POSTSCRIPT.

WHILE these pages are passing through the press, the Government has

yielded the point at issue. It has yielded, against its own convictions.

It has yielded to pressure,—and to pressure from those whom it considers

wrong-headed, and unreasonable, and unjust.

The Government believed and declared that it was fair, and right, and

just, and necessary “for legislative purposes,” that the people of

England should _confess_ the religious profession which they make—each

man his own. The Government still believes in the fairness, and justice,

and necessity of such a declaration. But, because some persons object to

it, on the ground that no man ought to be asked what his religion is, or

whether he has any religion at all, and because those persons have

political influence, the Government has yielded its convictions to those

persons.

The Government loves its convictions a little. It loves political

influence much. And so, this has come out clear—whatever is just, and

fair, and right, and even necessary for “legislative purposes,” has no

chance of prevailing in the counsels of Government, unless, _first_, the

political influence of the Government shall be secured. If on the side

of injustice, and unfairness, and the entanglement and perversion of

legislation, there should be political influence, that will be the side

of the Government. Evil consequences in the future are nothing. Present

place and present power are everything.

I think this ought to be a lesson to Churchmen not to put faith in

Governments. The Church can never lose by any measures which are just,

and fair, and straightforward, and open. And, therefore, the Church had

nothing to lose from the “religious profession” clause of the Census

Bill. But as Governments do not bind themselves to keep their faith, and

are always ready to sacrifice their convictions of justice to their lust

of power, the Church must have no trust in Governments.

The object of this tract is not affected by the weak and pitiful conduct

of the Government. It never was my object to defend the “religious

profession” clause. I have said that, considering the religious

distractions of this country, I think it would be wiser for the

Government to leave the religious profession of the people alone. And I

say so still. Never to have proposed a Census of religious opinions at

all would have been wise. But, to have proposed it—to have stoutly

maintained the justice of it—to have asserted the necessity of it for

equitable legislation,—and then, to have withdrawn it to satisfy an

unreasoning handful of Dissenters, who make themselves heard in the House

of Commons, is not to be characterized by any negative form of judgment.

This is not simply want of wisdom. It is more like that moral imbecility

which, in men whom GOD has burdened with a high trust, is really a crime.

The object of this tract remains. And therefore, notwithstanding the

course which the Government has taken, I send it forth to effect that

object, as opportunity shall be found. I ask my countrymen and

countrywomen—Christian men and women—simply to consider, as in the

presence of GOD, these two appalling facts, which the discussion of the

Census Bill has forced to the surface, in this day of _Crisis_ for the

Truth.

1. That thousands of baptized souls in England are content to believe

nothing in particular.

2. That thousands more who protest that they _do_ believe something in

particular, protest also that they cannot “confess” that something

“before men.”

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_Price_ 2_d._, _or_ 10_s._ _per_ 100 _for distribution_.

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A Tract for the Times: The Church and the Census · 第 4 / 6 题