at Wed Médineh, which was of the most serious nature, and we should have
incurred great danger had we stopped two days longer in that city. The
whole of the black soldiers have rebelled, owing to the stay of Emin
Pasha. The drill-master and seven white soldiers were immediately
killed, the Pasha besieged in his own house and shot at, his overtures
disdained, the powder magazine seized. All the guns and ammunition fell
into the hands of the negroes, who then chose six leaders, and went off
on the road to Fazoql in six bodies to gain their mountain. The regiment
here, in which there are at present about 1,500 blacks, was immediately
disarmed, and confined to the barracks. The most serious apprehensions
are entertained for the future, as Ahmed Pasha Menekle was so imprudent
as to take almost all the white troops with him to Taka. For the rest, I
might be glad of the flight of the blacks, as they were frightfully ill
used by their Turkish masters. Still the revolt can easily put the
country into disorder, and then re-act on our expedition. The blacks
will, no doubt, endeavour to draw all their countrymen who meet them to
their side, particularly the troops of Soliman Pasha, in Sennâr, and of
Selim Pasha, in Fazoql; the whites are far too few in number to offer
any prolonged resistance. The news have just arrived that five or six
hundred slaves of the deceased Ahmed Pasha at the indigo factory at
Tamaniât, a little to the north of this place, have fled to the Sudan
with their wives and children, and intend to join with the soldiers. The
same is said to have occurred at the factory at Kamlîn, so that we are
in fear for our friend Bauer, who, though not cruel like the Turks, is
strict.
March 26. A report is spreading that the troops at Sennâr, and the
people of Melek Idris Adlân, had overcome the negroes. The Tamaniât
slaves are also said to have been pursued by the Arnauts, and killed or
dragged back, while the rebellion in Kamlîn has been suppressed. Little
confidence can yet be placed in these reports, as the news came to me by
our _khawass_ from the people of the Pasha, and a wish was particularly
expressed to me, that I should spread it further, and write it in my
letters to Cairo.
As we were yesterday evening walking in the large and beautiful garden
of Ibrahim Chêr, in whose airy well situated house, I write this letter,
we saw lofty dark sand clouds rising up like a wall on the horizon. And
in the night a violent east wind has arisen and is still blowing, and
folds all the trees and buildings in a disagreeable atmosphere of sand,
which almost impedes respiration. I fastened the windows and stopped the
door with stones, for a sort of shelter from the first break of the
storm; nevertheless, it is necessary to keep wiping away the covering
of sand which continually settles on the paper.
I have come back so torn and tattered from my Sennâr hunting parties,
that I have been obliged at length to determine on adopting the Turkish
costume, which I shall not be able to change very soon. It has its
advantages for the customs of this country, particularly in sitting on
carpets or low cushions; but the flat _tarboosh_ is immensely
unpractical under these sunny skies, and the innumerable buttons and
hooks are a daily and very troublesome trial of patience.
March 30. We are about to leave Chartûm, as soon as this post of the
Pasha is transmitted. The revolution is now definitely suppressed
everywhere. It would, no doubt, have had a far worse ending, if it had
not broken out some days too early in Wed Médineh. It had already been
long planned and consulted on in secret, and was to have commenced
simultaneously in Sennâr, Wed Médineh, Kamlîn, Chartûm, and Tamaniât, on
the 19th of this month. The precipitation at Wed Médineh, had, however,
brought the whole conspiracy into confusion, and had given Emin Pasha
time to send a courier to Chartûm, by which the imprisonment and
disarming of the negro soldiers here, was possible, ere the news of the
insurrection had come to them. Emin Pasha, however, seems to have been
quite incapable. The victory is to be ascribed to the courage and
presence of mind of a certain Rustan Effendi, who pursued the six
hundred negroes with one hundred and fifty determined soldiers, mostly
white, reached them near Sennâr, and beat them down, after three
attacks and heavy loss. More than a hundred of the fugitives
surrendered, and have been led off in chains to Sennâr; the rest were
killed in the fight or drowned in the river.
But at the same time the news has arrived, that an insurrection has
broken out in Lower Nubia, at Kalabshe, and another village, on account
of the imposts; and that therefore, both villages have been immediately
razed by Hassan Pasha, who is coming to Chartûm in the place of Emin
Pasha, and the inhabitants killed or hunted away.
LETTER XX.
PYRAMIDS OF MERΟË.
_April 22, 1844._
We left Chartûm en the 30th of March, toward evening, and sailed half
the night by moonshine.
On the next day we reached Tamaniât. Almost the whole village had
disappeared, and only a single wide stretching ruin was to be seen. The
slaves had laid everything in ashes on their revolt; only the walls of
the factory are yet standing. As I had left the bark on foot, I was
quite unprepared to come in the neighbourhood of the still smoking
ruins, upon a frightful scene, in an open meadow quite covered with
black mangled corpses. The greater part of the slaves, who had been
recaptured, had here been shot in masses.
With sundown, we stopped near Suriê Abu Ramle, at a cataract, which we
could pass by night.
On the first of April we went off long before dawn, and expected to get
on a good distance. With the day broke, however, a heavy storm of wind,
and as the ship could not be drawn near on account of the rocky shore,
we were obliged to stop after a few hours, and lie still in the annoying
thick sand air. Before us lay the single mountain chain of Qirre,
whence, like sentinels, rose the Ashtân (the Thirsty) to the left, the
Rauiân (the Satisfied) to the right, from the plain, the former being,
however, more distant from the river.
The Rauian only lay about three quarters of an hour away from our bark;
I went out with my gun, crossed the unfertile stony plain, and climbed
the mountain, which is almost surrounded with water during the
inundation, so that we were always told that the mount was on an island.
The rock texture is a mixture of coarse and fine granite, with much
quartz. On the way back we came by the village of Meláh, the huts of
which lie concealed behind great mounds, formed by the excavations of
the inhabitants for salt (_malh_), of which much is found in the
neighbourhood. (Meláh is, therefore, the Arabic translation of Sulza.)
Towards evening went farther into the mountains, and moored in a little
creek. The succeeding day we also got on slowly. On the tops of the
crags to the eastward, we perceived some black slaves, straying about
like goats, who had probably escaped from Tamaniât, and will not long
preserve their poor lives. They disappeared immediately on our _khawass_
making the rude jest of firing into the air in their direction. I and
Abeken climbed the western hills, which rose steeply from the shore to
the height of two or three hundred feet. It is plainly to be seen on the
rocks how high the river rises at high water, and deposits its earth. I
measured thence to the present water-mirror, about eight _mètres_, and
the river will yet sink a couple of feet.
From the mountain top we could see behind the last heights the wide
desert which we should soon have to traverse towards Méraui. Reluctantly
we quitted the picturesque mountains which had interrupted the
generally even aspect of the country in so pleasant a manner.
On the morning of the 4th of April we at last reached our palm group at
Ben Naga, and proceeded at once to the ruins in Wadi el Kirbegân, where
we found part of a pillar and several altars in the south-western
temple, newly excavated by Erbkam, upon which the same royal cartouches
appeared as on those principal temples of Naga, in the wilderness. Of
the three altars the middle one, hewn in very hard sandstone, was
excellently preserved. On the west side the King, on the east side the
Queen, were represented, with their names; on the two other sides two
goddesses. There was also, on the north side, the hieroglyphic of the
north engraven; and on the south side, that of the south. The two other
altars showed the same representations. All three were seen in their
places, and let into a smooth pavement, formed of square slabs of stone,
with plaster poured over them. The means were unfortunately wanting at
present for the transportation of the best of these altars, which
weighed at least fifty hundred weight; I was, therefore, obliged to
leave it for a particular expedition from Meroë.
On Good Friday, the 5th of April, we arrived at Shendi. We went into the
spacious but very depopulated city; saw the ruins of the residence of
King Nimr, in which, after a banquet he had prepared for Ismael Pasha,
he had burnt him. Many houses yet bear the traces of the shots of
Defterdar Bey, whom Mohammed Ali sent to avenge the death of his son. In
the middle of the city stood on an artificial height the private
dwelling of King Nimr, now also in ruins. Somewhat up the river,
distinct from the town, lies the suburb built expressly for the military
garrison. We then returned to the bark, which had moored close by the
fortress-like house of Churshid Pasha, where the Commandant now resides.
The same day we reached Beg’erauîe, shortly before sundown, and
immediately rode to the pyramids, where we found Erbkam and the rest all
well. At Naga and Wadi Sofra they were very industrious, and the rich
costume of the Kings and Gods, and the generally styleless, but
ornamented representations of this Ethiopian temple look very well in
the drawing, and will form a shining part of our picture-book. Here,
too, much had been done, and on the cleaning out of the earth-filled
ante-chambers several new things were discovered. Abeken thought he had
discovered the name of Queen Kentaki (Kandake) on our first visit. It
now appears that the cartouche is not written [Illustration: Hieroglyph]
but [Illustration: Hieroglyph] which would be read Kentahebi;[81] it
seems to me, however, that the famous name is nevertheless meant, and
the questionable sign has been interchanged by the ignorant scribes. The
determinative signs [Illustraton: symbols] prove, in any case, that it
is the name of a queen. Kandake was already known as a private name. The
name Ergamenes is also found, and this, too, now properly written,
sometimes with a misunderstood variant.
On the following holidays, we lighted our Easter fire in the evening.
Our tents lie between two groups of pyramids in a little valley, which
is everywhere overgrown with dry tufts of woody grass. These were set on
fire, flamed up, and threw the whirling flames up into the dark star
night. It was a pretty sight to see fifty or sixty such fires burning at
once, and throwing a spectral light on the surrounding ruined pyramids
of the ancient kings, and on our airy tent-pyramids rising in the
foreground.
On the eighth of April, we were surprised by a stately cavalcade on
horses and camels, which entered our camp. It was Osman Bey, who is now
leading the army of 5,000 men back from Taka. In his company were the
French military physician Peney, and the High Sheikh Ahmed Welled ’Auad.
The troops had encamped near Gabushîe, at an hour’s distance up the
river, and would pass through Begerauîe in the evening. The visit to our
camp had, however, another end; which came to light in the course of
conversation. Osman Bey was desirous of making his pioneers into
treasure finders, and sent some companies hither to tear down the
pyramids. The discovery of Ferlini is in everybody’s head still, and had
brought many a pyramid to ruin. In Chartûm everybody was full of it; and
more than one European, and the Pasha also, thought still to find
treasures there. I endeavoured to convince them all anew that the
discovery of Ferlini was the result of pure chance, that he did not find
the gold rings in the tombs, the only place where such a search could be
made with any reason, but in the rock, where they had been placed by the
caprice of the owner. I tried to convince Osman Bey by the same
arguments, who offered me his men for the purpose of commencing
operations under my superintendence. Of course I refused, but should
perhaps have taken advantage of the opportunity to open the
tomb-chambers, the entrance of which would be _before_ the pyramids in
the natural rock, had I not been afraid that I should arrive at no
particularly shining result, and only disappoint the expectations of the
credulous general, though not our own. I succeeded in diverting him from
the idea; and for the present at least, the yet existing pyramids are
saved. The soldiers have left us without making war against the
pyramids.
I invited the three gentlemen to dinner with us, at which the old Sheikh
got into a mess, as he always wanted to cut the meat with the back of
his knife, until I myself laid aside the European instrument, and began
to eat in good old Turkish style, when all soon followed me willingly,
particularly my brave dark-skinned guest, who well saw my civility.
After dinner, they mounted their stately horses again, and hurried to
the river.
On the 9th of April, I sent Franke and Ibrahim Aga to Ben Naga, with
stone-saws, hammers, and ropes, to bring the great altar hither. I
myself rode with Jussuf to Gabushié, partly to return the visit of Osman
Bey--whose intention had been to give a day of rest in our
neighbourhood--partly to take advantage of the presence of the respected
Sheikh Ahmed, through whom I hoped to obtain barks for the
transportation of our things across the river, and camels for our desert
journey. The army had, however, already proceeded, and had passed the
next places. I therefore rode sharply on with Jussuf, and soon came up
with the 400 Arnauts, forming the rear guard. They could not, however,
inform us how far Osman Bey was in advance. The Arnauts are the most
feared of all the military; as the rudest and most cruel of all, who are
at the same time the best used by their leaders, as they are the only
volunteers and foreign mercenaries. Some months ago, they were sent by
Mahommed Ali, under a peculiarly dreaded officer, to the deceased Ahmed
Pasha, with the command, as it was worded, to bring the Pasha alive or
dead to Cairo. His sudden death, however, naturally put a period to
their errand. That officer is named Omar Aga, but is well-known
throughout the country under the less flattering _sobriquet_ of Tomas
Aga (_commandant cochon_), once bestowed on him by Ibrahim Pasha, and
which he has since considered it an honour to bear! His own servants so
called him, when we came up with his horses and baggage, and asked for
their owner.
After a sharp ride of five or six hours, under a most oppressive sun, we
at length reached the camp near the village of Bêida.
We had gradually gone more than half-way to Shendi, and were rejoiced to
find a prospect of refreshment after the hot exhausting ride, as we
prepared ourselves to remain fasting until our return in the evening,
for there was nothing to be got in the intermediate villages, not even
milk.
Osman Bey and Hakîm Peney were as astonished as delighted at my visit;
there were immediately handed round some goblets of Suri, a drink of
difficult and slow preparation from half-fermented durra, having a
pleasant acid taste, and a particularly refreshing restoring flavour
with sugar. After breakfast I went through the camp with Peney, the
tents of which were pitched in the most various and picturesque manner
on a great place, partly overgrown and wholly surrounded with trees and
bushes. An Egyptian army, half black, half white, torn and tattered,
returning from a thieving incursion against the poor natives, is rather
a different sight to anything that comes under our notice at home.
Although the terrified inhabitants of Taka, mostly innocent of the
partial revolt, had already sent ambassadors to the Pasha, in order to
obviate his vengeance, and did not make the slightest resistance on the
nearer approach of the troops, yet several hundred defenceless men and
women who would not, or could not fly, were murdered by that notorious
crew of ruffians, the Arnauts; an additional number of persons,
supposed to have been concerned in the rebellion, Ahmed Pasha had
beheaded in front of his tent, as they were brought in. After all the
conditions had been fulfilled, after the heaviest mulcts demanded of
them, under every possible name, had been punctually paid, the Pasha had
all the Sheikhs assembled as if for a new trial, and together with 120
more, led away in chains as prisoners. The young powerful men were
condemned to the army, the women were given up to the soldiers as
slaves. The Sheikhs had yet to await their punishment.
This was the glorious history of the Turkish campaign against Taka, as
it was related to me by European witnesses. Twelve of the forty-one
Sheikhs, who seemed as if they would not survive the fatigue of the
forced march, have already been shot. The rest were shown to me. Each
wore before him a club or bludgeon five or six feet in length, which
ended in a fork, into which his neck was fastened. The ends of the fork
were connected by a cross piece fastened by thongs. Some of them, too,
had their hands tied to the handle of the fork. In this condition they
continue day and night. During the march, the soldier under whose care
the prisoner is placed, carries the club, and at night the greater part
of them have their feet bound together. Their raven tresses were all cut
off, and only the Sheikhs still retained their great plaited headdress.
Most of them looked very depressed and pitiful; they had been the most
respected of their tribe, and accustomed to the greatest reverence from
their inferiors. Almost all of them spoke Arabic besides their own
language, and told me the tribes to which they belonged. The most
respected, however, of them all, was a Fakir, of holy repute, whose word
was considered that of a prophet throughout the whole country. He had,
by his words and demands, brought on the whole revolution. He was called
Sheikh Musa el Fakir, and was of the race of Mitkenâb, and his personal
appearance was that of an aged, blind, broken elder, with a few
snow-white hairs; his body is now more like a skeleton, he had to be
raised up by others, and was scarcely able to comprehend and answer the
questions addressed to him. His little shrivelled countenance could not,
under any circumstances, assume a new expression. He stared before him,
fixedly and carelessly, and I wondered how such a scarecrow could have
so much power over his countrymen as to cause the revolution. But it is
to be remarked, that here, as in Egypt, all blind people stand in
peculiar odour of sanctity, and in great repute as prophets.
After breakfast I had one of the Sheikhs, Mohammed Welled Hammed,
brought into Osman’s tent, in order to ask him about his language, of
which I knew nothing. He was a sensible eloquent man, who also employed
the opportunity, which I readily granted him, to tell his history to
Osman Bey and Sheikh Ahmed, and to declare his innocence with respect to
the revolutionary movements. He was of the tribe of Halenka, of the
village Kassala. I had the list of the forty-one Sheikhs and their
tribes given me and copied. Six tribes had taken part in the revolt, the
Mitkenâb, Halenka, Kelûli Mohammedîn, Sobeh, Sikulâb, and Hadenduwa
(plural of Henduwa).
All the tribes of Taka speak the same language, but only some also
understand the Arabic. I presume that it is the same as that of the
Bishari races. It has many words well put together, and is very
euphonious, as the hard gutterals of the Arabic are wanting. On the
other hand, however, it has a peculiar letter, which seems to stand
between _r_, _l_, and _d_, according to its sound, a cerebral _d_,
which, like that of the Sanskrit, is pronounced with the tongue thrown
upwardly back.
The examination of the Sheikh had lasted too long to allow of a return;
night would have surprised me, when it would have been impossible,
especially on camel-back, to avoid the dangerous branches of the prickly
trees. I therefore was content to accept the invitation to remain in the
camp until moonrise; then Osman Bey was going to start in the other
direction with his army. A whole sheep was roasted on the spit, which we
heartily enjoyed.
From Osman Bey, who has lived sixteen years in the south, and is
intimately acquainted with the land to the outermost limits of the
government of Mohammed Ali, I learnt many interesting particulars of the
southern provinces. In Fazoql the custom of hanging up a king who is no
longer liked, is still continued, and was done upon the person of the
father of a king now reigning. His relations and ministers assembled
about him, and informed him that as he did not please the men and women
of the country, nor the oxen, asses, hens, &c. &c. any longer, but
every one hated him, it would be better for him to die. When a king once
would not submit to this treatment, his own wife and mother came to him,
and made him the most urgent representations, not to load himself with
more ignominy, on which he met his fate. Diodorus tells just the same
story of those in Ethiopia who were to die by the condemnation of the
judge, and a condemned person, who intended first to save himself by
flight, yet allowed himself to be strangled by his mother, who
frustrated his escape, without opposition. Osman Bey first put an end to
the custom in the same province, of burying old people alive, who had
grown weak. A pit was dug, and at the bottom of it a horizontal passage;
the body was laid in it, tightly wrapped in cloths, like that of a dead
person; beside him a saucer, with merissa, fermented durra water, a
pipe, and a hoe for the cultivation of land; also one or two ounces of
gold, according to the riches of the person, intended for the payment of
the boatman who rows him over the great river, which flows between
heaven and hell. Then the entrance is filled up. Indeed, according to
Osman, the whole legend of Charon, even with a Cerberus, exists there.
This usage of burying old people alive is also found, as I have
subsequently heard, among the negro races of south Kordofan. There sick
people, and particularly those with an infectious disease, are put to
death in the same manner. The family complains to the invalid, that on
account of him no one will come to them; that after all, he is
miserable, and death only a gain for him; in the other world he would
find his relations, and would be well and happy. Every one gives him
greetings to the dead, and then they bury him as in Fazoql, or standing
upright in a shaft. Besides merissa, bread, hoe and pipe, he there also
receives a sword and a pair of sandals; for the dead lead a similar life
beyond the grave, only with greater pleasures.