At the conclusion of the last number it was stated that on the 12th of
August 1832, Yusuf the old Pasha of Tripoli abdicated the throne in
favor of his son Ali, thereby disappointing the expectations of his
grandson Emhammed.
The Consuls being nearly all unprepared for this conjuncture, were
uncertain how to act. The majority were disposed to adopt the
proposition made by M. Schwebels, that they should proceed without
delay in a body, and offer to Ali the congratulations customary in
Barbary on the accession of a new Sovereign; the others however
refused. Under ordinary circumstances the visit would have been a mere
ceremony, but in the actual state of things it was likely to be
interpreted by the people, both within and without the town, as an
evidence of the dispositions of the Governments represented by the
Consuls; in that way it might have an important influence in
determining the issue of the struggle in favor of Ali, which was by no
means desired by all the Consuls, several of them being inclined from
personal as well as political motives, to prefer the establishment of
Emhammed as Pasha of Tripoli. The young Prince was considered superior
to his uncle in intelligence and personal character; he appeared to be
sustained by the great mass of the population, and it was probable
that if no other Power interfered in the contest, he would ultimately
prove successful; moreover he was the legitimate heir to the throne
according to rules of succession, which the European Governments in
general were interested in maintaining. These considerations
occasioned much discussion among the Consuls; at length it was agreed
that no public demonstration should be made by them in behalf of
either Prince, until instructions had been received from their several
governments. This arrangement does not seem however to have been
considered by the Consuls as precluding them from any private
exertions which their inclinations or the interests of those whom they
represented might prompt them to make in favor of one or the other
party; accordingly the agents of France, Spain, Naples and the
Netherlands, engaged actively in support of the _Town Pasha_ as Ali
was designated; while the pretensions of Emhammed the _Country_
candidate, were as zealously upheld by those of Great Britain, the
United States, Tuscany and Portugal.
The news of Yusuf's abdication only rendered the people of the country
more strongly determined to persevere in the cause of Emhammed, and M.
Schwebels who had been empowered by Ali to act as mediator, was unable
to procure their submission on any terms which he could offer to them
or their chief. After some days of fruitless negotiations, on the 24th
of August the French Consul received their _ultimatum_, in the form of
a letter or manifesto addressed to Yusuf, which is worthy of notice as
a specimen of Arab state-paper writing. It commences by a long
rhapsody in praise of God, his angels and his prophet Mohammed, and
the remainder is a mass of unconnected assertions and declarations
from which there is occasionally an attempt to draw deductions;
interspersed with scraps from the Koran and other sacred writings,
having no discoverable bearing on the main subject. The amount of the
whole is, that Yusuf having become incapable from the {670}
infirmities of old age to conduct the affairs of the country, and Ali
having rendered himself odious by his tyranny and rapacity, the people
had determined to make Emhammed Sovereign of Tripoli, and would not
desist until they had succeeded in establishing him as such. The
document is signed by Emhammed as Pasha, by his brother Hamet as Bey
and by a hundred and ten Sheiks and other principal persons; the names
of many of the signers are preceded by invocations addressed to God
and the Prophet, in token of the writer's conviction of the truth of
what was asserted in the paper, or accompanied by expressions
indicative of humility or devotion, such as—_The poor of the poor_—
_The slave of God_—_Who prays to God_.
A copy of this manifesto was at the same time despatched to Mr.
Macauley the American Consul, on the return of a boat which had been
sent to the part of the coast occupied by the insurgents, in order to
procure provisions for his family; it was accompanied by a letter from
Emhammed, requesting that it might be shown to the other Consuls, who
were also advised to take measures for their own security as the town
would in a few days be stormed by the insurgents. The Consuls on
receiving this notification, immediately addressed a note to Ali, to
inquire what protection he could afford them, in case they remained;
the Pasha replied by assuring them that they were in no danger, as the
place was strong enough to resist any attacks which the insurgents
could make.
Having learned that Mr. Macauley had received other documents from
Emhammed, Ali became anxious to know their contents, and being
permitted to examine, he wished to retain them, in order to prevent
their circulation among the people; the Consul however insisted upon
their return, and an altercation ensued between him and the Pasha, in
consequence of which the flag of the American Consulate was struck by
Macauley, in token of a cessation of intercourse with the Tripoline
Government. This measure alarmed Ali, who knew that there was a large
American squadron in the vicinity; he therefore immediately made
satisfactory apologies to the Consul, who having accepted them again
displayed his flag.
The assurances of the Pasha were not sufficient to dispel the
apprehensions of the Consuls, nor of the people who soon became
acquainted with the contents of Emhammed's communications. The forces
of the insurgents were daily increasing, and many houses in the place
had already been injured by their shot; to oppose them, Ali had only
about six hundred troops, nearly all of them negro slaves, not more
than were required to garrison the castle and keep the people in awe.
The walls of the place were indeed high and thick, but the cannon on
their ramparts were nearly all useless. In addition, the want of
provisions began to be seriously felt, and the general discontent of
course increased. Many persons who had held high offices under Yusuf
escaped from the town and joined Emhammed's party; among them were the
head of the law and religion, and Hadji Mohammed Bet-el-Mel who had
succeeded old D'Ghies as the confidential Minister of the late Pasha.
While things were in this state, on the 28th of August the insurgents
made a general attack on the city, and at the same time the Pasha
caused a number of the inhabitants to be seized and imprisoned on
suspicion of being engaged in a conspiracy against him. These
proceedings naturally caused the utmost alarm and distress in Tripoli.
The Christian residents and the Turks expecting that the place would
be immediately stormed and ravaged by the Arabs, took refuge on board
the vessels in the harbor; while many of the most respectable natives,
fearing that they might be arrested or killed by the Pasha if they
should remain in their own houses, sought protection in those of the
foreign Consuls. Ali, on seeing this, became fearful of exciting
greater confusion by persisting in his violent measures; he therefore
countermanded the arrests, and his ministers went about endeavoring to
tranquillize the people, and to induce those who had fled to the
Consulates, to return to their own houses. The bombardment however
proved fruitless; the guns of the besiegers were small and badly
served, and although they damaged some of the houses they had no
effect on the fortifications. Other attacks of the same kind were
afterwards made, which being equally unsuccessful, the alarm subsided
and Ali's friends became more confident of success.
Emhammed becoming convinced that without more efficient means of
attack little advantage was to be derived from bombarding the town,
determined to direct his efforts against its commerce. He accordingly
removed his artillery to the eastern shore of the harbor where
batteries had been thrown up to receive them; and having also armed
two small vessels he conceived himself authorized to declare the port
in a state of blockade. He therefore addressed a circular to the
Consuls in Tripoli through the medium of his friend Mr. Macauley,
informing them that no vessels would thereafter be allowed to enter
the port. M. Schwebels and nearly all the other Consuls, immediately
protested against this blockade, on the ground that it was an
irregular and unwarrantable proceeding, on the part of individuals who
had not yet been acknowledged at constituting an independent power by
any Government. The American Consul however thought proper not to join
in this expression of opinion, and by his refusal drew upon himself
the indignation of Ali's party, which was manifested by public insults
and private annoyances, until at length considering that his life was
no longer secure in Tripoli Mr. Macauley struck his flag and retired
with his family to a country house, situated within the lines of the
insurgent forces. The Pasha on this became again alarmed, and
endeavored by every means, even by the indirect offer of a bribe, to
induce the Consul to return to his post in the town; his arguments
however proving vain, he despatched Mohammed D'Ghies to Malta where
the squadron of the United States had just arrived, in order that by
his representations to its commander, the consequences which he had
reason to anticipate might be averted.
Commodore Patterson the commander of the American squadron, having
compared the statements of the Consul with the explanations offered by
D'Ghies, was convinced that there had been faults on both sides, and
that the matter might be easily settled without any hostile
proceedings. He therefore sailed for Tripoli, as soon as he had
obtained the requisite supplies, and arrived there on the 23d of
November with two frigates and a sloop of war. The Commodore was
visited on board his ship, immediately on his arrival, by Macauley,
and also by Mohammed D'Ghies, who was {671} furnished by Ali with full
powers to arrange the existing difficulties. As the American force was
sufficient to destroy the city in the actual condition of its
defences, the Tripoline Minister readily agreed to the terms of
satisfaction required by the Commodore; the Pasha in consequence made
the usual Punic protestations of regard for the United States and
their Consul, and disavowing any participation in the annoyances to
which the latter had been subjected, delivered up to the Commodore all
who could be proved to have been engaged in them. These miserable
instruments of tyranny were reprimanded and dismissed; the flag of the
United States was again displayed on the Consulate, and saluted with
the usual number of thirty-three guns; the Commodore and his officers
visited the Pasha, who was entertained in his turn on board the
frigate, and the utmost good feeling was manifested between parties
who cordially hated or despised each other. No notice was taken of
Emhammed who had flattered himself with the hope of acquiring a
powerful ally. Mr. Macauley however placing little confidence in the
smiles and assurances of the _Town Pasha_, and moreover considering
his place of residence unsafe, as it had been pierced by several balls
from the cannon of the besiegers, did not think proper to remain at
his official post; he therefore established himself at Malta, where he
continued for the ensuing two years and a half, visiting Tripoli
occasionally during that period.
The year 1833 and a part of 1834 passed without the occurrence of any
notable event, and without any alteration in the prospects of either
of the rival Princes. The town had in the mean time been reduced to
abject misery; no supplies could be obtained from the interior, and as
its commerce was almost destroyed, the inhabitants were starving. On
the other hand, the condition of the country is said to have been more
than usually prosperous; no taxes could be collected by Ali, and as
Emhammed's followers were chiefly from the agricultural districts, he
was unable even had he been willing, to levy severe contributions. The
foreign trade was conducted through the ports of Tajoura, Mesurata and
Bengazi, the chiefs of which being nearly independent, raised large
sums by appropriating to themselves the greater part of the duties on
imports and exports.
The Consuls had probably been all instructed to remain neutral or at
least to appear so. M. Schwebels continued to act as mediator,
employing his good offices as before merely in urging the submission
of the insurgents to the Pasha. In May 1834 however, it was discovered
that he had overstepped the bounds of neutrality; for a proclamation
signed by Ali and guarantied by the seal and signature of the French
Consul, promising indemnity and reward to those who would betray or
desert the cause of the insurgents, was found on the person of one of
the Sheiks in command under Emhammed. Soon after this M. Schwebels was
transferred to Tunis where he now acts as Consul General of France,
and was succeeded in Tripoli by M. Bourboulon.
Colonel Warrington returned to Tripoli, but he neither displayed his
flag nor held any official communication with Ali; he remained chiefly
at his country house, which being near the town and in the midst of
the insurgents, received occasionally and perhaps not always
accidentally a ball from one of the guns of the castle. Although it
does not appear to be certain that he took any active part in favor of
Emhammed, yet Ali considered his presence as highly injurious, and in
order to procure his removal as well as to effect some arrangement
with regard to the claims of British subjects, he commissioned Hassuna
D'Ghies who had remained in France since 1829, to proceed to England.
In London Hassuna soon found that these objects were not to be
attained by direct applications to the Ministry, and he accordingly
endeavored to secure assistance in the Legislature. In consequence of
his representations, motions were made in the House of Commons by Sir
James Scarlett and Mr. Bowring, for inquiries into the conduct of
Warrington, who was charged by those gentlemen with having made an
improper use of his official station at Tripoli and with having
thereby occasioned great distress in that place. The subject was
however so generally uninteresting, that the Ministers found no
difficulty in evading these calls by merely declaring that
investigations into the subject had been commenced.
The Governments of France and England were in fact at the time engaged
in negotiations with a third Power, which was equally interested in
the future political condition of Tripoli. The Sultan of Turkey who
had been obliged to submit to the occupation of Algiers by the French
determined if possible to prevent a country so much nearer to his own
dominions from falling into the hands of a Christian Power, and he
accordingly declared his intention to exert his supreme authority as
Sovereign of Tripoli in deciding the question between the rival
Princes. The announcement of this determination led to correspondence
on the subject between the three Governments the nature of which has
not yet been disclosed; it is impossible therefore to say whether the
events which ensued were the result of agreements made between them,
or, as is more probable, the Sultan acted without regard for the
wishes of the other parties.
On the 18th of September 1834 a Turkish brig arrived at Tripoli,
bringing Mohammed Cekir, Private Secretary of the Seraglio, as Envoy
or Commissioner from the Sultan. For some days the objects of his
mission were unknown; it was however soon rumored that he was the
bearer of _firman_ or Imperial order recognizing Ali as Pasha, and
requiring the people to submit to his authority. This rumor was fully
confirmed on the 25th, when the _firman_ declaring such to be the will
of the Sultan, was publicly read at the castle in presence of the
principal persons of the Government, and of the foreign Consuls who
had been invited to attend. The friends of Ali now considered his
success assured; the Consuls with the exception of those of Great
Britain and Tuscany, immediately offered to him their congratulations
without reserve, and M. Bourboulon delivered his credentials as
_Chargé d'Affaires_ of France. The people of the town, probably
supposing that the termination of their miseries was at hand expressed
their joy by shouts of triumph and felicitation, which were responded
to by yells of defiance from the country. The Envoy having formally
acknowledged Ali as Pasha, then proceeded to execute the remainder of
his charge, and issued a proclamation calling on the insurgent chiefs
to submit within the space of six days to their lawful sovereign; he
moreover privately despatched to Emhammed letters written to him by
the {672} Grand Vizier and Capoudan Pasha, exhorting him to yield
without delay. Neither Emhammed nor his followers however were
disposed to obey the mandate of a distant monarch, whom they regarded
rather as their spiritual than as their temporal chief, particularly
as the summons was unaccompanied by adequate means of enforcing it;
the period fixed in the proclamation consequently expired without
manifestation on their parts of any intention to cease their
opposition to Ali. Mohammed Cekir then considering it possible that
his proclamation might have been withheld from the people of the
country by their chiefs, determined to communicate with them directly
in person; accordingly on the 3d of October he left the town and
proceeded with great ceremony, under the escort of a body of the
Pasha's troops, to the vicinity of Emhammed's encampment, where being
soon surrounded by a crowd of curious Arabs he ordered the _firman_ to
be read. The effect by no means corresponded with his wishes; the
_firman_ was written in the Turkish language with which the auditors
were entirely unacquainted, and when its meaning was at length
explained to them, they replied by shouts and movements so little
allied to respect, that the Envoy found it most prudent to retreat
without further parley within the walls of Tripoli. While on his way
however he received a letter from Emhammed and his Sheiks, professing
great veneration for the Sultan, but declining to comply with his will
on the subject in question.
After this failure a consultation was held at the castle, the result
of which was another proclamation addressed to the people of the
country inviting them in more conciliatory terms to make their
submission within a period of six days as before allowed. The reply of
the insurgents to this summons did not differ from that given to the
former; it was however signed by all the chief men of their party.
They also sent a circular letter to the same effect to the Consuls in
Tripoli, enclosing an expostulatory manifesto addressed to the
Sovereigns of Europe, setting forth the causes of their appearing in
arms and their determination to resist the authority of Ali,
notwithstanding the Sultan's _firman_ which they averred had been
obtained by corrupt means. These papers are supposed to have been
drawn up by Hadji Mohammed Bet-el-Mel (whom Emhammed had made his
first Minister,) with the aid probably of Colonel Warrington.
The Turkish Envoy in revenge for this contumacy, declared the part of
the country occupied by the insurgents in a state of blockade; and the
brig which had brought him to Tripoli was forthwith employed in
cruising off its coast. Emhammed on his part repeated his assurances,
that he should maintain the investment of the town by sea as well as
by land, and having again warned the Consuls that their vessels would
be prevented from entering the harbor, a few days after gave proof of
his power as well as of his determination to effect what he had
threatened. On the 6th of November he fired upon an Austrian vessel
which attempted to enter the port and compelled her to put back,
although she was under the French flag, and supported by a French brig
of war, as well as by that in which the Ottoman Envoy had arrived;
several other vessels, European as well as Tripoline, were treated in
a similar manner. The Turk not choosing to expose the flag of his
Sovereign to such indignities returned to Constantinople.
In the spring of 1835 reports were circulated in Tripoli that a
Turkish armament was about to be sent to that place from
Constantinople; some supposed it was for the purpose of overthrowing
all opposition to Ali; others hinted that the Sultan meant to take
possession of the country. The latter opinion was confirmed by all the
European Journals; and indeed it could scarcely have been expected
that the Ottoman Government, which at that moment seemed to need all
its forces and funds for its own defence, could have been disposed to
send a large and expensive expedition for the mere purpose of settling
a dispute with regard to the Sovereignty of a distant country.
On the 20th of May Mohammed Cekir returned to Tripoli where he
announced the Turkish Squadron as near, and assuring Ali that it was
sent entirely for his benefit, advised him to show his gratitude to
the Sultan, by the liberal distribution of presents among its
officers. The Ottoman ships appeared on the evening of the 25th, and
in the course of that night the whole armament, consisting of one ship
of the line, five frigates, two sloops, two brigs, a schooner, a
cutter and ten transports, anchored in the roads and harbor, without
any opposition either on the part of the Pasha or of his rival. The
next morning presents of fresh provisions were sent to the ships from
the Messeah as well as the town; salutes were fired from the batteries
on each side, and the Turkish Admiral received visits and
communications from each quarter. The Pasha attended by his ministers
and chief officers also paid a formal visit to the Admiral, by whom he
appears to have been received with the respect usually paid to one of
his rank; it was then confidently expected in the city that he would
be detained, however after having spent about four hours on board the
flag ship, he returned to the castle in his boat receiving salutes as
he passed, from the guns of the squadron. Immediately on landing, he
issued an order that none of his subjects should appear in arms. This
order having been circulated the disembarkation of the troops began,
and by mid-day of the 27th more than four thousand Turkish soldiers
with nineteen cannon and four mortars had entered the city, which was
thus placed entirely at their discretion.
On the morning of the 28th, Ali again went on board the Admiral's
ship, in order as it was understood to accompany that officer and the
commander of the troops to the city; two hours afterwards the guns
from the ships announced that the high personages were on their way to
the shore, and the barges supposed to contain them were discovered
approaching the water gate. The Turkish Admiral and General landed and
attended by their guards entered the castle; the Pasha however did not
appear, and it was soon ascertained that he was a prisoner on board
the flag ship. At four o'clock the Sultan's _firman_ was publicly
read, by which the General Mustapha Nedgib was appointed Pasha of the
_Province_ of Tripoli.
The Turkish Pasha no doubt considered his work imperfect, until he had
also possessed himself of Emhammed's person; with this view therefore
he immediately despatched a messenger to the Prince, requesting him,
his brother Hamet and his Minister Hadji Mohammed, to appear at the
Castle and declare their submission to the will of the Sultan. Hadji
Mohammed at once evinced his readiness to submit, recommending {673}
to the Turk to issue assurances of pardon to all who had been engaged
in the opposition to Ali; Emhammed however declined entering the
castle, except upon the guarantee of the British Consul. Mustapha
without hesitation gave the assurances of indemnity as recommended by
Hadji Mohammed, and ordered the gates of the town to be thrown open;
he however peremptorily refused to assent to any interference on the
part of a foreign Consul.
The Arabs as soon as they were certain of Ali's imprisonment, and of
their own freedom from danger, abandoned their tents and batteries and
flocked into the town. Their chief in vain called on them to remember
their promises of fidelity to his cause; he in vain entreated the
British Consul to interfere in his behalf; at length night coming on
he retired to his tent exhausted and dispirited, and fell asleep. On
awaking he found himself almost alone; the Sheiks with their followers
had all deserted him, and even Hadji Mohammed had sought refuge on
board of a British ship of war which lay in the harbor. With a few
followers the two young Princes then betook themselves to flight.
Hamet succeeded in reaching the frontiers of Egypt, but Emhammed,
overpowered by the sudden disappointment of all his hopes, blew out
his own brains with a blunderbuss on the day after he had left
Tripoli; at least such was the account of his death given by his
attendants.
Ali and his Minister Mohammed D'Ghies were sent to Constantinople;
what has been their fate we have as yet no means of ascertaining.
Hassuna D'Ghies after many mutations of fortune, is at present
established at Constantinople as the editor of the _Moniteur Ottoman_
the official Gazette of the Sultan. The old Pasha Yusuf who appeared
to be sinking into idiocy, remains in honorable durance in the castle,
where Hadji Mohammed Bet-el-Mel is allowed to attend him. Thus has the
Caramanli family been a second time deprived of the sovereignty of
Tripoli, which will not probably be regained by one of their name.