spring. He was the darling of that darling season. In all his poetry
there leaped and frolicked "vernal delight and joy." He had in some of
his verses admirably, and on purpose, expressed the many feelings or
images which then throng around the heart, like a cluster of bees
settling at once upon flower--the sense of absolute newness, blended
with a faint, rich thrill of recollection--the fresh bubbling out of
the blood from the heart-springs--the return of the reveries of
childhood or youth--the intolerance of the fireside--the thirst after
nature renewed within the soul--the strange glory shed upon the earth,
all red and bare though it yet be--the attention excited by every
thing, "even by the noise of the fly upon the sunny wall, or the
slightest murmur of creeping waters"--the springing up of the sun from
his winter declinature--the softer and warmer lustre of the stars--and
the new emphasis with which men pronounce the words "hope" and "love."
To crown a spring evening, there sometimes appears in the west the
planet Venus, bright yellow-green, shivering as with ecstasy in the
orange or purple sky, and rounding off the whole scene into the
perfection of beauty. The Scottish poet of spring did not forget this
element of its glory, but sung a hymn to that fair star of morn and
eve worthy of its serene, yet tremulous splendor.
Delta was eminently a national writer. He did not gad abroad in search
of the sublime or strange, but cultivated the art of staying at home.
The scenery of his own neighborhood, the traditions or the histories
of his own country, the skies and stars of Scotland, the wild or
beautiful legends which glimmer through the mist of its past--these
were "the haunt and the main region of his song," and hence, in part,
the sweetness and the strength of his strains. Indeed, it is
remarkable that nearly all our Scottish poets have been national and
descriptive. Scotland has produced no real epic, few powerful
tragedies, few meditative poems of a high rank, but what a mass of
poetry describing its own scenery and manners, and recording its own
traditions. King James the Sixth, Gawin Douglas, Davie Lyndsay,
Ramsay, Fergusson, Ross of the "Faithful Shepherdess," Burns, Beattie,
Sir Walter Scott, Wilson, Aird, Delta, and twenty more, have been all
more or less national in their subject, or language, or both. We
attribute this, in a great measure, to the extreme peculiarity of
Scottish manners, _as they were_, and to the extreme and romantic
beauty of Scottish scenery. The poetic minds, in a tame country like
England, are thrown out upon foreign topics, or thrown in upon
themselves; whereas, in Scotland, they are arrested and detained
within the circle of their own manners and mountains. "Paint _us_
first," the hills seem to cry aloud. A reason, too, why we have had
few good tragedies or meditative poems, may be found in our national
narrowness of creed, and in our strong prejudice against dramatic
entertainments. As it is, we have only Douglas, and three or four good
plays of Miss Baillie's, to balance Shakspeare, Ben Jonson, and all
that galaxy--not to speak of the multitudes who have followed--and
only the "Grave," the "Minstrel," and the "Course of Time," to compare
with the works of George Herbert, Giles Fletcher, Quarles, Milton,
Young, Cowper, and Wordsworth.
We find in Delta little meditative power or tendency. His muse had no
"speculation" in her eye. Whether from caution, or from want of the
peculiar faculty, he never approached those awful abysses of thought
which are now attracting so many poets--attracting them, partly from a
desire to look down into their darkness, and partly from a passion for
those strange and shivering flowers which grow around their sides.
Leigh Hunt, in his late autobiography, when speaking of Blanco White,
seems to blame all religious speculation, as alike hopeless and
useless. But, in the present day, unless there be religious
speculation, there can, with men of mind, be little religion--no
creed--nor even an approximation toward one. Would Mr. Hunt destroy
that link, which in every age has bound us to the infinite and
eternal? Would he bring us back to mere brute worship, and brute
belief? Because we cannot at present form an infallible creed, should
we beware of seeking to form a creed at all? Because we cannot see all
the stars, must we never raise our eyes, or our telescopes, to the
midnight heavens? Because HE has been able to reach no consistent and
influential faith, ought all men to abandon the task? So far from
agreeing with this dogmatic denunciation, we hold that it argues on
the part of its author--revered and beloved though he be--a certain
shallowness and levity of spirit--that its tendency is to crush a
principle of aspiration in the human mind, which may be likened to an
outspringing angel pinion, and that it indirectly questions the use
and the truth of all revelation. We honor, we must say, Blanco White,
in his noble struggles, and in his divine despair, more than Leigh
Hunt, in his denial that such struggles are wiser than a maniac's
trying to leap to the sun, and in the ignoble conceptions of man's
position and destiny which his words imply. And, notwithstanding his
chilling criticism, so unlike his wont, we believe still, with
Coleridge, that not Wordsworth, nor Milton, have written a sonnet,
embodying a thought so new and magnificent, in language so sweet and
musical, and perfectly fitted to the thought, like the silvery new
moon sheathed in a transparent fleecy cloud, as that of Blanco White's
beginning with "Mysterious Night."
Delta, we have already said, gained reputation, in prose, as well as
in verse. His _Mansie Wauch, Tailor in Dalkeith_, is one of the most
delightful books in the language. It is partly, it is true, imitated
from Galt; but, while not inferior to him in humor, it has infused a
far deeper vein of poetry into the conception of common Scottish life.
Honor to thee, honest Mansie! Thou art worth twenty Alton Lockes, the
metaphysical tailor (certainly one of the absurdest creations, and
surrounded by the most asinine story of the age, although redeemed by
some glorious scenes, and _one_ character, Sandy Mackay, who is just
Thomas Carlyle _humanized_). But better than thee still, is thy
'prentice, Mungo Glen, with decline in his lungs, poetry in his heart,
and on his lips one of the sweetest laments in the language! Many
years have elapsed since we read thy life, but our laughter at thy
adventures, and our tears at the death of thy poor 'prentice, seem as
fresh as those of yesterday!
Why did Delta only open, and never dig out, this new and rich vein? He
alone seemed adequate to follow, however far off, in the steps of the
Great Wizard. Aird seemed to have exhausted his tale-writing faculty,
exquisite as it was. Wilson's tales, with all their power, lack
repose; they are too troubled, tearful, monotonous, and tempestuous.
Galt, Miss Ferrier, the authoress of the Odd Volume, Macnish, &c., are
dead....
We had not the pleasure of hearing Delta's recent lectures. They were,
chatty, conversational, lively, full of information, although neither
very eloquent, nor very profound. He knew too well the position in
which he stood, and the provender which his audience required! Nor, we
confess, did we expect to meet in them with a comprehensive or final
vidimus of the poetry of the last fifty years. His Edinburgh eye has
been too much dazzled and overpowered by the near orbs of Walter Scott
and Wilson, to do justice to remoter luminaries. Nor was criticism
exactly Delta's forte. He had not enough of subtility--perhaps not
enough of profound native instinct--and, perhaps, _some_ will think,
not enough of bad blood. But his criticism must, we doubt not, be
always sincere in feeling, candid in spirit, and manly in language.
Still, we repeat, that his power and mission were in the description
of the woods and streams, the feelings and customs, the beauties and
peculiarities, of 'dear Auld Scotland.'
It may, perhaps, be necessary to add, that the name Delta was applied to
Dr. Moir, from his signature in "Black wood," which was always [Symbol:
Delta]; that he was a physician in Musselburgh, and the author of some
excellent treaties on subjects connected with his own profession; and that
while an accomplished litterateur and beautiful poet, he never neglected
his peculiar duties, but stood as high in the medical as in the literary
world.
From Fraser's Magazine.
THE DESERTED MANSION.
A few years ago, a picture appeared in the Exhibition of the Royal
Academy, which peculiarly impressed my imagination; it represented an
ancient ruinous dwelling, surrounded by dilapidated gardens, set in
sombre woods. The venerable trees, the moat filled with nettles and
rubbish, the broken fences, green stagnant waters, the gabled,
turreted, many-windowed, mouldering mansion, a perfect medley of
chaotic architecture. The _visible silence_, the spirit of supreme
desolation brooding over the precincts, filled my mind with
involuntary sadness; while fancy conjured up strange, wild tales of
other days, in connection with the scene. I could not shake off the
belief that reality was portrayed on the canvas; and writing an
account of the various pictures to a friend who resided in the
country, I dwelt on this particular one, and my singular impressions
respecting it. When I next received a letter from my friend, she
remarked how unaccountable my fancies were; fancies which were,
however, based on the foundation of truth.
She went on to say, that reading my letter to Mrs. L----, an
octogenarian in wonderful preservation, that lady informed her of the
locality of my deserted mansion, and also of its history; the picture
being actually painted for Mrs. L----'s son; and the tale attached to
it, which my friend eventually gave me in the old lady's own words,
was as follows:
"Fifty years ago, the mansion of St. Elan's Wood was reckoned ancient,
but it was a healthful, vigorous age, interesting and picturesque.
Then, emerald turf lined the sides of the moat, and blooming flowers
clustered within its sloping shelter; white drapery fluttered within
the quaint latticed windows, and delicate climbers festooned them
without; terraced walks and thick hollow hedges were in trim order,
fountains sparkled in the sunshine, and blushing roses bent over and
kissed the clear rejoicing waters.
"Fifty years ago, joyous laughter resounded amid the greenwood glades,
and buoyant footsteps pressed the greensward; for the master of St.
Elan's had brought home a bride, and friends and relatives hastened
thither to offer congratulations, and to share the hospitalities of
the festive season.
"Lady St. Elan was a very young wife; a soft-eyed, timid creature; her
mother had died during her daughter's infancy, and her father (an
officer of high rank in the army) being abroad, a lady whom we shall
call Sabina, by whom she had been educated, accompanied her beloved
pupil, now Lady St. Elan, to this new home. The death of Lady St.
Elan's father, and the birth of a daughter, eventually mingled
rejoicing and mourning together, while great anxiety was felt for the
young mother, whose recovery was extremely tedious. The visits of
eminent physicians, who were sent for from great distances, evinced
the fears which were still entertained, even when the invalid roamed
once more in the pleasant garden and woods around. Alas! it was not
for the poor lady's bodily health they feared; the hereditary mental
malady of her family on the maternal side, but which had slumbered for
two generations, again darkly shadowed forth its dread approaches.
Slight, indeed, had been the warning as yet, subtle the demonstrations
of the deadly enemy, but enough to alarm the watchful husband, who was
well acquainted with the facts. But the alarm passed away, the
physicians came no more, and apparent health and strength, both mental
and physical, were fully restored to the patient, while the sweet babe
really deserved the epithets lavished on it by the delighted mother of
the 'divinest baby in the world.'
"During the temporary absence of her husband, on affairs of urgent
business, Lady St. Elan requested Sabina to share her chamber at
night, on the plea of timidity and loneliness; this wish was
cheerfully complied with, and two or three days passed pleasantly
away.
"St. Elan was expected to return home on the following morning, and
when the friends retired to rest on the previous night, Sabina
withdrew the window curtains, to gaze upon the glorious landscape
which stretched far away, all bathed in silver radiance, and she soon
fell into a tranquil slumber, communing with holy thoughts and
prayerful aspirations. She was suddenly awakened by a curious kind of
sound in the room, accompanied by a half-stifled jeering laugh. She
knew not how long sleep had lulled her in oblivion, but when Sabina
turned round to see from whence the sound proceeded, imagine her
horror and dismay at beholding Lady St. Elan standing near the door,
sharpening a large knife on her slipper, looking wildly round now and
then, muttering and jibing.
"'Not sharp enough yet--not sharp enough yet,' she exclaimed, intently
pursuing her occupation.
"Sabina felt instinctively, that this was no practical _joke_; she
knew instinctively the dread reality--by the maniac's eye--by the tone
of voice--and she sprang from the bed, darting towards the door. It
was locked. Lady St. Elan looked cunningly up, muttering--
"'So you thought I was so silly, did you? But I double-locked it, and
threw the key out of the window; and perhaps you may spy out in the
moonshine you're so fond of admiring,' pointing to an open casement,
at an immense height from the ground--for this apartment was at the
summit of a turret, commanding an extensive view, chosen for that
reason, as well as for its seclusion and repose, being so far distant
from the rest of the household.
"Sabina was not afflicted with weak nerves, and as the full danger of
her position flashed across her mind, she remembered to have heard
that the human eye possesses extraordinary power to quell and keep in
abeyance all unruly passions thus terrifically displayed. She was also
aware, that in a contest where mere bodily energy was concerned, her
powers must prove utterly inadequate and unavailing, when brought into
competition with those of the unfortunate lady during a continuance of
the paroxysm. Sabina feigned a calmness which she was far from feeling
at that trying moment, and though her voice trembled, yet she said
cheerfully, and with a careless air--
"'I think your knife will soon be sharp enough, Lady St. Elan; what do
you want it for?'
"'What do I want it for?' mimicked the mad woman; 'why what should I
want it for, Sabina, but to cut your throat with?'
"'Well, that is an odd fancy,' exclaimed Sabina, endeavoring not to
scream or to faint: 'but you had better sit down, for the knife is not
sharp enough for that job--there--there's a chair. Now give me your
attention while you sharpen, and I'll sit opposite to you; for I have
had such an extraordinary dream, and I want you to listen to it.'
"The lady looked maliciously sly, as much as to say, 'You shall not
cheat me, if I _do_ listen.' But she sat down, and Sabina opposite to
her, who began pouring forth a farrago of nonsense, which she
pretended to have dreamt. Lady St. Elan had always been much addicted
to perusing works of romantic fiction, and this taste for the
marvellous was, probably, the means of saving Sabina's life, who,
during that long and awful night, never flagged for one moment,
continuing her repetition of marvels in the _Arabian Night's_ style.
The maniac sat perfectly still, with the knife in one hand, the
slipper in the other, and her large eyes intently fixed on the
narrator. Oh, those weary, weary hours! When, at length, repeated
signals and knocks were heard at the chamber-door, as the morning sun
arose, Sabina had presence of mind not to notice them, as her terrible
companion appeared not to do so; but she continued her sing-song,
monotonous strain, until the barrier was fairly burst open, and St.
Elan himself, who had just returned, alarmed at the portentous murmurs
within, and accompanied by several domestics, came to the rescue.
"Had Sabina moved, or screamed for help, or appeared to recognize the
aid which was at hand, ere it could have reached her, the knife might
have been sheathed in her heart. This knife was a foreign one of
quaint workmanship, usually hanging up in St. Elan's dressing-room;
and the premeditation evinced in thus secreting it was a mystery not
to be solved. Sabina's hair which was black as the raven's wing, when
she retired to rest on that fearful night, had changed to the
similitude of extreme age when they found her in the morning. Lady St.
Elan never recovered this sudden and total overthrow of reason, but
died--alas! it was rumored, by her own hand--within two years
afterwards. The infant heiress was entrusted to the guidance of her
mother's friend and governess; she became an orphan at an early age,
and on completing her twenty-first year was uncontrolled mistress of
the fortune and estates of her ancestors.
"But long ere that period arrived, a serious question had arisen in
Sabina's mind respecting the duty and expediency of informing Mary St.
Elan what her true position was, and gently imparting the sad
knowledge of that visitation overshadowing the destinies of her race.
It was true that in her individual case the catastrophe might be
warded off, while, on the other hand, there was lurking, threatening
danger; but a high religious principle seemed to demand a sacrifice,
or self-immolation, in order to prevent the possibility of a
perpetuation of the direful malady.
"Sabina felt assured that were her noble-hearted pupil once to learn
the facts, there would be no hesitation on her part in strictly
adhering to the prescribed line of right; it was a bitter task for
Sabina to undertake, but she did not shrink from performing it when
her resolution became matured, and her scruples settled into decision,
formed on the solid basis of duty to God and man. Sabina afterwards
learnt that the sacrifice demanded of Mary St. Elan was far more
heroic than she had contemplated; and when that sweet young creature
devoted herself to a life of celibacy, Sabina did not know, that
engrossed by 'first love,' of which so much has been said and sung,
Mary St. Elan bade adieu to life's hope and happiness.
"With a woman's delicate perception and depth of pity, Sabina gained
that knowledge; and with honor unspeakable she silently read the
treasured secrets of the gentle heart thus fatally wounded--the evil
from which she had sedulously striven to guard her pupil, had not been
successfully averted--Mary St. Elan had already given away her
guileless heart. But her sorrows were not doomed to last; for soon
after that period when the law pronounced her free from control
respecting her worldly affairs, the last of the St. Elans passed
peacefully away to a better world, bequeathing the mansion house and
estate of St. Elan's Wood to Sabina and her heirs. In Sabina's
estimation, however, this munificent gift was the 'price of blood:' as
but for _her_ instrumentality, the fatal knowledge would not have been
imparted; but for _her_ the ancestral woods and pleasant home might
have descended to children's children in the St. Elan's
line,--tainted, indeed, and doomed; but now the race was extinct.
"There were many persons who laughed at Sabina's sensitive feelings on
this subject, which they could not understand; and even well-meaning,
pious folk, thought that she carried her strict notions, too far. Yet
Sabina remained immovable; nor would she ever consent that the wealth
thus left should be enjoyed by her or hers.
"Thus the deserted mansion still remains unclaimed, though it will not
be long ere it is appropriated to the useful and beneficent purpose
specified in Mary St. Elan's will--namely, failing Sabina and her
issue, to be converted into a lunatic asylum--a kind of lunatic
alms-house for decayed gentlewomen, who, with the requisite
qualifications, will here find refuge from the double storms of life
assailing them, poor souls! both from within and without."
"But what became of Sabina, and what interest has your son in this
picture?" asked my friend of old Mrs. L----, as that venerable lady
concluded her narration; "for if none live to claim the property, why
does it still remain thus?"
"Your justifiable curiosity shall be gratified, my dear," responded
the kindly dame. "Look at my hair--it did not turn white from age: I
retired to rest one night with glossy braids, black as the raven's
wing, and they found me in the morning as you now behold me! Yes, it
is even so; and you no longer wonder that Sabina's son desired to
possess this identical painting; my pilgrimage is drawing towards its
close--protracted as it has been beyond the allotted age of man--but,
according to the tenor of the afore-named will, the mansion and estate
of St. Elan must remain as they now stand until I am no more; while
the accumulated funds will amply endow the excellent charity. Were my
son less honorable or scrupulous, he might, of course, claim the
property on my decease; but respect for his mother's memory, with firm
adherence to her principles, will keep him, with God's blessing, from
yielding to temptation. He is not a rich man, but with proud humility
he may gaze on this memorial picture, and hand it down to posterity
with the traditionary lore attached; and may none of our descendants
ever lament the use which will be made, nor covet the possession, of
this deserted mansion."
From Hogg's Instructor.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF MOTIVES.
Certain it is, that in the universe there can be but one infallible
Judge of motives. None but its Maker can see into the secret springs,
and clearly comprehend the motions, of the mind. Nevertheless, "the
will for the deed" is an old understanding among mankind, in virtue of
that inward life whose world and workings they know to extend so far
beyond the visible. It is, indeed, the privilege, and in some sense a
necessity of human reason, to inquire after, at least, obvious
motives, since the smallest acquaintance with character or history
cannot be formed without taking them into account. Thus, in the
biographies of notable men, in the histories of nations, and in the
gossip which constitutes the current history of most neighborhoods,
and is relished alike by the denizens of court and hamlet, nobody is
satisfied with knowing merely what was done, for the demand invariably
follows, Why they did it? That query is often necessary to legal, and
always to moral justice. It must be, so to speak, a most mechanical
and surface life, whose daily doings the beholder can fully explain,
independent of any reference to inward feelings, unuttered memories,
or concealed hopes. How many deeds and whole courses of action,
chameleon-like, utterly change their complexions, according to the
light of attributed motives! Through that medium, the patriot of one
party becomes the heartless and designing knave of another; and the
fanatical revolutionists of their own generation turn to fearless
reformers with the next. Many an act, on the details of which most
historians are agreed, is held up by one to the world's praise, and by
another to universal censure. Henri Quatre, says the first, conformed
to Catholicism rather than continue a civil war in his kingdom; while
a second remarks of the same monarch, that he sacrificed his faith for
a crown. When Frederick-William of Prussia was just at the hottest of
that persecution of his celebrated son, for which, together with his
love of tall soldiers, he is best known to the world, the grand
dispute amongst his favorite guards at Potsdam was, whether the kicks,
cuffs, and imprisonments, which the old king bestowed so liberally on
his heir-apparent, were intended to prevent young Fritz turning an
infidel, or arose from his father's fears that he might be a greater
man than himself! On no subject are mankind more apt to differ,
probably because there are few on which observation affords so much
inferential and so little direct evidence.
Approaching the innermost circles of private life, we find that the
views entertained of motives exercise a still greater influence in
determining our estimation of kindred, friends, or lovers. Volpone, in
Ben Jonson's play, even had he been capable of it, could have no cause
for gratitude to his numerous friends for all their gifts and
attentions, knowing so perfectly as he did, that they came but in
expectation of a legacy; and many a well-portioned dame has seen cause
for applying to her most attentive suitor those lines of a homely
Scottish song--
"My lad is sae muckle in love wi' my siller,
He canna hae love to spare for me."
There is a strange difference of opinion existing at times between the
principals and the spectators of these particular affairs. Few, it has
been said, can penetrate the motives of others in matters regarding
themselves. Yet most people are wonderfully sharp-sighted where their
neighbors are concerned; and the world--as every one of us is apt to
call that fraction of society in which we live, and move, and have our
associations--though generally not over charitable, is rarely wrong in
its conclusions.
He was a keen observer of life who remarked that the rapid changes to
which most of human friendships and enmities are liable, could be no
matter of surprise to one who took note of the motives from which they
generally originate. Poor and unsubstantial enough these doubtless
are, in many a case. There have been friendships that owed their
growth solely to showers of flattery, and bitter enmities have
spontaneously sprung up in the soil of envy. It was said of Goldsmith,
that he could never hear a brother poet, or, indeed, any citizen of
the world of letters, praised, without entertaining a temporary
aversion to that individual, and a similar effect was always produced
by the smallest sign of increasing literary consequence. A report that
M---- had been taken particular notice of by such a nobleman of those
patronizing times, or that his works had been admired in some segment
of the fashionable circle, was sufficient to make the author of the
"Deserted Village" find all manner of faults with him and his, till
time, or his habitual good nature, wiped the circumstance out of
Goldsmith's remembrance.
This reminds one of Madame de Montespan, a belle of that order which
reigned most triumphantly at the court of Louis XIV., who never could
forgive her rival, even when disgraced and dead, because she had once
got a ride in the royal carriage. It is curious that the learned and
the fair, far as their general pursuits, and visibilities, too, are
known to be apart, should, according to common report, approximate so
nearly in their motives to enmity or friendship. George Colman used to
say, that, if one had any interest in getting up a quarrel between
either two fine ladies or two literary men, he had nothing to do but
to praise the one energetically to the other, and the higher his
enthusiasm rose, the fiercer would be the war.
It was asserted of both the elder and younger Scaliger, that they
never applauded any scholar with all their might, but one who was
manifestly inferior to themselves; and of Madame de Maintenon, that
she never honored any one with her special friendship who was not, in
some considerable point, beneath her. There is still a large class of
characters, in all whose attachments a something to despise seems the
indispensable ingredient. The perpetual triumph of being always "king
of the company" has a binding attraction for such minds. It confers a
kind of dictatorship to have the advantage of one's friends. Nothing
else can explain the amount of patronage and befriending generally
lavished on the most worthless members of families or societies; and
the half-grudge, half-surveillance, which, under the covert of mere
mouth-honor, often surrounds great or successful abilities.
A strange motive to enmity is illustrated in the life of General
Loudoun, one of the Scotch Jacobites, who, on the defeat of his party,
entered the Austrian service, and rose to the rank of field-marshal in
the wars of Maria Theresa. He had taken the town of Seidlitz from the
Prussians. It was a great stroke in favor of the empress queen, and
might have been rewarded with a coronet, but, in his haste to send her
majesty the intelligence, Loudoun transmitted it through her husband,
the Emperor Francis, who had a private interest in the matter, having
long carried on a speculation of his own in victualling not only his
wife's troops, but those of her Prussian enemy. King Maria, as she was
styled by her Hungarian subjects, had also some special reasons for
allowing him to have neither hand nor voice in her concerns--a fact
which the marshal had never learned, or forgotten; and her majesty was
so indignant at receiving the news through such a channel, that,
though she struck a medal to commemorate the taking of Seidlitz,
Loudoun was rewarded only with her peculiar aversion throughout the
remaining seventeen years of her reign, for which the good wishes of
that imperial speculator in forage and flour afforded but poor
consolation.
Of all the important steps of human life, that by which two are made
one appears to be taken from the greatest variety of motives.
Doubtless, from the beginning it was not so; but manifold and
heterogeneous are those which have been alleged for it in the
civilized world. Goethe said he married to attain popular
respectability. Wilkes, once called the Patriot, when sueing his wife,
who chanced to have been an heiress, for the remains of her property,
declared that he had wedded at twenty-two, solely to please his
friends; and Wycherly the poet, in his very last days, worshipped and
endowed with all his worldly goods, as the English service hath it, a
girl whom poverty had made unscrupulous, in order to be revenged on
his relations.
Princes of old were in the habit of marrying to cement treaties, which
were generally broken as soon after as possible; and simple citizens
are still addicted to the same method of amending their fortunes and
families. There was an original motive to double blessedness set forth
in the advice of a veteran sportsman in one of the border counties.
His niece was the heiress of broad lands, which happened to adjoin an
estate belonging to a younger brother of the turf; and the senior
gentleman, when dilating to her on the exploits they had performed
together by wood and wold, wound up with the following sage
counsel--"Maria, take my advice, and marry young Beechwood, and you'll
see this county hunted in style."
The numbers who, by their own account, have wedded to benefit society,
in one shape or another, would furnish a strong argument against the
accredited selfishness of mankind, could they only be believed. The
general good of their country was the standing excuse of classic
times, and philosophers have occasionally reproduced it in our own.
Most people seem to think some apology necessary, but none are so
ingenious in showing cause why they should enter the holy state, as
those with whom it is the second experiment. The pleas of the widowed
for casting off their weeds are generally prudent, and often
singularly commendable. Domestic policy or parental affection supply
the greater part of them; and the want of protectors and step-mothers
felt by families of all sizes is truly marvellous, considering the
usual consequences of their instalment.
It is to be admired, as the speakers of old English would say, for
what noble things men will give themselves credit in the way of
motives, and how little resemblance their actions bear to them.
Montaigne was accustomed to tell of a servant belonging to the
Archbishop of Paris, who, being detected in privately selling his
master's best wine, insisted that it was done out of pure love to his
grace, lest the sight of so large a stock in his cellar might tempt
him to drink more than was commendable for a bishop. A guardian care
of their neighbors' well-being, somewhat similar, is declared by all
the disturbers of our daily paths. Tale-bearers and remarkers, of
every variety, have the best interests of their friends at heart; and
what troublesome things some people can do from a sense of duty is
matter of universal experience. Great public criminals, tyrants, and
persecutors in old times, and the abusers of power in all ages, have,
especially in the fall of their authority, laid claim to most exalted
motives. Patriotism, philanthropy, and religion itself, have been
quoted as their inspirers. The ill-famed Judge Jeffries said, his
judicial crimes were perpetrated to maintain the majesty of the law.
Robespierre affirmed that he had lived in defence of virtue and his
country. But perhaps the most charitable interpretation that ever man
gave to the motives of another, is to be found in the funeral sermon
of Frederick, Prince of Wales, and father of George III. The preacher,
after several judicious remarks on the virtues of the royal deceased,
concludes, "That in the extreme to which these were carried, they
appeared like vices; for so great was his generosity, that he ruined
half the tradesmen in London; and so extraordinary his condescension,
that he kept all sorts of bad company."
It is strange, that while motives abstractly virtuous have produced
large additions to the sum of mortal ills, little of private, and
still less of public, good has sprung, even casually, from those that
are evil in themselves. "If either the accounts of history, or the
daily reports of life, are to be at all credited," said one who had
learned and thought much on this subject, "the greatest amount of
crime and folly has been committed from motives of religion and love,
as men, for the most part, know them; while those of avarice, revenge,
and fear, have originated the most extraordinary actions and important
events."
The sins of revenge have usually a leaven of what Bacon calls "wild
justice" in them. Those of avarice are, from their very nature,
notorious; but perhaps no motive has ever prompted men to such varied
and singular actions as that of fear. The working of fear was
singularly exhibited in the conduct of a certain Marquis of
Montferrat, who lived at the period of the famous Italian wars, waged
between Charles V. of Germany and Francis I. of France. The marquis
was an Alpine feudatory of the former, and served him long and
faithfully, till a German astrologer of high repute in those days
assured him, from the stars, that the emperor would be eventually
overthrown, and all his partisans utterly ruined. To avoid his
probable share in that prediction, the marquis turned traitor to his
friend and sovereign, for Charles had trusted him beyond most men; but
the next year, the emperor was completely victorious, by both sea and
land. The marquis had fallen, fighting in vain for Francis, and his
fief was bestowed on a loyal vassal of the emperor.
Divines and philosophers have had many controversies concerning
motives. A great dispute on this subject is said to have engaged the
learned of Alexandria, about the accession of the emperor Julian,
whom, says a biographer, "some of his subjects named the Apostate, and
some the Philosopher." The controversy occupied not only the Christian
Platonists, for whose numbers that city was so celebrated, but also
the Pagan wisdom, then shedding its last rays under favor of the new
emperor. Yet neither Christians nor Pagans could entirely agree with
each other, and such a division of opinion had never been heard, even
in Alexandria. Things were in this state, says the tradition, when
there arrived in the capital of Egypt a Persian, whose fame had long
preceded him. He had been one of the Magi, at the base of the
Caucasus, till the Parthians laid waste his country, when he left it,
and travelled over the world in search of knowledge, and, in both east
and west, they called him Kosro the Wise. Scarce was the distinguished
stranger fairly within their gates when the chiefs of the parties
determined to hear his opinion on matter; and a deputation, consisting
of a Christian bishop, a Jewish rabbi, a Platonist teacher, and a
priest of Isis, waited on the Persian one morning, when he sat in the
portico of a long-deserted temple, which some forgotten Egyptian had
built to Time, the instructor. The rabbi and the priest were for
actions. The Platonist and the bishop were motive men, but in the
manner of those times, for even philosophy has its fashions, the four
had agreed that each should propose a question to Kosro, as his own
wisdom dictated. Accordingly, after some preparatory compliments,
touching the extent of his fame and travels, the Platonist, who was
always notable for circumlocution, opened the business by inquiring
what he considered the chief movers of mankind.
"Gain and vanity," replied Kosro.
"Which is strongest?" interposed the rabbi, in whom the faculty of
beating about in argument was scarcely less developed.
"Gain was the first," said the Persian. "Its worship succeeded the
reign of Ormuz, which western poets call the golden age, and I know
not when it was; but, in later ages, vanity has become the most
powerful, for every where I have seen men do that for glory which they
would not do for gain; and many even sacrifice gain to glory, as they
think it."
"But, wise Kosro," demanded the priest, impatient with what he
considered a needless digression, "tell us your opinion--Should men be
judged by their motives or their actions?"
"Motives," said Kosro, "are the province of divine, and actions of
human, judgment. Nevertheless, because of the relation between them it
is well to take note of the former when they become visible in our
light, yet not to search too narrowly after them, but take deeds for
their value; seeing, first, that the inward labyrinth is beyond our
exploring; secondly, that most men act from mingled motives; and,
thirdly, that if, after the thought of a western poet, there were a
crystal pane set in each man's bosom, it would mightily change the
estimation of many."
And the bishop made answer--"Kosro, thou hast seen the truth; man must
at times perceive, but God alone can judge of, motives."
From Sharpe's London Journal.
THE LAST DAYS OF THE EMPEROR ALEXANDER.
FROM THE FRENCH OF ALEX. DUMAS, BY MISS STRICKLAND.
The knowledge of an extensively organized conspiracy embittered the
last years of the Emperor Alexander, and increased his constitutional
melancholy. His attachment to Tzarsko Zelo made him linger longer at
his summer palace than was prudent in a man subject to erysipelas. The
wound in his leg reopened with very unfavorable symptoms, and he was
compelled to leave his favorite residence in a closed litter for St.
Petersburgh; and the skill and firmness of Mr. Wyllie, his Scotch
surgeon, alone saved the diseased limb from amputation. As soon as he
was cured, he returned again to Tzarsko Zelo, where the spring found
him as usual alone, without a court or chamberlain, only giving
audience to his ministers twice a-week. His existence resembled rather
that of an anchorite weeping for the sins of his youth, than that of a
great Emperor who makes the happiness of his people.
He regulated his time in the following manner:--in summer he rose at
five, and in winter at six o'clock every morning, and as soon as the
duties of the toilette were ended, entered his cabinet, in which the
greatest order was observed. He found there a cambric handkerchief
folded, and a packet of new pens. He only used these pens in signing
his name, and never made use of them again. As soon as he concluded
this business, he descended into the garden, where, notwithstanding
the report of a conspiracy which had existed two years against his
life and government, he walked alone with no other guards than the
sentinels always stationed before the palace of Alexander. At five he
returned, to dine alone, and after his solitary meal was lulled to
sleep by the melancholy airs played by the military band of the guard
regiment on duty. The selection of the music was always made by
himself, and he seemed to sink to repose, and to awake, with the same
sombre dispositions and feelings which had been his companions
throughout the day.
His empress Elizabeth lived like her consort, in profound solitude,
watching over him like an invisible angel. Time had not extinguished
in her heart the profound passion with which the youthful Czarowitz
had inspired her at first sight, and which she had preserved in her
heart, pure and inviolate. His numerous and public infidelities could
not stifle this holy and beautiful attachment, which formed at once
the happiness and misery of a delicate and sensitive woman.
At this period of her life, the Empress at five-and-forty retained her
fine shape and noble carriage, while her countenance showed the
remains of considerable beauty, more impaired by sorrow than time.
Calumny itself had never dared to aim her envenomed shafts at one so
eminently chaste and good. Her presence demanded the respect due to
virtue, still more than the homage proper to her elevated rank. She
resembled indeed more an angel exiled from heaven, than the imperial
consort of a Prince who ruled a large portion of the earth.
In the summer of 1825, the last he was destined to see, the physicians
of the Emperor unanimously recommended a journey to the Crimea, as the
best medicine he could take. Alexander appeared perfectly indifferent
to a measure which regarded his individual benefit, but the Empress,
deeply interested in any event likely to restore her husband's health,
asked and obtained permission to accompany him. The necessary
preparations for this long absence overwhelmed the Emperor with
business, and for a fortnight he rose earlier, and went to bed later,
than was customary to him.
In the month of June, no visible alteration was observed in his
appearance, and he quitted St. Petersburgh, after a service had been
chanted, to bring down a blessing from above on his journey. He was
accompanied by the Empress, his faithful coachman, Ivan, and some
officers belonging to the staff of General Diebitch. He stopped at
Warsaw a few days, in order to celebrate the birthday of his brother,
the Grand-Duke Constantine, and arrived at Tangaroff in the end of
August 1825. Both the illustrious travellers found their health
benefitted by the change of scene and climate. Alexander took a great
liking to Tangaroff, a small town on the borders of the sea of Azof,
comprizing a thousand ill-built houses, of which a sixth-part alone
are of brick and stone, while the remainder resemble wooden cages
covered with dirt. The streets are large, but then they have no
pavement, and are alternately loaded with dust, or inundated with mud.
The dust rises in clouds, which conceals alike man and beast under a
thick veil, and penetrates every where the carefully closed jalousies
with which the houses are guarded, and covers the garments of their
inhabitants. The food, the water, are loaded with it; and the last
cannot be drunk till previously boiled with salt of tartar, which
precipitates it; a precaution absolutely necessary to free it from
this disagreeable and dangerous deposit.
The Emperor took possession of the governor's house, where he
sometimes slept and took his meals. His abode there in the daytime
rarely exceeded two hours. The rest of his time was passed in
wandering about the country on foot, in the hot dust or wet mud. No
weather put any stop to his outdoor exercise, and no advice from his
medical attendant nor warning from the natives of Tangaroff, could
prevail upon him to take the slightest precaution against the fatal
autumnal fever of the country. His principal occupation was, planning
and planting a great public garden, in which undertaking he was
assisted by an Englishman whom he had brought with him to St.
Petersburgh for that purpose. He frequently slept on the spot on a
camp-bed, with his head resting upon a leather pillow.
If general report may be credited, planting gardens was not the
principal object that engrossed the Russian Emperor's attention. He
was said to be employed in framing a new Constitution for Russia, and
unable to contend at St. Petersburgh with the prejudices of the
aristocracy, had retired to this small city, for the purpose of
conferring this benefit upon his enslaved country.
However this might be, the Emperor did not stay long at a time at
Tangaroff, where his Empress, unable to share with him the fatigues of
his long journeys, permanently resided, during his frequent absences
from his head quarters. Alexander, in fact, made rapid excursions to
the country about the Don, and was sometimes at Tcherkask, sometimes
at Donetz. He was on the eve of departure for Astracan, when Count
Woronzoff in person came to announce to his sovereign the existence of
the mysterious conspiracy which had haunted him in St. Petersburgh,
and which extended to the Crimea, where his personal presence could
alone appease the general discontent.
The prospect of traversing three hundred leagues appeared a trifle to
Alexander, whom rapid journeys alone diverted from his oppressive
melancholy. He announced to the Empress his departure, which he only
delayed till the return of a messenger he had sent to Alapka. The
expected courier brought new details of the conspiracy, which aimed at
the life, as well as the government of Alexander. This discovery
agitated him terribly. He rested his aching head on his hands, gave a
deep groan, and exclaimed, "Oh, my father, my father!" Though it was
then midnight, he caused Count Diebitch to be roused from sleep and
summoned into his presence. The general, who lodged in the next house,
found his master in a dreadfully excited state, now traversing the
apartment with hasty strides, now throwing himself upon the bed with
deep sighs and convulsive starts. He at length became calm, and
discussed the intelligence conveyed in the dispatches of Count
Woronzoff. He then dictated two, one addressed to the Viceroy of
Poland, the other to the Grand-Duke Nicholas.
With these documents all traces of his terrible agitation disappeared.
He was quite calm, and his countenance betrayed nothing of the emotion
that had harassed him the preceding night.
Count Woronzoff, notwithstanding his apparent calmness, found him
difficult to please, and unusually irritable, for Alexander was
constitutionally sweet-tempered and patient. He did not delay his
journey on account of this internal disquietude, but gave orders for
his departure from Tangaroff, which he fixed for the following day.
His ill-humor increased during the journey; he complained of the
badness of the roads and the slowness of the horses. He had never been
known to grumble before. His irritation became more apparent when Sir
James Wyllie, his confidential medical attendant, recommended him to
take some precaution against the frozen winds of the autumn; for he
threw away with a gesture of impatience the cloak and pelisse he
offered, and braved the danger he had been entreated to avoid. His
imprudence soon produced consequences. That evening he caught cold,
and coughed incessantly, and the following day, on his arrival at
Orieloff, an intermittent fever appeared, which soon after, aggravated
by the obstinacy of the invalid, turned to the intermittent fever
common to Tangaroff and its environs in the autumn.
The Emperor, whose increasing malady gave him a presage of his
approaching death, expressed a wish to return to the Empress, and once
more took the route to Tangaroff; contrary to the prayers of Sir James
Wyllie, he chose to perform a part of the journey on horseback, but
the failure of his strength finally forced him to re-enter his
carriage. He entered Tangaroff on the fifth of November, and swooned
the moment he came into the governor's house. The Empress, who was
suffering with a complaint of the heart, forgot her malady, while
watching over her dying husband. Change of place only increased the
fatal fever which preyed upon his frame, which seemed to gather
strength from day to day. On the eight, Wyllie called in Dr.
Stephiegen, and on the thirteenth they endeavored to counteract the
affection of the brain, and wished to bleed the imperial patient. He
would not submit to the operation, and demanded iced water, which they
refused. Their denial irritated him, and he rejected every thing they
offered him, with displeasure. These learned men were unwise, to
deprive the suffering prince of the water, a safe and harmless
beverage in such fevers. In fact, nature herself sometimes, in
inspiring the wish, provides the remedy. The Emperor on the afternoon
of that day wrote and sealed a letter, when perceiving the taper
remained burning, he told his attendant to extinguish it, in words
that plainly expressed his feelings in regard to the dangerous nature
of his malady. "Put out that light, my friend, or the people will take
it for a bier candle, and will suppose I am already dead."
On the fourteenth of November, the physicians again urged their
refractory patient to take the medicines they prescribed, and were
seconded by the prayers of the Empress. He repulsed them with some
haughtiness, but quickly repenting of his hastiness of temper, which
in fact was one of the symptoms of the disease, he said, "Attend to
me, Stephiegen, and you too, Sir Andrew Wyllie. I have much pleasure
in seeing you, but you plague me so often about your medicine, that
really I must give up your company if you will talk of nothing else."
He however was at last induced to take a dose of calomel.
In the evening, the fever had made such fearful progress that it
appeared necessary to call in a priest. Sir Andrew Wyllie, at the
instance of the Empress, entered the chamber of the dying prince, and
approaching his bed, with tears in his eyes advised him "to call in
the aid of the Most High, and not to refuse the assistance of religion
as he had already done that of medicine."
The Emperor instantly gave his consent. Upon the fifteenth, at five
o'clock in the morning, a humble village priest approached the
imperial bed to receive the confession of his expiring sovereign.--"My
father, God must be merciful to kings," were the first words the
Emperor addressed to the minister of religion; "indeed they require it
so much more than other men." In this sentence all the trials and
temptations of the despotic ruler of a great people--his territorial
ambition, his jealousy, his political ruses, his distrusts and
over-confidences, seem to be briefly comprehended. Then, apparently
perceiving some timidity in the spiritual confessor his destiny had
provided for him, he added, "My father, treat me like an erring man,
not as an Emperor." The priest drew near the bed, received the
confession of his august penitent, and administered to him the last
sacraments. Then having been informed of the Emperor's pertinacity in
rejecting medicine, he urged him to give up this fatal obstinacy,
remarking, "that he feared God would consider it absolutely suicidal."
His admonitions made a deep impression upon the mind of the prince,
who recalled Sir Andrew Wyllie, and, giving him his hand, bade him do
what he pleased with him. Wyllie took advantage of this absolute
surrender, to apply twenty leeches to the head of the Emperor; but the
application was too late, the burning fever continually increased, and
the sufferer was given over. The intelligence filled the dying chamber
with weeping domestics, who tenderly loved their master.
The Empress still occupied her place by the bed-side, which she had
never quitted but once, in order to allow her dying husband to unbosom
himself in private to his confessor. She returned to the post assigned
her by conjugal tenderness directly the priest had quitted it.
Two hours after he had made his peace with God, Alexander experienced
more severe pain than he had yet felt. "Kings," said he, "suffer more
than others." He had called one of his attendants to listen to this
remark with the air of one communicating a secret. He stopped, and
then, as if recalling something he had forgotten, said in a whisper,
"they have committed an infamous action." What did he mean by these
words? Was he suspicious that his days had been shortened by poison?
or did he allude, with the last accents he uttered, to the barbarous
assassination of the Emperor Paul? Eternity can alone reveal the
secret thoughts of Alexander I. of Russia.
During the night, the dying prince lost consciousness. At two o'clock
in the morning, Count Diebitch came to the Empress, to inform her that
an old man, named Alexandrowitz, had saved many Tartars in the same
malady. A ray of hope entered the heart of the imperial consort at
this information, and Sir Andrew Wyllie ordered him to be sent for in
haste. This interval was passed by the Empress in prayer, yet she
still kept her eyes fixed upon those of her husband, watching with
intense attention the beams of life and light fading in their
unconscious gaze. At nine in the morning, the old man was brought into
the imperial chamber almost by force. The rank of the patient,
perhaps, inspiring him with some fear respecting the consequences that
might follow his prescriptions, caused his extreme unwillingness. He
approached the bed, looked at his dying sovereign, and shook his head.
He was questioned respecting this doubtful sign. "It is too late to
give him medicine; besides, those I have cured were not sick of the
same malady."
With these words of the peasant physician, the last hopes of the
Empress vanished; but if pure and ardent prayers could have prevailed
with God, Alexander would have been saved.
On the sixteenth of November, according to the usual method of
measuring time, but on the first of December, if we follow the Russian
calendar, at fifty minutes after ten in the morning, Alexander
Paulowitz, Emperor of all the Russias, expired. The Empress, bending
over him, felt the departure of his last breath. She uttered a bitter
cry, sank upon her knees, and prayed. After some minutes passed in
communion with heaven, she rose, closed the eyes of her deceased lord,
composed his features, kissed his cold and livid hands, and once more
knelt and prayed. The physicians entreated her to leave the chamber of
death, and the pious Empress consented to withdraw to her own.[9]
The body of the Emperor lay in state, on a platform raised in an
apartment of the house where he died. The presence-chamber was hung
with black, and the bier was covered with cloth of gold. A great many
wax tapers lighted up the gloomy scene. A priest at the head of the
bier prayed continually for the repose of his deceased sovereign's
soul. Two sentinels with drawn swords watched day and night beside the
dead, two were stationed at the doors, and two stood on each step
leading to the bier. Every person received at the door a lighted
taper, which he held while he remained in the apartment. The Empress
was present during these masses, but she always fainted at the
conclusion of the service. Crowds of people united their prayers to
hers, for the Emperor was adored by the common people. The corpse of
Alexander I. lay in state twenty-one days before it was removed to the
Greek monastery of St. Alexander, where it was to rest before its
departure for interment in St. Petersburgh.
Upon the 25th December, the remains of the Emperor were placed on a
funeral car drawn by eight horses, covered to the ground with black
cloth ornamented with the escutcheons of the empire. The bier rested
on an elevated dais, carpeted with cloth of gold; over the bier was
laid a flag of silver tissue, charged with the heraldic insignia
proper to the imperial house. The imperial crown was placed under the
dais. Four major-generals held the cords which supported the diadem.
The persons composing the household of the Emperor and Empress
followed the bier dressed in long black mantles, bearing in their
hands lighted torches. The Cossacks of the Don every minute discharged
their light artillery, while the sullen booming of the cannon added to
the solemnity of the imposing scene.
Upon its arrival at the church, the body was transferred to a
catafalco covered with red cloth, surmounted by the imperial arms in
gold, displayed on crimson-velvet. Two steps led up to the platform on
which the catafalco was placed. Four columns supported the dais upon
which the imperial crown, the sceptre, and the globe, rested.
The catafalco was surrounded by curtains of crimson velvet and cloth
of gold, and four massy candelabra, at the four corners of the
platform, bore wax tapers sufficient to dispel the darkness, but not
to banish the gloom pervading the church, which was hung with black
embroidered with white crosses. The Empress made an attempt to assist
at this funeral service, but her feelings overpowered her, and she was
borne back to the palace in a swoon; but as soon as she came to
herself she entered the private chapel, and repeated there the same
prayers then reciting in the church of St. Alexander.
While the remains of the Emperor Alexander were on their way to their
last home, the report of his dangerous state, which had been forwarded
officially to the Grand-Duke Nicholas, was contradicted by another
document, which bore date of the 29th of November, announcing that
considerable amendment had taken place in the Emperor's health, who
had recovered from a swoon of eight hours' duration, and had not only
appeared collected, but declared himself improved in health.
Whether this was a political ruse of the conspirators or the new
Emperor remains quite uncertain; however, a solemn _Te Deum_ was
ordered to be celebrated in the cathedral of Casan, at which the
Empress Mother and the Grand-Dukes Nicholas and Michael were present.
The joyful crowds assembled at this service scarcely left the imperial
family and their suite a free space for the exercise of their
devotions. Towards the end of the _Te Deum_, while the sweet voices of
the choir were rising in harmonious concert to heaven, some official
person informed the Grand-Duke Nicholas that a courier from Tangaroff
had arrived with the last dispatch, which he refused to deliver into
any hand but his own. Nicholas was conducted into the sacristy, and
with one glance at the messenger divined the nature of the document of
which he was the bearer. The letter he presented was sealed with
black. Nicholas recognized the handwriting of the Empress Consort,
and, hastily opening it, read these words:
"Our angel is in heaven; I still exist on earth, but I hope soon to be
re-united to him."
The bishop was summoned into the sacristy by the new Emperor, who gave
him the letter, with directions to break the fatal tidings it
contained to the Empress Mother with the tenderest care. He then
returned to his place by the side of his august parent, who alone, of
the thousands assembled there, had perceived his absence.
An instant after, the venerable bishop re-entered the choir, and
silenced the notes of praise and exultation with a motion of his hand.
Every voice became mute, and the stillness of death reigned throughout
the sacred edifice. In the midst of the general astonishment and
attention he walked slowly to the altar, took up the massy silver
crucifix which decorated it, and throwing over that symbol of earthly
sorrow and divine hope a black veil, he approached the Empress Mother,
and gave her the crucifix in mourning to kiss.
The Empress uttered a cry, and fell with her face on the
pavement;--she comprehended at once that her eldest son was dead.
The Empress Elizabeth soon realized the sorrowful hope she had
expressed. Four months after the death of her consort she died on the
way from Tangaroff, at Beloff, and soon rejoined him she had
pathetically termed "_her_ angel in heaven."
The historical career of the Emperor Alexander is well known to every
reader, but the minor matters of every-day life mark the man, while
public details properly denote the sovereign.
The faults of Alexander are comprised in his infidelity to a
beautiful, accomplished, and affectionate wife. He respected her even
while wounding her delicate feelings by his criminal attachments to
other women. After many years of mental pain, the injured Elizabeth
gave him the choice of giving her up, or banishing an imperious
mistress, by whom the Emperor had a numerous family.
Alexander could not resolve to separate for ever from his amiable and
virtuous consort,--he made the sacrifice she required of him.
His gallantry sometimes placed him in unprincely situations, and
brought him in contact with persons immeasurably beneath him. He once
fell in love with a tailor's wife at Warsaw, and not being well
acquainted with the character of the pretty grisette, construed her
acceptance of the visit he proposed making her, into approbation of
his suit. The fair Pole was too simple, and had been too virtuously
brought up, to comprehend his intentions. Her husband was absent, so
she thought it would not be proper to receive the imperial visit
alone; she made, therefore, a re-union of her own and her husband's
relations--rich people of the bourgeoisie class--and when the emperor
entered her saloon, he found himself in company with thirty or forty
persons, to whom he was immediately introduced by his fair and
innocent hostess. The astonished sovereign was obliged to make himself
agreeable to the party, none of whom appeared to have divined his
criminal intentions. He made no further attempt to corrupt the
innocence of this beautiful woman, whose simplicity formed the
safeguard of her virtue.
A severe trial separated him for ever from his last mistress, who had
borne him a daughter; this child was the idol of his heart, and to
form her mind was the pleasure of his life. At eighteen the young lady
eclipsed every woman in his empire by her dazzling beauty and graceful
manners. Suddenly she was seized with an infectious fever, for which
no physician in St. Petersburgh could find a remedy. Her mother,
selfish and timid, deserted the sick chamber of the suffering girl,
over whom the bitter tears of a father were vainly shed, while he kept
incessant vigils over one whom he would have saved from the power of
the grave at the expense of his life and empire. The dying daughter
asked incessantly for her mother, upon whose bosom she desired to
breathe her last sigh; but neither the passionate entreaties nor the
commands of her imperial lover could induce the unnatural parent to
risk her health by granting the interview for which her poor child
craved, and she expired in the arms of her father, without the
consolation of bidding her mother a last adieu.
Some days after the death of his natural daughter, the Emperor
Alexander entered the house of an English officer to whom he was much
attached. He was in deep mourning and appeared very unhappy. "I have
just followed to the grave," said he, "as a private person the remains
of my poor child, and I cannot yet forgive the unnatural woman who
deserted the death-bed of her daughter. Besides, my sin, which I never
repented of, has found me out, and the vengeance of God has fallen
upon its fruits. Yes, I deserted the best and most amiable of wives,
the object of my first affection, for women who neither possessed her
beauty nor merit. I have preferred to the Empress even this unnatural
mother, whom I now regard with loathing and horror. My wife shall
never again have cause to reproach my broken faith."
Devotion and his strict adherence to his promise balmed the wound,
which, however, only death could heal. To the secret agony which
through life had haunted the bosom of the son was added that of the
father, and the return of Alexander to the paths of virtue and
religion originated in the loss of this beloved daughter, smitten, he
considered, for his sins.
The friendship of this prince for Madam Krudener had nothing criminal
in its nature, though it furnished a theme for scandal to those who
are apt to doubt the purity of Platonic attachments between
individuals of opposite sexes.
In regard to this Emperor's political career, full of ambition and
stratagem, we can only re-echo his dying words to his confessor:--"God
must be merciful to kings?" His career, however varied by losses on
the field or humiliated by treaties, ended triumphantly with the
laurels of war and the olives of peace, and he bore to his far
northern empire the keys of Paris as a trophy of his arms. His
moderation demands the praise of posterity, and excited the admiration
of the French nation at large.[10] His immoral conduct as a man and a
husband was afterwards effaced by his sincere repentance, and he died
in the arms of the most faithful and affectionate of wives, who could
not long survive her irreparable loss. His death was deeply lamented
by his subjects, who, if they did not enrol his name among the
greatest of their rulers, never have hesitated to denote him as the
best and most merciful sovereign who ever sat upon the Russian throne.
FOOTNOTES:
[9] The autopsy exhibited the same appearance generally discovered in those
subjects whose death has been caused by the fever of the country: the brain
was watery, the veins of the head were gorged, and the liver was soft. No
signs of poison were discovered; the death of the Emperor was in the course
of nature.
[10] The French authorities would have removed the trophies of Napoleon's
victories, and the commemoration of the Russian share in the disastrous
days of Jena and Austerlitz. The Emperor Alexander magnanimously replied,
"No, let them remain: it is sufficient that I have passed over the bridge
with my army!" A noble and generous reply. Few princes have effaced public
wrongs so completely, or used their opportunity of making reprisals so
mercifully. (See Chateaubriand's Autobiography.)
FALLEN GENIUS.
BY MISS ALICE CAREY.
No tears for him!--he saw by faith sublime
Through the wan shimmer of life's wasted flame,
Across the green hills of the future time,
The golden breaking of the morn of fame.
Faded by the diviner life, and worn,
The dust has fallen away, and ye but see
The ruins of the house wherein were borne
The birth-pangs of an immortality.
His great life from the wondrous life to be,
Clasped the bright splendors that no sorrow mars,
As some pale, shifting column of the sea,
Mirrors the awful beauty of the stars.
What was Love's lily pressure, what the light
Of its pleased smile, that a chance breath may chill?
His soul was mated with the winds of night,
And wandered through the universe at will.
Oft in his heart its stormy passion woke,
Yet from its bent his soul no more was stirred,
Than is the broad green bosom of the oak
By the light flutter of the summer bird.
His loves were of forbidden realms, unwrought
In poet's rhyme, the music of his themes,
Hovering about the watch-fires of his thought,
On the dim borders of the land of dreams.
For while his hand with daring energy
Fed the slow fire that, burning, must consume,
The ravishing joys of unheard harmony
Beat like a living pulse within the tomb.
Pillars of fire that wander through life's night,
Children of genius! ye are doomed to be,
In the embrace of your far-reaching light,
Locking the radiance of eternity.
From the London Times.
COPENHAGEN.
A more stately city than Copenhagen can scarcely be imagined. The
streets, wide and long, filled with spacious and lofty houses of
unspotted whiteness, and built with great regularity, remind one
somewhat of Bath, but that the ground is level; many of them
all but equal, in breadth, to the Irishman's test of street
architecture--Sackville-street, Dublin. But large squares break up
their continuous lines, and the eye rests on fine statues, noble
palaces, and splendid buildings devoted to the arts, to amusement, to
justice, or to the purposes of religion in every quarter of the city.
Copenhagen is but a creation of the last century, and, after a little
time spent there, a large portion of it gives the idea that it was
built all of a sudden, by some Danish Grissell and Peto, according to
contract. Surrounded by a deep foss, by ramparts and intrenchments,
defended by formidable forts and batteries, filled with the halls of
kings, with churches, museums, and castles, it combines the appearance
of a new cut made by the royal commissioners through some old London
rookery, with the air of an old feudal town. The moat prohibits any
considerable extension. Seen under a bright cold sky, the blanched
fronts of the houses, the white walls of the public edifices, the
regularity of the streets, conveyed an impression of cleanliness,
which could only be destroyed when one happened to look down at his
feet, or ceased to keep guard over his nose. The paving is of the
style which may be called Titanic, and was never intended for any foot
garb less defensive than a _sabot_ or a _caliga_. The drainage is
superficial,--that is, all the liquid refuse of the city runs, or
rather walks very leisurely, along grooves in the pavement aforesaid,
which are covered over by boards in various stages of decomposition.
In summer, the city must be worse than Berlin (which, by the by, it
very much resembles in many respects). In spring time, after rain, my
own experience tells me it suggests forcible reminiscences of the
antique odors of Fleet Ditch. One thing which soon strikes the
stranger is the apparent want of shops. But they are to be found by
those who want them. Nearly every trader carries on his business very
modestly in his front parlor, and makes a moderate display of his
stock in the ordinary window, so that the illusory and enchanting
department of trade is quite gone. A Danish gentleman can walk out
with his wife without the least fear that he will fall a victim to "a
stupendous sacrifice," or be immolated on the altar of "an imperative
necessity to clear out in a week."
Moving through these streets is a quiet, soberly-attired population.
Bigger than most foreigners, and with great roundness of muscle and
size of bone, your Dane wants the dapper air of the Frenchman, or the
solemnity of the Spaniard, while he is not so bearded or so dirty as
the German. But then he smokes prodigiously, dresses moderately in the
English style, is addicted to jewelry in excess, and has a habit of
plodding along, straight in the middle of the road, with his head
down, which must be a matter of considerable annoyance to the native
cabman. He is, however, amazingly polite. He not only takes off his
hat to every one he knows, but gives any lady-acquaintance the trouble
of recognizing him, by bowing to her before she has made up her mind
whether the individual is known or not. Another of his peculiarities
is, that he always has a dog. I should say, more correctly, there is
always a dog following him,--for I have seen an animal, which seemed
to be bound by the closest ties to a particular gentleman, placidly
leave him at the corner of a street, and set off on an independent
walk by itself. These dogs are, in fact, a feature of the place by
themselves. In number they can only be excelled by the canine
scavengers of Cairo or Constantinople, and in mongrelness and ugliness
by no place in the world--not even in Tuum before the potato rot. They
get up little extemporary hunts through the squares, the trail being
generally the remnant of an old rat, carried away by the foremost, and
dash between your legs from unexpected apertures in walls and houses,
so as to cause very unpleasant consequences to the nervous or feeble
sojourner. On seeking for an explanation of their great abundance, I
was informed that they were kept to kill rats. But this is a mere
delusion. These dogs are far too wise to lose their health by keeping
late hours in pursuit of vermin. No, they retire as soon as darkness
sets in, and with darkness, out come the rats in the most perfect
security. Such rats! they are as big as kittens, and their squeaking
under the wooden planks of the gutters as you walk home is perfectly
amazing. The celebrated dog Billy would have died in a week of violent
exercise in any one street in Copenhagen, giving him his usual
allowance of murder. I must say that, in the matters of paving, dogs,
rats, sewers, water, and lights, Copenhagen is rather behind the rest
of the world. As to the lights, they are sparely placed, and as yet
gas is not used. With a laudable economy, the oil-wicks are
extinguished when the moon shines, and the result is, that sometimes
an envious cloud leaves the whole city in Cimmerian darkness for the
rest of the night, in consequence of five minutes' moonshine in the
early part, as, once put out, they are not again relumed.
In the crowd you meet many pale, sorrow-stricken women in mourning,
and now and then a poor soldier limps before you, with recent bandages
on his stump, or hobbles along limpingly, with perhaps a sabre-cut
across the face, or an empty coat-sleeve dangling from his shoulder;
and then you remember all the horrors the late war must have caused
Denmark, when, out of her small population, 90,000 men were under arms
in the field. It can scarcely atone for this sight to meet dashing
hussars, with their red coats and sheepskin calpacks; heavy dragoons
in light-blue and dark-green; jagers in smart frocks of olive-green,
decorated with stars and ribands, and swaggering along in all the
pride of having smelt powder and done their duty. They are numerous
enough, indeed every third man is a soldier; but one of these sad
widows or orphans is an antidote to the glories of these fine heroes,
scarcely less powerful than that of the spectacle of their mutilated
and mangled comrades. This war has roused the national spirit of
Denmark; it has caused her to make a powerful effort to shake off all
connection with Germany, or dependence on her Germanic subjects, but
it has cost her L5,000,000 of money, and it has left many a home
desolate for ever.
From Household Words.
THE SHADOW OF LUCY HUTCHINSON.
There are some books that leave upon the mind a strange impression,
one of the most delightful reading can produce--a haunting of the
memory, it may be, by one form or by several, strangely real, having a
positive personal presence and identity, yet always preserving an
immaterial existence, and occupying a "removed ground," from which
they never stir to mingle with the realities of recollection. These
shadows hold their place apart, as some rare dreams do, claiming from
us an indescribable tenderness.
The "Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson" is such a book. In many passages
it is tedious--a record of petty strategies of partisan warfare--and,
more dreary still, of factious jealousies and polemical hatreds. The
absolute truth of the book is fatal, in one direction to our
hero-worship. The leaders of the Great Rebellion, in such minute
details, appear as mere schemers, as rival agents at a borough
election; and the most fervent in professions of religious zeal are as
bitter in their revenges as the heroes of a hundred scalps; but there
arises out of the book, and is evermore associated with it, the calm
quiet shadow of a woman of exquisite purity, of wondrous constancy, of
untiring affection--Lucy Hutchinson, its writer.
John Hutchinson is at Richmond, lodging at the house of his
music-master. He is twenty-two years of age. The village is full of
"good company," for the young Princes are being educated in the
palace, and many "ingenious persons entertained themselves at that
place." The music-master's house is the resort of the king's
musicians; "and divers of the gentlemen and ladies that were affected
with music came thither to hear." There was a little girl "tabled" in
the same house with John Hutchinson, who was taking lessons of the
lutanist--a charming child, full of vivacity and intelligence. She
told John she had an elder sister--a studious and retiring person--who
was gone with her mother, Lady Apsley, into Wiltshire--and Lucy was
going to be married, she thought. The little girl ever talked of
Lucy--and the gentlemen talked of Lucy--and one day a song was sung
which Lucy had written--and John and the vivacious child walked,
another day, to Lady Apsley's house, and there, in a closet, were
Lucy's Latin books. Mr. Hutchinson grew in love with Lucy's image; and
when the talk was more rife that she was about to be married--and some
said that she was indeed married--he became unhappy--and "began to
believe there was some magic in the place, which enchanted men out of
their right senses; but the sick heart could not be chid nor advised
into health." At length Lucy and her mother came home; and Lucy was
not married. Then John and Lucy wandered by the pleasant banks of the
Thames, in that spring-time of 1638, and a "mutual friendship" grew up
between them. Lucy now talked to him of her early life; how she had
been born in the Tower of London, of which her late father, Sir John
Apsley, was the governor; how her mother was the benefactress of the
prisoners, and delighted to mitigate the hard fortune of the noble and
the learned, and especially Sir Walter Raleigh, by every needful help
to his studies and amusements; how she herself grew serious amongst
these scenes, and delighted in nothing but reading, and would never
practise her lute or harpsichords, and absolutely hated her needle.
John was of a like serious temper. Their fate was determined.
The spring is far advanced into summer. On a certain day the friends
on both sides meet to conclude the terms of the marriage. Lucy is not
to be seen. She has taken the small-pox. She is very near death. At
length John is permitted to speak to his betrothed. Tremblingly and
mournfully she comes into his presence. She is "the most deformed
person that could be seen." Who could tell the result in words so
touching as Lucy's own? "He was nothing troubled at it, but married
her as soon as she was able to quit the chamber, when the priest and
all that saw her were affrighted to look on her. But God recompensed
his justice and constancy by restoring her; though she was longer than
ordinary before she recovered to be as well as before."
They were married on the 3d of July, 1638.
In the autumn of 1641, John and Lucy Hutchinson are living in their
own house of Owthorpe, in Nottinghamshire. They have two sons. They
are "peaceful and happy." John has dedicated two years since his
marriage to the study of "school divinity." He has convinced himself
of "the great point of predestination." This faith has not, as his
wife records, produced a "carelessness of life in him," but "a more
strict and holy walking." He applies himself, in his house at
Owthorpe, "to understand the things then in dispute" between the King
and Parliament. He is satisfied of the righteousness of the
Parliament's cause; but he then "contents himself with praying for
peace." In another year the King has set up his standard in
Nottingham; the battle of Edgehill has been fought; all hope of peace
is at an end. John Hutchinson is forced out of his quiet habitation by
the suspicions of his royalist neighbors. He is marked as a Roundhead.
Lucy does not like the name. "It was very ill applied to Mr.
Hutchinson, who having naturally a very fine thick-set head of hair,
kept it clean and handsome, so that it was a great ornament to him;
although the godly of those days, when he embraced their party, would
not allow him to be religious because his hair is not in their cut."
The divinity student now becomes a lieutenant-colonel. He raises a
company of "very honest godly men." The Earl of Chesterfield is
plundering the houses of the Puritans in the vale of Belvoir, near
Owthorpe; and the young colonel has apprehensions for the safety of
his family. In the depth of winter, a troop of horse arrive one night
at the lonely house where Lucy and her children abide. They are
hastily summoned to prepare for an instant journey. They are to ride
to Nottingham before sunrise, for the soldiers are not strong enough
to march in the day. Lucy is henceforth to be the companion of her
husband in his perilous office--his friend, his comforter--a
ministering angel amongst the fierce and dangerous spirits, whom he
sways by a remarkable union of courage and gentleness.
Let us look at the shadow of Lucy Hutchinson. She tranquilly sits in
one of the upper chambers of the old and ruinous castle of which her
husband is appointed governor. It is a summer evening of 1643. In that
tower, built upon the top of the rock, tradition says that Queen
Isabel received her paramour Mortimer; and at the base of the rock are
still shown Mortimer's Well, and Mortimer's Hole, as Lady Hutchinson
saw them two centuries ago. She looks out of the narrow windows by
which her chamber is lighted. There is the Trent, peacefully flowing
on one side, amid flat meadows. On the other is the town of
Nottingham. The governor has made the ruinous castle a strong
fortress, with which he can defy the Cavaliers should they occupy the
town beneath. Opposite the towers is the old church of St. Nicholas,
whose steeple commands the platform of the castle. The Governor has
sent away his horse, and many of his foot, to guard the roads by which
the enemy could approach Nottingham. There is no appearance of danger.
The reveille is beat. Those who have been watching all night lounge
into the town. It is in the possession of the Cavaliers. The scene is
changed. The din of ordnance rouses Lucy from her calm gaze upon the
windings of the Trent. For five days and nights there is firing
without intermission. Within the walls of the castle there are not
more than eighty men. The musketeers on St. Nicholas steeple pick off
the cannoniers at their guns.
Now and then, as the assailants are beaten from the walls, they leave
a wounded man behind, and he is dragged into the castle. On the sixth
day, after that terrible period of watchfulness, relief arrives. The
Cavaliers are driven from the town with much slaughter, and the castle
is filled with prisoners. Lucy has been idle during those six days of
peril. There was a task to be performed,--a fitting one for woman's
tenderness. Within the castle was a dungeon called the Lion's Den,
into which the prisoners were cast; and as they were brought up from
the town, two of the fanatical ministers of the garrison reviled and
maltreated them. Lucy reads the commands of her Master after another
fashion. As the prisoners are carried bleeding to the Lion's Den, she
implores that they should be brought in to her, and she binds up and
dresses their wounds. And now the two ministers mutter--and their
souls abhor to see this favor done to the enemies of God--and they
teach the soldiers to mutter. But Lucy says, "I have done nothing but
my duty. These are our enemies, but they are our fellow-creatures. Am
I to be upbraided for these poor humanities?" And then she breathes a
thanksgiving to Heaven that her mother had taught her this humble
surgery. There is a tear in John's eye as he gazes on this scene. That
night the Cavalier officers sup with him, rather as guests than as
prisoners.
In the vale of Belvoir, about seven miles from Belvoir Castle, is the
little village of Owthorpe. When Colonel Hutchinson returned to the
house of his fathers, after the war was ended, he found it plundered
of all its movables--a mere ruin. In a few years it is a fit dwelling
for Lucy to enjoy a lifelong rest, after the terrible storms of her
early married days. There is no accusing spirit to disturb their
repose. John looks back upon that solemn moment when he signed the
warrant for the great tragedy enacted before Whitehall without
remorse. He had prayed for "an enlightened conscience," and he had
carried out his most serious convictions. He took no part in the
despotic acts that followed the destruction of the monarchy. He had no
affection for the fanatics who held religion to be incompatible with
innocent pleasures and tasteful pursuits. At Owthorpe, then, he lived
the true life of an English gentleman. He built--he planted--he
adorned his house with works of art--he was the first magistrate--the
benefactor of the poor. The earnest man who daily expounded the
Scriptures to his household was no ascetic. There was hospitality
within those walls--with music and revelry. The Puritans looked
gloomily and suspiciously upon the dwellers at Owthorpe. The Cavaliers
could not forgive the soldier who had held Nottingham Castle against
all assaults.
The Restoration comes. The royalist connexions of Lucy Hutchinson have
a long struggle to save her husband's life; but he is finally included
in the Act of Oblivion. He is once more at Owthorpe, without the
compromise of his principles. He has done with political strife for
ever.
On the 31st of October 1663, there is a coach waiting before the hall
of Owthorpe. That hall is filled with tenants and laborers. Their
benefactor cheerfully bids them farewell; but his wife and children
are weeping bitterly. That coach is soon on its way to London with the
husband and wife, and their eldest son and daughter. At the end of the
fourth day's journey, at the gates of that fortress within which she
had been born, Lucy Hutchinson is parted from him whose good and evil
fortunes she had shared for a quarter of a century.
About a mile from Deal stands Sandown Castle. In 1664, Colonel
Hutchinson is a prisoner within its walls. It was a ruinous place, not
weatherproof. The tide washed the dilapidated fortress; the windows
were unglazed; cold, and damp, and dreary was the room where the proud
heart bore up against physical evils. For even here there was
happiness. Lucy is not permitted to share his prison; but she may
visit him daily. In the town of Deal abides that faithful wife. She is
with him at the first hour of the morning; she remains till the latest
of night. In sunshine or in storm, she is pacing along that rugged
beach, to console and be consoled.
Eleven months have thus passed, when Lucy is persuaded by her husband
to go to Owthorpe to see her children.
"When the time of her departure came, she left with a very sad and
ill-presaging heart." In a few weeks John Hutchinson is laid in the
family vault in that Vale of Belvoir.
Lucy Hutchinson sits in holy resignation in the old sacred home. She
has a task to work out. She has to tell her husband's history, for the
instruction of her children:--"I that am under a command not to grieve
at the common rate of desolate women, while I am studying which way to
moderate my woe, and, if it were possible, to augment my love, can,
for the present, find out none more just to your dear father, nor
consolatory to myself, than the preservation of his memory."
So rests her shadow, ever, in our poor remembrance.
From Eliza Cook's Journal.
THE WIVES OF SOUTHEY, COLERIDGE, AND LOVELL.
Southey, Coleridge, and Lovell, three poets, married three sisters,
the Misses Fricker of Bristol. They were all alike poor when they
married. Southey's aunt shut her door in his face when she found he
was resolved on marrying in such circumstances; and he, postponing
entry upon the married life, though he had contracted the
responsibility of husband, parted from his wife at the church door,
and set out on a six months' visit to Portugal, preparatory to
entering on the study of the legal profession. Southey committed his
maiden wife to the care of Mr. Cottle's sisters during his absence.
"Should I perish by shipwreck," he wrote from Falmouth to Mr. Cottle,
"or by any other casualty, I have relations whose prejudice will yield
to the anguish of affection, and who will love, cherish, and give all
possible consolation to my widow." With these words Southey set sail
for Portugal, and his wife, who had persuaded him to go, and cried
when he was going, though she would not then have permitted him to
stay, meekly retired to her place of refuge, wearing her wedding-ring
round her neck.
Southey returned to England, and commenced the study of the law, but
after a year's drudgery gave it up. His wife joined him in a second
visit to Portugal, and on his return he commenced the laborious
literary career which he pursued till his death. He enjoyed on the
whole a happy married life; took pleasure in his home and his family;
loving his children and his wife Edith dearly. This is one of his own
pictures:--"Glance into the little room where sits the gray-haired
man, 'working hard and getting little--a bare maintenance, and hardly
that; writing poems and history for posterity with his whole heart and
soul; one daily progressing in learning, not so learned as he is
poor, not so poor as proud, not so proud as happy.'" Great men have
invited him to London, and he is now answering the invitation. The
thought of the journey plagues him. "Oh dear, oh dear!" he writes,
"there is such a comfort in one's old coat and old shoes, one's own
chair and own fireside, one's own writing-desk and own library--with a
little girl climbing up to my neck and saying, 'Don't go to London,
papa, you must stay with Edith'--and a little boy whom I have taught
to speak the language of cats, dogs, cuckoos, jackasses, &c., before
he can articulate a word of his own--there is such a comfort in all
these things, that _transportation_ to London seems a heavier
punishment than any sins of mine deserve." But a sad calamity fell
upon him in his old age. His dear Edith was suddenly bereft of reason.
"Forty years," he writes to Grosvenor Bedford from York, "has she been
the life of my life--and I have left her this day in a lunatic
asylum." In the same letter he expresses the resignation of a
Christian and the confident courage of a man. "God, who has visited me
with this affliction," he says, "has given me strength to bear it, and
will, _I know_, support me to the end, whatever that may be. To-morrow
I return to my poor children. I have much to be thankful for under
this visitation. For the first time in my life (he was sixty years
old) I am so far beforehand with the world that my means are provided
for the whole of next year, and that I can meet this expenditure,
considerable in itself, without any difficulty."
Mrs. Southey, after two years' absence, returned to Keswick, the
family home, and closed her pitiable existence there. Southey was now
a broken-down man. "There is no one," he mournfully writes, "to
partake with me the recollections of the best and happiest portion of
my life; and for that reason, were there no other, such recollections
must henceforth be purely painful, except when I collect them with the
prospects of futurity." Two years after, however, Southey married
again: the marriage was one of respect on the part of Caroline Bowles,
the gifted authoress, who was his choice, and probably of convenience
and friendship on the part of Southey. We have heard that the union
greatly tended to his comfort, and that his wife tenderly soothed and
cheered his declining years.
Southey, in addition to maintaining his own wife and family at Keswick
by his literary labors, had the families of his two sisters-in-law
occasionally thrown upon his hands. He was not two-and-twenty when Mr.
Lovell, who married his wife's sister, fell ill of fever, died, and
left his widow and child without the slightest provision. Robert
Southey took mother and child at once to his humble hearth, and there
the former found happiness until his death. Coleridge, not
sufficiently instructed by a genius to which his contemporaries did
homage, in a wayward and unpardonable mood withdrew himself from the
consolations of home; and in their hour of desertion his wife and
children were saved half the knowledge of their hardships by finding a
second husband and another father in the sanctuary provided for them
by Robert Southey.
Coleridge was unpunctual, unbusiness-like, improvident, and dreamy, to
the full extent to which poets are said proverbially to be. When he
married--his pantisocratic Owenite scheme having just been exploded,
and his lectures at Bristol having proved a failure--he retired with
Sara Fricker, his wife, to a cottage at Clevedon, near Bristol. Though
the cottage was a poor one, consisting of little more than four bare
walls, for which he paid only L5 annual rental, he and his wife made
it pretty snug with the aid of the funds supplied by their constant
friend, Mr. Cottle, the Bristol bookseller. Coleridge decorated this
cottage with all the graces that his imagination and fancy could throw
around it. It is alluded to in many of his poems:--
"Low was our pretty cot! our tallest rose
Peep'd at the chamber window. We could hear
At silent noon, and eve, and early morn,
The sea's faint murmur. In the open air
Our myrtles blossom'd, and across the porch
Thick jasmines twin'd: the little landscape round
Was green and woody, and refreshed the eye.
It was a spot which you might aptly call
The valley of seclusion."
But his loved young wife was not forgotten; for again he sings:--
"My pensive Sara! thy soft cheek reclin'd
Thus on mine arm, most soothing sweet it is
To sit beside our cot--our cot o'ergrown
With white-flowered jasmine, and the broad leav'd myrtle
(Meet emblems they of innocence and love!)
And watch the clouds, that late were rich with light,
Slow saddening round, and mark the star of eve,
Serenely brilliant (such should wisdom be!)
Shine opposite."
Here their first child was born--Hartley, the dreamer--on whom the
happy parent shed tears of joy:--
"But when I saw it on its mother's arm,
And hanging at her bosom (she the while
Bent o'er its features with a tearful smile,)
Then I was thrill'd and melted, and most warm
Impress'd a father's kiss; and all beguil'd
Of dark remembrance and presageful fear,
I seem'd to see an angel's form appear--
'Twas even thine, beloved woman mild!
So for the mother's sake the child was dear,
And dearer was the mother for the child."
But writing poetry, reading Hartley and Condillac, would not make the
poet's pot boil at all briskly, and so he had to go a little nearer to
the world, and went back to Bristol. Coleridge, however, wanted
application, and could scarcely be induced to work, even though the
prospect of liberal remuneration was offered to him. Hence, a few
years after marriage, in July, 1796, we find him thus groaning in the
spirit to a friend: "It is my duty and business to thank God for all
his dispensations, and to believe them the best possible; but, indeed,
I think I should have been more thankful if He had made me a
journeyman shoemaker, instead of an author, by trade. I have left my
friends, I have left plenty," &c. "So I am forced to write for bread!
with the nights of poetic enthusiasm, when every minute I am hearing a
groan from my wife--groans, and complaints, and sickness! The present
hour I am in a quickset of embarrassments, and whichever way I turn, a
thorn runs into me! The future is a cloud and thick darkness! Poverty,
perhaps, and the thin faces of them that want bread looking up to me,"
&c. This was not the kind of spirit to make a wife happy--very
different indeed from the manly, courageous, and self-helping
Southey--and the poor wife suffered much. Whatever Coleridge touched
failed: his fourpenny paper, the _Watchman_, was an abortion; and the
verses he wrote for a London paper did little for him. He next
preached for a short time among the Unitarians, deriving a very
precarious living from that source; when at length the Messrs.
Wedgwood, struck by his great talents, granted him an annuity of L150
to enable him to devote himself to study. Then he went to Germany,
leaving his wife and little family to the hospitality of Southey; and
returned and settled down to the precarious life of a writer for the
newspapers: his eloquent conversation producing unbounded admiration,
but very little "grist." He was often distressed for money, wasting
what he had by indulgence in opium, to which he was at one time a
fearful victim. The great and unquestionable genius of Coleridge was
expended chiefly on projections. He was a man who was capable of
greatly adorning the literature of his time, and of creating an
altogether new era in its history; but he could not or would not work,
and his life was passed in dreamy idleness, in self-inflicted poverty,
often in poignant misery, in gloomy regrets, and in unfulfilled
designs. We fear the life of Mrs. Coleridge was not a happy one, good
and affectionate though she was as a wife and mother.
MY NOVEL: OR, VARIETIES IN ENGLISH LIFE.[11]
BY PISISTRATUS CAXTON.