CHAPTER XXV.

A DOUBLE-HEADED ARGUMENT.

The attempt to prevent the attendance of voters at the meeting,

showing as it did a preconcerted purpose and design on the part

of the employers to use their power as such, to overcome their

political opponents, was the cause of great indignation at the

meeting, and gave occasion for some flights of oratory which would

have fallen upon dull ears but for the potent truth on which they

were based. Even the cool and cautious Eliab Hill could not restrain

himself from an allusion to the sufferings of his people when he

was raised upon the platform, still sitting in his rolling-chair,

and with clasped hands and reverent face asked God's blessing upon

the meeting about to be held.

Especially angry was our friend Nimbus about this attempt to

deprive his race of the reasonable privileges of a citizen. Perhaps

the fact that he was himself a proprietor and employer rendered him

still more jealous of the rights of his less fortunate neighbors.

The very immunity which he had from any such danger no doubt

emboldened him to express his indignation more strongly, and after

the regular speeches had been made he mounted the platform and made

a vigorous harangue upon the necessity of maintaining the rights

which had been conferred upon them by the chances of war.

"We's got ter take keer ob ourselves," said he. "De guv'ment hez

been doin' a heap for us. It's gin us ourselves, our wives, our

chillen, an' a chance ter du fer ourselves an' fer dem; an' now

we's got ter du it. Ef we don't stan' togedder an' keep de white

folks from a-takin' away what we's got, we nebber gits no mo'.

In fac', we jes goes back'ards instead o' forrards till yer can't

tell de difference twixt a free nigger an' a rale ole time slave.

Dat's my 'pinion, an' I say now's de time ter begin--jes when dey

begins. Ef a man turns off ary single one fer comin' ter dis meetin'

evr'y han' dat is ter wuk for him oughter leave him to once an'

nary colored man ought ter do a stroke ob wuk fer him till he

takes 'em back."

Loud cheers greeted this announcement, but one old white-headed man

arose and begged leave to ask him a question, which being granted,

he said:

"Now, feller citizens, I'se been a listenin' ter all dat's been

said here to-day, an' I'm jest ez good a 'Publikin ez enny ub de

speakers. Yer all knows dat. But I can't fer de life ob me see how

we's gwine ter carry out sech advice. Ef we leave one man, how's

we gwine ter git wuk wid anodder? An' ef we does, ain't it jest a

shiftin' ub han's? Does it make ary difference--at least enough

ter speak on--whether a white man hez his wuk done by one nigger

er another?"

"But," said Nimbus, hotly, "we oughtn't ter _none_ on us wuk

fer him."

"Then," said the old man, "what's we ter do fer a libbin'? Here's

half er two thirds ob dis crowd likely ter be turned off afore

to-morrer night. Now what's yer gwine ter do 'bout it? We's got

ter lib an' so's our wives an' chillens? How's we gwine ter s'port

dem widout home or wuk?"

"Let them git wuk wid somebody else, that's all," said Nimbus.

"Yes, Bre'er Nimbus, but who's a-gwine ter s'port 'em while we's

waitin' fer de white folks ter back down, I wants ter know?"

"I will," said Nimbus, proudly.

"I hain't no manner ob doubt," said the other, "dat Bre'er Nimbus'll

do de berry bes' dat he can in sech a case, but he must 'member

dat he's only one and we's a great many. He's been mighty fortinit

an' I'se mighty glad ter know it; but jes s'pose ebbery man in de

county dat hires a han' should turn him off kase he comes ter dis

meetin' an' goes ter 'lection, what could Bre'er Nimbus du towards

a feedin' on us? Ob co'se, dey's got ter hev wuk in de crop, but

you mus' member dat when de 'lection comes off de crap's all laid

by, an' der ain't no mo' pressin' need fer wuk fer months ter come.

Now, how's we gwine ter lib during dat time? Whar's we gwine ter

lib? De white folks kin stan' it--dey's got all dey wants--but

we can't. Now, what's we gwine ter do? Jest ez long ez de guv'ment

stood by us an' seed dat we hed a fa'r show, we could stan' by de

guv'ment. I'se jest ez good a 'Publikin ez ennybody h'yer, yer all

knows dat; but I hain't a gwine ter buck agin impossibles, I ain't.

I'se got a sick wife an' five chillen. I ain't a gwine ter bring

'em nex' do' ter starvation 'less I sees some use in it. Now, I

don't see no use in dis h'yer notion, not a bit. Ef de white folks

hez made up der minds--an' hit seems ter me dey hez--dat cullu'd

folks shan't vote 'less dey votes wid dem, we mout jest ez well

gib up fust as las'!"

"Nebber! nebber, by God!" cried Nimbus, striding across the

platform, his hands clenched and the veins showing full and round

on neck and brow. The cry was echoed by nearly all present. Shouts,

and cheers, and groans, and hisses rose up in an indistinguishable

roar.

"Put him out! Down wid him!" with other and fiercer cries, greeted

the old man's ears.

Those around him began to jostle and crowd upon him. Already violent

hands were upon him, when Eliab Hill dashed up the inclined plane

which had been made for his convenience, and, whirling himself

to the side of Nimbus, said, as he pointed with flaming face and

imperious gesture to the hustling and boisterous crowd about the

old man,

"Stop that!"

In an instant Nimbus was in the midst of the swaying crowd, his

strong arms dashing right and left until he stood beside the now

terrified remonstrant.

"Dar, dar, boys, no mo' ob dat," he cried, as he pushed the howling

mass this way and that. "Jes you listen ter Bre'er 'Liab. Don't

yer see he's a talkin' to yer?" he said, pointing to the platform

where Eliab sat with upraised hand, demanding silence.

When silence was at last obtained he spoke with more earnestness and

power than was his wont, pleading for moderation and thoughtfulness

for each other, and a careful consideration of their surroundings.

"There is too much truth," he said, "in all that has been said

here to-day. Brother Nimbus is right in saying that we must guard

our rights and privileges most carefully, if we would not lose

them. The other brother is right, too, in saying that but few of

us can exercise those privileges if the white men stand together

and refuse employment to those who persist in voting against

them. It is a terrible question, fellow-citizens, and one that it

is hard to deal with. Every man should do his duty and vote, and

act as a citizen whenever called upon to do so, for the sake of

his race in the future. We should not be weakly and easily driven

from what has been gained for us. We may have to suffer--perhaps

to fight and die; but our lives are nothing to the inheritance we

may leave our children.

"At the same time we should not grow impatient with our brethren

who cannot walk with us in this way. I believe that we shall win

from this contest the supreme seal of our race's freedom. It may

not come in our time, but it will be set on the foreheads of our

children. At all events, we must work together, aid each other,

comfort each other, stand by each other. God has taught us patience

by generations of suffering and waiting, and by the light which

came afterwards. We should not doubt Him now. Let us face our

danger like men; overcome it if we may, and if not, bow to the force

of the storm and gather strength, rooting ourselves deep and wide

while it blows, in order that we may rise erect and free when it

shall have passed.

"But above all things there must be no disagreement. The colored

people must stand or fall together. Those who have been as fortunate

as our Brother Nimbus may breast the tempest, and we must all

struggle on and up to stand beside them. It will not do to weakly

yield or rashly fight. Remember that our people are on trial, and

more than mortal wisdom is required of us by those who have stood

our friends. Let us show them that we are men, not only in courage

to do and dare, but also to wait and suffer. Let the young and

strong, and those who have few children, who have their own homes

or a few months' provision, let them bid defiance to those who

would oppress us; but let us not require those to join us who are

not able or willing to take the worst that may come. Remember that

while others have given us freedom, we must work and struggle and

wait for liberty--that liberty which gives as well as receives,

self-supporting, self-protecting, holding the present and looking

to the future with confidence. We must be as free of the employer

as we are of the master--free of the white people as they are of

us. It will be a long, hard struggle, longer and harder than we

have known perhaps; but as God lives, we shall triumph if we do but

persevere with wisdom and patience, and trust in Him who brought us

up out of the Egypt of bondage and set before our eyes the Canaan

of liberty."

The effect of this address was the very opposite of what Eliab had

intended. His impassioned references to their imperilled liberty,

together with his evident apprehension of even greater danger than

was then apparent, accorded so poorly with his halting counsel

for moderation that it had the effect to arouse the minds of his

hearers to resist such aggression even at every risk. So decided

was this feeling that the man whom Nimbus had just rescued from

the rudeness of those about him and who had been forgotten during

the remarks of the minister, now broke forth and swinging his hat

about his head, shouted:

"Three cheers for 'Liab Hill! an' I tells yer what, brudderin',

dat ef dis yer is ter be a fight fer takin' keer ob de freedom we's

got, I'se in fer it as fur ez ennybody. We must save the crap

that's been made, ef we don't pitch ary other one in our day at

all. Them's my notions, an' I'll stan' by 'em--er die by 'em ef

wust comes ter wust."

Then there was a storm of applause, some ringing resolutions were

adopted, and the meeting adjourned to discuss the barbecue and talk

patriotism with each other.

There was much clamor and boasting. The candidates, in accordance

with a time-honored custom in that region, had come prepared to

treat, and knowing that no liquor could be bought at Red Wing, had

brought a liberal supply, which was freely distributed among the

voters.

On account of the large majority of colored voters in this country,

no attempt had previously been made to influence them in this

manner, so that they were greatly excited by this threat of coercion.

Of course, they talked very loud, and many boasts were made, as

to what they would do if the white people persisted in the course

indicated. There was not one, however, who in his drunkest moment

threatened aught against their white neighbors unless they were

unjustly debarred the rights which the law conferred upon them.

They wanted "a white man's chance." That was all.

There was no such resolution passed, but it was generally noised

abroad that the meeting had resolved that any planter who discharged

a hand for attending that meeting would have the privilege of

cutting and curing his tobacco without help. As this was the chief

crop of the region, and one admitting of no delay in its harvesting

and curing, it was thought that this would prove a sufficient

guaranty of fair treatment. However, a committee was appointed

to look after this matter, and the day which had seemed to dawn so

inauspiciously left the colored voters of that region more united

and determined than they had ever been before.

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