Olympian, and this lasted long enough to
enable spectators from the distant colonies on the shores of the
Mediterranean to journey in safety to Delphi and back. The chief events
of the festival and the order of proceedings were something of this
sort.
A great sacrifice to the three gods, Apollo, Artemis, and Leto, called
_Trittyes_ probably formed the introduction. Then followed an important
part of the festival, calculated to arouse lively interest in the
public, the _Pythian Nomos_, the subject of which was the celebrated
fight with the dragon Pytho by Apollo. Many suggestions have been made
about the nature of this performance. One is that the fight was
presented in dumb show; another that it was a song, accompanied by
instruments; and, again, another very popular theory is that this
Pythian Nomos was a concerto of flute solos, by means of which various
stages of the fight with the dragon were represented in tone painting.
Probably the most important situations--the fight, thanksgiving, and
hymn of victory--could be thus represented, and, indeed, they must have
attained considerable proficiency in tone painting, since even the
gnashing of the dragon’s teeth was musically represented. With a view to
strengthening these effects, the flute, which always remained the chief
instrument, was afterwards reinforced at certain places by trumpets and
shepherds’ pipes. This Pythian Nomos constituted part of the musical
contest, which was of greater importance in the Pythian games than the
gymnastic competition, since Apollo was essentially the representative
of the musical arts. Besides the solo flute playing, the musical
competition included songs with cithara accompaniment, and at first also
with the flute, but this last was discontinued, being regarded as too
sad and gloomy; and, instead, cithara playing without song was
introduced in the musical contest. It was only in much later times, when
troops of artists were called in to make the festival more splendid,
with the consent of the officials of the land, that dramas were also
presented at the Pythian games.
We know but little of the gymnastic contests which gradually found a
place in the Pythian games. In essentials they were the same as those at
Olympia, but the double course and the long course for boys were also
added, while at Olympia these two contests were only open to men. The
order of events, too, was different; the competitors were classed
according to age, and each class, after completing its own contests, was
able to rest while the others went through the same exercise, so that
these intervals for rest enabled the boys to perform greater feats of
running than they could at Olympia, where they had to enter for all
their contests before the men’s turn came at all. To the usual gymnastic
sports were afterwards added the race in full panoply and the pancration
for boys. Equestrian competitions were early introduced; racing with
full-grown horses, with four-horse chariots, and afterwards with
two-horse chariots; when colts were introduced at Olympia the example
was also followed at Delphi: probably the events followed in such a way
that the musical contest was connected with the acts of worship, and was
followed by the gymnastic, and this by the equestrian contests. The
gymnastic sports were held, at the time of Pindar, in the neighbourhood
of the ruined city Cirrha, south of the mouth of the Pleistos;
afterwards the Delphic Stadion was to the north-west of the city, while
the driving and riding races took place in the old Stadion near the
ruined city of Cirrha. In later times there was also a theatre for the
performance of the musical contests.
Here, as at Olympia, punctual attendance was required of the
competitors; those who entered unlawfully were expelled by the servants
of the Amphictyons, who were entrusted with disciplinary power. It was
they who had the superintendence of the games, as well as the right of
judging. Originally both these privileges had belonged to the
inhabitants of Delphi; but after the reorganisation of the games in the
year 586, the duties of superintendents and judges passed to the
Amphictyons, or to officials appointed by them. It seems that we must
distinguish between the Amphictyonic superintendents (ἐπιμεληταί), in
whose hands were the arrangement of the programme, and all matters of
expense, the appointment or ratification of the festive officials, etc.
(ἀγωνοθεσία), and the real umpires (βραβῆς), who had themselves to make
the most important arrangements for the contests, such as assigning the
places for the chariots in the races and giving decisions about the
victory; but we cannot attain any certainty in this matter. Sometimes,
towards the end of the age of Greek freedom, the right of
superintendence was conferred on princes--as, for instance on Philip of
Macedon--and in the time of the Empire it was not unusual for a rich man
to bear the expenses of the ceremony wholly or in great part; though
even here the old custom was, at any rate externally, observed. The
prizes of victory were originally valuable gifts, tripods, etc.; at the
rearrangement of the games the custom originated of giving, instead, a
wreath, as was done at Olympia, made of laurel sacred to Apollo. They
also followed the example of Olympia in introducing lectures and
recitations by historians and poets; thus Gorgias the Sophist, delivered
an oration on one of these occasions. A very important part of the
festival was the great procession (πομπή), in which strangers who came
to the games, embassies with their dedicatory offerings, the officials
and priests, took part; and besides the offerings, which were often very
splendid, valuable treasures, usually kept in the treasuries, were
exhibited; costly weapons and armour, splendid garments and jewels,
vases, etc., were exposed to view, so that this procession, which
probably marched from the suburb Pylaea, upwards to the temple of
Apollo, must have presented a very varied and richly-coloured picture.
As well as the triple sacrifice already mentioned, there were other
solemn sacrifices, among them a hecatomb to Apollo; this was, of course,
connected with the great banquet, at which there was no lack of musical
entertainment.
The Isthmian games, the third of the great Hellenic national festivals,
were celebrated on the isthmus of Corinth, in the sacred pine grove of
Poseidon, where a hippodrome and a stadion for equestrian and gymnastic
contests had been erected. The festival, which from the year 582
onwards, became national and Hellenic, took place every two years, in
the first and third years of an Olympiad; it consisted of musical,
gymnastic, and equestrian contests. We do not hear of any differences
between these games and those at Olympia, and we may assume that there
were the usual competitions for men and boys; in addition to them there
was an intermediate class of the beardless ones--that is, youths
(ἔφηβοι). Of course, there was a universal truce during the Isthmian
games, and numerous and splendid embassies attended it, since the site
between two seas facilitated attendance. The arrangement of the
programme fell to the Corinthians, who also appointed the umpires,
probably from among the rich and respected citizens. The prize of
victory was a wreath of ivy, for which they afterwards substituted one
of pine, and this seems to have been still the custom at the time of
Ibycus, who, as Schiller tells us, met his death on the way to this
“contest of chariots and song.” In the later period, especially in the
Hellenistic and Roman times, there were also rhetorical and poetical
recitations at the Isthmian games, but they did not form a part of the
musical contest.
The Nemean games were held at Argolis, in a valley between Cleonae and
Phlius, in a grove belonging to the sanctuary of _Zeus-Nemeios_, and
they did not attain national importance till the year 573. These, like
the Isthmian games, were held every two years, in the second and fourth
years of an Olympiad. The contests here also comprised musical,
gymnastic, and equestrian competitions; we are incidentally informed
that cithara and flute players appeared in the musical contest. We have
no information about the length of its duration, but it must certainly
have lasted for several days. The Cleonaeans were for a long time
superintendents and umpires, but when the Argives gained possession of
the Nemean sanctuary they also claimed this privilege. The prize of
victory here, as at the Isthmian games, was a wreath of ivy; there were
the same arrangements for a universal truce, and visits of sacred
envoys, as at other great festivals.
From this consideration of the Hellenic national celebrations we must
now turn specially to Athens, with whose festive calendar we are much
better acquainted; but we must content ourselves with a selection from
among the most important. The first place is due to the greatest
festival of the Athenians, the _Panathenaea_ celebrated in the first
month of the Athenian calendar, Hekatombaeon (probably our July). We
must distinguish between the lesser and the greater Panathenaea; the
former was celebrated every year; the latter, introduced by
Peisistratus, every four years; the real difference was that, at the
greater Panathenaea the contests were more splendid and probably lasted
a longer time. The festival was held in honour of the patron goddess in
the ancient temple of _Athene Polias_; it consisted of sacrifices and
competitions, equestrian, gymnastic, and also musical. The oldest
musical contest was a competition between rhapsodists, perhaps
introduced by Peisistratus. The performances of the rhapsodists were
probably chiefly concerned with the Homeric poems, which had been
collected and edited at the command of Peisistratus, but we do not know
in what way they contended for the prize; the place of recitation was
the Odeon. Afterwards the Homeric rhapsodies fell into the background,
when Pericles extended the musical contests by introducing cithara and
flute playing and song. We learn from the inscriptions that songs with
cithara accompaniment, as well as with flute accompaniment, were usual,
and they also speak of cyclic choruses, that is, dithyrambs, sung by
choruses while circling round the altar on which the sacrifice was
burning. The prize for the musical contest was a gold wreath and some
money. The gymnastic contests were arranged according to age (boys,
youths, men); the youngest entered first, and each class ended its
competitions before the next one began. Similarly the competitions
advanced from easy to difficult; they were of the usual kinds already
described, but it was only the men from whom all were required. Boys and
youths in the earliest period entered for racing, wrestling, and boxing,
pancration, and pentathlon. Afterwards the pentathlon was abandoned, and
the double and long course introduced instead, though probably the
requirements for these were reduced, since the usual attainments of
these contests would have been too great for boys. We do not know
exactly where the gymnastic competitions took place, since the
Panathenaeic Stadion was not built till the latter half of the fourth
century. Before that there seems to have been a place to the west of the
Peiraeus, where both equestrian and gymnastic contests were carried on;
here, too, the victors were proclaimed, and the prizes conferred on
them. These consisted in a quantity of oil from the celebrated
olive-trees of Athene in the Academy, and this was drawn into earthen
amphoras, on one side of which was represented the image of the patron
goddess, and on the other generally a scene from the gymnastic
competition. Many imitations of these amphoras exist, and no small
number of them have come down to us, and are known as Panathenaeic prize
amphoras.
There were several events peculiar to the equestrian contests at Athens.
Thus, in Attica and Boeotia chariot-jumping was a popular sport. Besides
the charioteer on the two-wheeled car there was a second person
(ἀποβάτης), who, while the chariot was moving at full speed, jumped down
from the car and up again, assisted by the charioteer; this performance
is traced back by legend to the time of Erichthonius. There were also
martial contests, in which warriors in full panoply stood in their
chariots; and also races of javelin-throwers, who aimed at a fixed goal
from their running horses; but these sports connected with the
Panathenaea are known to us only by casual allusions, and not by
accurate description. Here, as elsewhere, we learn from the inscriptions
that the usual kinds of racing took place, namely, with four horses, and
afterwards, too, with colts, as well as riding races. Here, as in the
gymnastic contests, the prize consisted in jars of oil; in both cases
the first prize was generally five times the value of the second.
To the festivities of the Panathenaea belonged also a performance of the
Pyrrhic war dance (πυῤῥίχη) which originated at Sparta, and was probably
introduced at Athens at the time of Solon and Peisistratus. In later
times they distinguished three kinds, according to age. The various
classes, clad in magnificent armour, combined together in bands and
performed a dance to the music of the flute, which partook of the double
nature of choregraphic and military movements. A still extant relief
from the Acropolis, set up by a choragus who had won the prize (rich
citizens undertook the equipment of the Pyrrhic choruses as a public
service or liturgy), presents a number of youthful dancers performing a
measured dance in light helmets, and holding their shield in their left
hand, but without any clothing; they are in two divisions; the choragus
stands superintending them in a long chiton (as festive garment) and
himation. We do not know how the victory of a Pyrrhic chorus was
decided. The prize of victory was an ox.
Another contest peculiar to the Panathenaea was a muster of men
(εὐανδρία). Like the dramatic representations, the torch-race, and the
Pyrrhic dance, this was a liturgy, that is, a voluntary service
performed by a rich citizen. It was his duty to select the handsomest
and strongest men of his tribe, to clothe and equip them, and present
them at the festival; that tribe which, in the opinion of the judges,
made the best impression, received the prize. This curious custom
originated after the expulsion of the Peisistratidae, since they would
not have been permitted, during the tyranny, to bring forward the armed
citizens in this manner. Another liturgy was the torch-race
(λαμπαδοφορία), which was superintended by the gymnasiarchs; the victor
in this contest received a water-jar. The contests of the Panathenaea
were concluded by a regatta, which took place at the Peiraeus. Here,
again, it was not individuals, but tribes, that competed for the prize,
which was not inconsiderable, since the victorious tribe received 300
drachmae, and money for a festive banquet.
The expenses of these various contests, if they did not happen to be
voluntary services, were defrayed from the treasury of Athene Polias;
the sacrifices, in particular the hecatomb offered to the goddess at the
greater Panathenaea, were provided by the superintendents of sacrifice
(ἱεροποιοί), appointed as the ten representatives of the ten tribes, but
there were sometimes special subscriptions for the purpose, and, at the
great festivals at any rate, the Attic client cities sent their
contributions to the sacrifices, apparently each one cow and two sheep.
The hecatomb was offered on the chief day of the feast; another
sacrifice was performed to _Athene-Hygeia_, and a third on the
Areopagus, but we do not know when these took place, nor whether they
were also offered at the lesser Panathenaea.
We have only a general notion of the order of the festivities. They
began with the contests, which lasted several days, taking the musical
contest first, which was followed by the gymnastic, and this again by
the equestrian. With these were probably connected the Pyrrhic dance and
the muster of men. Then came the chief day of all, the glory of the
festival, introduced the evening before by a festivity combined with a
torch-race, and lasting far into the night (παννυχίς). At sunrise began
the great procession which was peculiar to the greater Panathenaea. Here
the goddess received her splendid robe, which was renewed every four
years, and artistically worked by the Attic women and maidens, so as to
represent the battle of the gods and giants. This procession, of which a
wonderfully idealised representation has come down to us in the friezes
of the Cella of the Parthenon, combined all the chief splendour and
glory of Athens, all the proud youth and fair beauty of women. In it
marched priests and prophets, archons, and the treasurers of Athene, the
superintendents of sacrifice, generals, envoys from the Attic colonies,
with their dedicatory offerings, and other delegates sent to the feast.
Behind these dignified men followed beautiful maidens, carrying
sacrificial vessels, censers, etc.; then came the resident foreigners
(μέτοικοι), with flat dishes filled with honey-cakes, fruits, and other
sacrificial offerings, and jars containing the wine required for the
sacrifices; their daughters carried sunshades and seats for the
daughters of Attic citizens. Next came the numerous herds of cows and
sheep for the sacrifices, accompanied by drovers. These were followed by
the Attic citizens, venerable old men and men in the prime of life,
carrying their knotty sticks and olive branches in their hands; then
came the four-horse chariots, which had entered for the contests of the
previous days. The greater part of the procession was taken up by the
cavalry, in which appeared the citizens who served on horseback in the
army, as well as other owners of fine horses; the fondness for
horse-rearing peculiar to Attica made this part of the procession
especially large and splendid. There were also the heavy-armed infantry
under the command of their officers, and the musicians, who played
during the march on their instruments--flutes and citharas; of course,
the victors in the various competitions took part in the procession,
though probably each walked with the members of his own tribe. The most
conspicuous place was occupied by the robe of the goddess, which, at any
rate after the beginning of the fourth century, was suspended like a
sail on the mast of a ship, running on rollers, and spread out in such a
way that all might admire the splendid workmanship.
This endless procession moved from the Kerameikos to the market-place,
then eastwards to the Eleusinion, north of the Acropolis, and round this
to the western ascent of the citadel, where the ship halted, and the
robe was taken off in order to be carried in procession to the temple of
Athene Polias, the Erechthaeum. Here the hecatomb was offered on the
great altar in front of the temple, as well as the sacrifices of the
Attic clients. A plentiful banquet concluded this chief day of the
festival, for the meat sacrificed was divided among the people, being
distributed among all the demes separately, who specially told off a
number of members to receive their share. The meals took place also
according to demes. The after celebration at the Peiraeus consisted in
the regatta already mentioned. We cannot tell how long the whole
festival of the greater Panathenaea lasted; opinions vary between six
and nine days, according as a longer or shorter period is assumed for
the various competitions. The general direction of the procession and
the sacrifices, as well as of the night festivity, was under the control
and superintendence of the annual superintendents of sacrifice; while
ten judges (ἀθλοθέται), appointed for a period of four years, undertook
the direction of the contests.
The annual Sacred Festival of the Eleusinia must be distinguished from
the lesser Eleusinia celebrated at Agrae in spring. It took place in the
month of Boedromion, about September, in honour of Demeter of Eleusis.
This was a celebration of the mysteries, and, therefore, no national
festival, but still the number of the initiated was so great, and the
mysteries were renowned so far even beyond the bounds of Attica, that it
might be regarded as Hellenic, especially as the holding of the
mysteries was announced in the neighbouring states by special envoys or
heralds, whose office was hereditary in certain families, and a general
truce prevailed during the celebration. The whole festival consisted of
two parts, of which the first was held at Athens, the second at Eleusis.
It began with a general assembly, of which we only know that it was
probably a noisy procession, such as was very common at the celebration
of mysteries. Another feature of the beginning of the festival were the
public addresses to the community, delivered in the _Stoa Poikile_
(Painted Porch) at Athens, where the Hierophant, the chief priest of the
Eleusinian sanctuaries, and one of the chief priests in Attica, and the
torch-bearer (δαδοῦχος), another Eleusinian official, acquainted the
candidates for initiation with the arrangement of the festival and the
conditions on which participation in the ceremony depended. It was the
duty of the Initiators (μυσταγωγοί) to see that the numerous people
assembled really fulfilled these conditions; these were not officials
but private people who had passed through all the degrees of initiation,
and were acquainted with all the rites; and foreigners who attended the
mysteries were obliged to prove their initiation in the first place to
these. Either on this day or the next ensued that ceremony which
received its name from the cry, “To the sea, ye Mystae!” when the whole
community descended to the sea coast in order to purify themselves and
the sacrificial animals, which on this occasion were swine, in the sea
water for the impending sacrifices. Sometimes, if a visitor to the
contests was conscious of special and numerous acts of wrongdoing, this
purification was repeated several times, and the efficacy further
ensured by fasting for nine days--that is, refraining from food during
the time between sunrise and sunset. On the following days sacrifices
were offered, especially the great Thankoffering (σωτήρια), brought by
the superintendents of the mysteries to Demeter and Kora and the other
gods, probably in the town of Eleusinia. Another sacrifice offered by a
town was the _Epidauria_, which was said to have been founded in honour
of Aesculapius, who arrived belated from Epidaurus. We are not
acquainted with the place of this ceremony, nor with the time or other
circumstances connected with it; the fourth and the fifth days of the
festival have been suggested. Next followed the main part of the
festival, the great procession which escorted Iacchus, the sacred child
of the gods, from Athens to Eleusis. In the course of the day the
participants in the procession, who often numbered several thousand,
assembled at various parts of the city, and were drawn up in order in
the Agora and the Kerameikos. The priests and officials, as well as the
whole band of Mystae, were decked with myrtle and ivy leaves, and
carried ears of corn and agricultural implements in their hands, as well
as torches, for they did not reach Eleusis before nightfall. The leader
of the procession was Iacchus himself, though, at the same time, he was
led. His sacred image was fetched, along with the temple utensils, from
the sanctuary of Iacchus, and placed on a car, accompanied by attendants
(Ίακχαγωγοί), at the head of the procession, which set out from the
Kerameikos to the gate known as Dipylon amid loud shouts of “Iacchus,”
and through this began its long journey along the sacred road to
Eleusis. The procession moved on, singing a song especially composed for
it, as was believed, by the god himself, accompanied by dancing and
other ceremonies. The journey lasted four hours, and, in consequence of
its length, rich women used to ride in carriages until the orator
Lycurgus forbade this by a special law. During this long march they
stopped to worship at various sanctuaries on the way, and also
entertained each other with jokes, such as were customary at the
festivals of Demeter and Dionysus: at the Kephisos especially there was
jesting and mockery. At the fountain of Kallichoros dances and games
were carried on by torchlight. Of course, all this detained the
procession longer than the mere length of the journey would have
required, so that after the arrival at Eleusis, when the image of the
god had been put in its place, the pilgrims required rest and
refreshment before going on to the remainder of the festival.
The rites at Eleusis also lasted several days. Besides solemn sacrifices
and the festive banquets connected with them, there was the ceremony of
seeking the Maiden (κόρη) and the sacred representations. The former was
an imitation of the sad wanderings of Demeter, when seeking her
daughter, who had been stolen from her; the Mystae ran about with
torches in the white raiments of the Eleusinian sanctuaries, and
frequent jokes, some of a coarse description, reminded them that Demeter
in her wanderings had been similarly cheered in her deep sorrow by the
coarse jests of her maid Iambe. The Mystae also imitated the goddess in
drinking a strengthening potion (κυκεώυ), which, according to a legend,
the goddess drank at Eleusis after her long fast. The main feature,
however, was the performance, on a stage in the sanctuary, of the
mysterious sacred dramas which presented the secret doctrines of the
Eleusinian mysteries to the new initiates, and also brought them clearly
before the eyes of those who had been already initiated. We must not,
however, suppose that all were present at the same representations. It
was, in fact, here that the difference of degrees required different
representations; beginners, among whom there were some not far removed
from the age of childhood, were only admitted to representations
corresponding to the ordinary legends of Demeter and Persephone, while
the highest degrees, which were granted only to those of advanced years,
went beyond these popular presentations, and represented the new-born
Iacchus reunited in bliss with Persephone and Demeter. On these
occasions even the highest dignitaries of the Eleusinia did not scorn to
appear as actors; the Hierophant as the _Demiurgos_, the leader of the
initiates as Helios, the altar priest as Selene, the herald (ίεροκῆρυξ)
as Hermes, etc. These dramas, which fully occupied the eighth and ninth
days, thus concluded the chief part of the ceremony. The last act of
worship was to take two earthen vessels filled with water, as was done
at funerals, and pour them out to east and west amid mystic words
(πλημοχόαι). Then followed some days occupied with entertainments of all
kinds--gymnastic contests, national games, song and dance, and in later
times also scenic representations.
The festival of the _Thesmophoria_, held in Pyanepsion (October), was in
honour of Demeter alone; it lasted five days, and only women might take
part in it. These women had to undergo a solemn preparation of nine
days, during which they kept apart from their husbands, and purified
themselves in various ways. After this they went to Halimus, the scene
of the Thesmophoria, not in a long procession, but in small groups and
at night-time. The comic side of the Demeter festivals was visible here
also: those who went alone met each other on the way, and demanded and
gave tokens of recognition in jest, amid much laughter, which became
excessive if, as sometimes happened, a man fell into their hands. At
Halimus, in the sanctuary of the Thesmophoria, the mysteries took place
by night; the day was occupied with purifying baths in the sea, and
playing and dancing on the shore. After this had gone on for a day or a
day and a half, the women set out again for Athens, this time in a long
procession, carrying the laws of Demeter, the _Thesmoi_ whence the
festival took its name, in caskets on the head of sacred women, and the
festival was then continued at Athens, either in the Thesmophorion of
the town or in that of Peiraeus. This further celebration occupied two
days, besides the day of return; first came the day of “fasting,”
so-called because on this day the women sat in deep mourning on the
ground and took no food, probably singing dirges and observing other
customs common in case of a death; they also sacrificed swine to the
infernal gods. The third day (καλλιγενεία) bore a more cheerful
character. Its name, signifying “the birth of fair children,” seems to
refer to Demeter, who was assumed to be appeased and who gave the
blessing of fair children to women. This day was occupied with
sacrifices, dances, and merry games, of which we know very little. At
all these festivals the presence of men was most sternly forbidden; only
those women who were full citizens might take part, and probably none
who were unmarried.
There were various smaller festivals which we must pass over, and turn
to the festivals of Dionysus, which had an important influence on life
in Greece, as well as on its literature and art. There were four of
these every year at Athens; in the month of Poseidon (February), the
country Dionysia, called also “the lesser,” took place. Naturally this
was a vine festival, as would result from the character of the god; but
the common opinion, that it was to celebrate the vintage, is open to
many objections, especially since the time of the feast seems too late
for the vintage. It is more probable that the new wine was then tasted
for the first time. This festival was not connected with any special
place; country Dionysia were celebrated in every village, and not only
in Attica, but everywhere in Greece where vines were cultivated, and it
always bore the character of a cheerful national feast connected with
fun and merry frolic. In the “Acharnians” of Aristophanes a peasant
celebrates the festival alone with his family; it begins with prayer and
a procession to the sacrifice, in which the daughter, as basket-bearer
(κανηφόρος), carries the basket of offerings on her head; the slave
with the _Phallus_, the symbol of fertility and the never extinct
producing power of the earth, next follows; and the master of the house
sings his merry phallic song, while his wife looks on at the procession
from the roof of the house. What was done here on a small scale by a
single family, we must assume was performed on a larger scale in the
real ceremony by all the assembled villagers. There were also other
parts of the festival, especially the chorus, which stood round the
altar during the sacrifice of the goat, and praised the god in speech
and song, probably also in answering refrain; they sang the birth,
sufferings, and death of Dionysus, and were the origin of the dithyramb
as well as of the drama, since this latter, as is well known, owes its
origin to the festivals of Dionysus. Often there were real dramatic
representations at the lesser Dionysia; it was especially the custom for
strolling actors on these occasions to perform before the country people
old plays, which had been already represented in the towns. Among the
other entertainments, along with the festive processions, choruses, and
banquets, one is especially worthy of mention (ἀσκώλια). This was a game
in which the young people of the village hopped about on greased wine
skins, and tried to push each other down, while the falls were greeted
with laughter by the bystanders; those who succeeded in retaining their
place received prizes. This entertainment, which may be set on a par
with our own running in sacks, was customary, too, at other festivals of
Dionysus.
The second Athenian festival of Dionysus was peculiar to Athens, but was
probably only one of the country Dionysia transferred to the town; it
was called _Lenaea_, after the place where it was usually held, the
Lenaeon, in the suburb Limnae, and was held in the month of Gamelion
(January). The name suggests a feast of wine-presses, which does not
coincide with the time of the celebration; many attempts have been made
to explain this difficulty, but without result. The festival, or at any
rate a special part of it, bore the name Ambrosia, probably because they
drank a great deal of the new wine to which they assigned this divine
name; and, in fact, plentiful drinking was a characteristic of all the
festivals of the wine god. A great banquet accompanied the festivities,
for which the State provided everything, and there was also a solemn
procession into the town, in which many people drove, amid jest and
frolic, so that the “jokes from the car” became proverbial. In the
Lenaeon, to which the procession first marched with the sacrificial
animals, solemn dithyrambs were sung in competition, and the prize was a
wreath of ivy; there were also dramatic representations, at which both
old and new pieces were performed.
The third festival of Dionysus was the _Anthesteria_, in the month
Anthesterion (February), which lasted three days, and was even more
distinctly associated with the tasting of the new wine than the Lenaea.
The first day of the festival bore the distinctive name of
“Cask-opening” (πιθοιγία). It was essentially a family festival. The
casks, with the new wine which was to be used next day for the banquet,
were brought in by the servants and opened; the wine was drawn off into
amphoras or other vessels, and naturally many a draught was drunk, and
in particular the slaves had their share. For the Athenians, who always
treated their slaves well, did not grudge them their fair share on this
festive occasion, and when they offered their sacrifices at the
Cask-opening, and helped to draw off the wine, they probably themselves
filled a jar for their servants and workmen with the new gift of
Bacchus. All other work ceased for this day and the next, and the
children, too, had holidays. The old image of Dionysus, which was to
make its solemn entry into the town in the procession of the following
day, was also brought on this first day from its temple in the Nemaeon
to a chapel in the outer Kerameikos. But this festival was only a
preparation for the principal day, called “The Feast of Pitchers,” which
began at sunset--the time when all festivals commenced--with a great
procession. Those who took part in it appeared wreathed and bearing
torches (for the procession did not take place till dark) in the outer
Kerameikos; children, too, except those under three years, took part in
it, probably accompanied by their mothers, or in carriages, for many
participants drove; and here, as in the country Dionysia, it was the
custom to mock the passers-by from the carriage. In fact, this part of
the festival bore the character of a merry carnival; many people
appeared in costume as Horae, Nymphs, Bacchantes, etc., and
crowded gaily around the triumphant car on which the statue of
_Dionysos-Eleutheros_, which had been fetched from its temple on the
previous day, was conducted to the town. On the way religious rites were
observed at various places sanctified by legend. At one place the
_Basilinna_, that is, the wife of the Archon Basileus, had to sit on the
car next the statue of Dionysus, for on this day she was the bride of
the god, and thus, on her wedding-car, she entered the Lenaeon, where a
mystic sacrifice was offered for the welfare of the State in the
innermost part of the temple, by the Basilinna, together with the
fourteen ladies of honour appointed for this purpose by the Archon
(γεραραί). These took a solemn oath to the queen before the ceremony
took place, and in so doing followed an ancient formula inscribed on
stone columns in the temple. After the sacrifice, with which other
secret ceremonies were connected, followed the symbolical marriage of
the Basilinna and Dionysus. While these sacred ceremonies, to which but
few were admitted, were taking place in the interior of the temple, the
other celebrants enjoyed themselves in different ways. On the next day
the actual Pitcher Feast took place--the great banquet, with the
drinking contest, that followed it. At this great public feast the
Archon-Basileus was superintendent of the festival, but the State
defrayed the expenses, originally, probably, in kind, but afterwards in
such a way that each citizen received a fixed sum of money, and with
this supplied his food and also the can of pure wine which stood in
front of everyone, and gave its name to this day. Both the banquet and
the drinking contest were probably held in the theatre in the Lenaeon,
where the chief priest of Dionysus had to provide cushions, tables, and
other conveniences. A proclamation by the herald, in ancient style,
introduced the most interesting event--the drinking contest. At a signal
given by a trumpet, all who took part in it set their pitchers to their
mouths, and the judges allotted the victory to him who first emptied
his; the prize consisted in a skin of wine, cakes, or something of the
kind. Besides this public banquet there were also private hospitalities,
provided by those who preferred to celebrate the day by themselves in
the circle of a few intimate friends, and here, too, much drinking went
on; the Sophists, in particular, who received their honorarium and
presents on this day, were in the habit of inviting their acquaintances
to a feast. Thus things went on merrily till the beginning of the night;
then each guest took his pitcher and the wreath of fresh flowers which
he had worn at the feast to the sanctuary of _Dionysos-Eleutheros_, that
was divided off with a rope, and here the wreaths were handed to the
priestess, and the remains in the pitcher poured out as a libation to
the god.
The third day was called the “Feast of Pots” (χύτροι), from a sacrifice
offered to _Hermes Chthonios_ and the spirits of the dead, and here they
observed the traditional custom of first sacrificing to those who had
perished in the Flood of Deucalion. At these sacrifices, pots containing
a number of vegetable substances cooked together, played an important
part, and these dishes also constituted the meal of this day, on which
no flesh was eaten. The ladies of honour also offered sacrifices to
Dionysus at sixteen specially erected altars, and there were probably
other ceremonies connected with this; in fact, this third day of the
“Anthesteria,” with its serious ceremonial, formed a strong contrast to
the merriment of the previous days, and suggests a similar contrast
between our Shrove Tuesday and Ash Wednesday. But even on the “Day of
Pots” there was no lack of amusements for the people; sacred choruses
were conducted by the poets, but it does not seem that any regular
dramas were performed. Possibly dramatic contests had been the custom in
earlier times, or else only such competitions were allowed as determined
the admission of the poets and actors, who won the prize on this
occasion, to competition at the greater Dionysia. The chief festival of
Dionysus in Attica was the greater, or city Dionysia, in Elaphebolion
(March), which lasted at least five days, and perhaps even longer, and
whose chief importance consisted in the plays acted during these days.
The first solemn ceremony of the greater Dionysia was in honour of
Aesculapius, to whom a public sacrifice was brought. Here, too, there
was a procession, in which the statue of _Dionysos-Eleutheros_ was
carried; whether it was the old wooden image which was carried at the
Lenaea, or the new statue by Alcamenes, is uncertain, but the latter was
of gold and ivory, and, therefore, not easily portable; in any case the
statue was fetched from the sanctuary at Lenaea, and carried by
torchlight to the theatre of Dionysus, where it was set up in the
orchestra. On the following day came the procession, in which the
sacrificial animals, as well as the presents sent by allies, probably
appeared. The procession stopped in the market place, and a cyclical
chorus performed a dance round the altar to the Delphic gods who stood
there. When they passed on they seem to have fetched away the Dionysus
statue from the theatre, and carried it once more in a festive
procession to the sanctuary in the Lenaeon. This procession was followed
by sacrificial banquets, and on the other days plentiful feasting was
also a part of the celebration. The following days were chiefly occupied
by the performances, which seem to have followed in some such order as
this: First of all, lyric choruses; both men and boys entered, and the
expenses, which were heavy, were defrayed by citizens acting as choragi.
Perhaps this day was concluded by a “Comus,” as public processions of
this kind often followed common banquets, and since it was the god of
wine who was specially to be honoured, it was, no doubt, very splendidly
equipped. The next days were occupied with representations of tragic
tetralogies and comedies; it is not certain whether these lasted two or
more days, but it is probable that they continued for three days, and
that on each of these a tetralogy was performed in the morning and a
comedy in the afternoon. On the evening of the third day of the
performances, which concluded the whole festival, the prizes were
distributed; in these musical contests they consisted of bulls and
tripods. These last were often set up in a public street on a high
pedestal by the victors, and hence it acquired the name “Street of
Tripods.”
Very different in character from these Dionysiac festivals of Attica
were the night celebrations which took place in some parts of Greece,
but especially on the Cithaeron and Parnassus, on the Islands, and in
Asia Minor, every other year, and in which only women, both married and
unmarried, took part. The wild and orgiastic character of these Dionysia
originated in Thrace, but spread very quickly, and found much favour
among the women, who were inclined to this kind of ecstatic worship.
They fell in the middle of winter, about the time of the shortest day;
the women dressed for the purpose in Bacchic costume, threw deer-skins
over their shoulders, let their hair fly loose, and took in their hands
the thyrsus staff and tambourine, and thus wandered to the hills near
their homes, and there performed all manner of mysterious ceremonies,
sacrifices, dances, etc., amid the wildest merriment resulting from the
juice of the grape, which was seldom allowed them. We can form some
notion of the wild nature of the proceedings from the descriptions of
the poets and artistic representations of Maenads; still, we must always
remember that both poets and artists described not so much the customs
of their own day as those of mythical or heroic periods, and permitted
themselves many exaggerations which did not correspond to reality.
These descriptions of Greek, and especially Athenian, festivities must
suffice, and we pass over a number of festivals in Greece and the
colonies, of which we know little more than the names. Those who desire
a striking picture of a great festival, which, though Oriental in its
origin, had become Hellenised, celebrated in a great city in the
Alexandrine age, should read the splendid description by Theocritus in
his Fifteenth Idyll of the Feast of Adonis at Alexandria.