LIFE OF C. CÆSAR.

I.[435] When Sulla got possession of the supreme power, he confiscated

the marriage portion of Cornelia[436] the daughter of Cinna[437] who

had once enjoyed the supremacy in Rome, because he could not either by

promises or threats induce Cæsar to part with her. The cause of the

enmity between Cæsar and Sulla was Cæsar's relationship to Marius; for

the elder Marius was the husband of Julia the sister of Cæsar's

father, and Julia was the mother of the younger Marius, who was

consequently Cæsar's cousin. Cæsar was not content with being let

alone by Sulla, who was at first fully occupied with the

proscriptions and other matters, but he presented himself to the

people as a candidate for a priesthood,[438] though he had hardly

arrived at man's estate. But Sulla by his opposition contrived to

exclude him from this office, and even thought of putting him to

death; and when some observed that there was no reason in putting to

death such a youth, Sulla observed, that they had no sense if they did

not see many Marii in this boy. These words were conveyed to Cæsar,

who thereupon concealed himself by wandering about for some time in

the Sabine country. On one occasion when he was changing his place of

abode on account of sickness, he fell in by night with the soldiers of

Sulla who were scouring those parts and seizing on those who were

concealed. But Cæsar got away by giving Cornelius,[439] who was in

command of the soldiers, two talents, and going straightway down to

the coast he took ship and sailed to Bithynia to King Nicomedes,[440]

with whom he stayed no long time. On his voyage from Bithynia, he was

captured near the island Pharmacusa[441] by pirates,[442] who at that

time were in possession of the seas with a powerful force and numerous

ships.

II. The pirates asked Cæsar twenty talents for his ransom, on which he

laughed at them for not knowing who their prize was, and he promised

to give them fifty talents. While he dispatched those about him to

various cities to raise the money, he was left with one friend and

two attendants among these Cilician pirates, who were notorious for

their cruelty, yet he treated them with such contempt that whenever he

was lying down to rest, he would send to them and order them to be

quiet. He spent eight and thirty days among them, not so much like a

prisoner as a prince surrounded by his guards, and he joined in their

sports and exercises with perfect unconcern. He also wrote poems and

some speeches which he read to them, and those who did not approve of

his compositions he would call to their faces illiterate fellows and

barbarians, and he would often tell them with a laugh that he would

hang them all. The pirates were pleased with his manners, and

attributed this freedom of speech to simplicity and a mirthful

disposition. As soon as the ransom came from Miletus and Cæsar had

paid it and was set at liberty, he manned some vessels in the port of

Miletus and went after the pirates, whom he found still on the island,

and he secured most of them. All their property he made his booty; but

the pirates, he lodged in prison at Pergamum, and then went to

Junius,[443] who, as governor of the provinces of Asia, was the proper

person to punish the captives. But as the governor was casting a

longing eye on the booty, which was valuable, and said he would take

time to consider about the captives, Cæsar without more ado, left him

and going straight to Pergamum took all the pirates out of prison and

crucified them, as he had often told them he would do in the island

when they thought he was merely jesting.

III. Sulla's power was now declining, and Cæsar's friends in Rome

recommended him to return. However, he first made a voyage to Rhodus

in order to have the instruction of Apollonius the son of Molon,[444]

of whom Cicero also was a hearer. This Apollonius was a distinguished

rhetorician, and had the reputation of being a man of a good

disposition. Cæsar is said to have had a great talent for the

composition of discourses on political matters, and to have cultivated

it most diligently, so as to obtain beyond dispute the second rank;

his ambition to be first in power and arms, made him from want of

leisure give up the first rank, to which his natural talents invited

him, and consequently his attention to military matters and political

affairs by which he got the supreme power, did not allow him to attain

perfection in oratory. Accordingly at a later period, in his reply to

Cicero about Cato,[445] he deprecates all comparison between the

composition of a soldier and the eloquence of an accomplished orator

who had plenty of leisure to prosecute his studies.

IV. On his return to Rome he impeached[446] Dolabella[447] for

maladministration in his province, and many of the cities of Greece

gave evidence in support of the charge. Dolabella, indeed, was

acquitted; but to make some return to the Greeks for their zeal in his

behalf, Cæsar assisted them in their prosecution of Publius

Antonius[448] for corruption before Marcus Lucullus, the governor of

Macedonia; and his aid was so effectual that Antonius appealed to the

tribunes, alleging that he had not a fair trial in Greece with the

Greeks for his accusers. At Rome Cæsar got a brilliant popularity by

aiding at trials with his eloquence; and he gained also much good will

by his agreeable mode of saluting people and his pleasant manners, for

he was more attentive to please than persons usually are at that age.

He was also gradually acquiring political influence by the splendour

of his entertainments and his table and of his general mode of living.

At first those who envied him, thinking that when his resources

failed his influence would soon go, did not concern themselves about

his flourishing popularity: but at last when his political power had

acquired strength and had become difficult to overthrow and was

manifestly tending to bring about a complete revolution, they

perceived that no beginnings should be considered too small to be

capable of quickly becoming great by uninterrupted endurance and

having no obstacle to their growth by reason of being despised.

Cicero, who is considered to have been the first to suspect and to

fear the smiling surface[449] of Cæsar's policy, as a man would the

smiling smoothness of a sea, and who observed the bold and determined

character which was concealed under a friendly and joyous exterior,

said that in all his designs and public measures he perceived a

tyrannical purpose; "but on the other hand," said he, "when I look at

his hair, which is arranged with so much care, and see him scratching

his head with one finger,[450] I cannot think that such a wicked

purpose will ever enter into this man's mind as the overthrow of the

Roman State." This, however, belongs to a later period.

V. He received the first proof of the good will of the people towards

him when he was a competitor against Caius Popilius for a military

tribuneship,[451] and was proclaimed before him. He received a second

and more conspicuous evidence of popular favour on the occasion of the

death of Julia[452] the wife of Marius, when Cæsar, who was her

nephew, pronounced over her a splendid funeral oration in the Forum,

and at the funeral ventured to exhibit the images[453] of Marius,

which were then seen for the first time since the administration of

Sulla, for Marius and his son had been adjudged enemies. Some voices

were raised against Cæsar on account of this display, but the people

responded by loud shouts, and received him with clapping of hands, and

admiration, that he was bringing back as from the regions of Hades,

after so long an interval, the glories of Marius to the city. Now it

was an ancient Roman usage to pronounce funeral orations[454] over

elderly women, but it was not customary to do it in the case of young

women, and Cæsar set the first example by pronouncing a funeral

oration over his deceased wife, which brought him some popularity and

won the many by sympathy to consider him a man of a kind disposition

and full of feeling. After the funeral of his wife he went to Iberia

as quæstor to the Prætor Vetus,[455] for whom he always showed great

respect, and whose son he made his own quæstor when he filled the

office of Prætor. After his quæstorship he married for his third wife

Pompeia[456] he had by his wife Cornelia a daughter, who afterwards

married Pompeius Magnus. Owing to his profuse expenditure (and indeed

men generally supposed that he was buying at a great cost a

short-lived popularity, though in fact he was purchasing things of the

highest value at a low price) it is said that before he attained any

public office he was in debt to the amount of thirteen hundred

talents. Upon being appointed curator of the Appian Road,[457] he laid

out upon it a large sum of his own; and during his ædileship[458] he

exhibited three hundred and twenty pair of gladiators, and by his

liberality and expenditure on the theatrical exhibitions, the

processions, and the public entertainments, he completely drowned all

previous displays, and put the people in such a humour, that every man

was seeking for new offices and new honours to requite him with.

VI. There were at this time two parties in the State, that of Sulla,

which was all-powerful, and that of Marius, which was cowed and

divided and very feeble. It was Cæsar's object to strengthen and gain

over the party of Marius, and accordingly, when the ambitious

splendour of his ædileship was at its height, he had images of Marius

secretly made, and triumphal Victories, which he took by night and set

up on the Capitol. At daybreak the people seeing the images glittering

with gold, and exquisitely laboured by art (and there were

inscriptions also which declared the Cimbrian victories of Marius),

were in admiration at the boldness of him who had placed them there,

for it was no secret who it was, and the report quickly circulating

through the city, brought everybody to the spot to see. Some exclaimed

that Cæsar had a design to make himself tyrant, which appeared by his

reviving those testimonials of honour which had been buried in the

earth by laws and decrees of the senate, and that it was done to try

if the people, who were already tampered with, were tamed to his

purpose by his splendid exhibitions, and would allow him to venture on

such tricks and innovations. But the partisans of Marius, encouraging

one another, soon collected in surprising numbers, and filled the

Capitol with their noise. Many also shed tears of joy at seeing the

likeness of Marius, and Cæsar was highly extolled as the only man

worthy to be a kinsman of Marius. The senate being assembled about

these matters, Catulus Lutatius, who had at that time the greatest

name of any man in Rome, got up, and charging Cæsar, uttered that

memorable expression: "Cæsar, no longer are you taking the state by

underground approaches, but by storming engines." Cæsar spoke in reply

to this charge, and satisfied the senate, on which his admirers were

still more elated, and urged him not to abate of his pretensions for

any one: with the favour of the people, they said, he would soon get

the better of all, and be the first man in the State.

VII. About this time Metellus,[459] the Pontifex Maximus, died, and

though Isauricus and Catulus were candidates for the priesthood, which

was a great object of ambition, and were men of the highest rank and

greatest influence in the senate, Cæsar would not give way to them,

but he presented himself to the people as a competitor. The favour of

the people appearing equally divided, Catulus, as the more

distinguished candidate, being more afraid of the uncertainty of the

event, sent and offered Cæsar a large sum of money if he would retire

from his canvass; but Cæsar replied that he would stand it out even if

he had to borrow still more. On the day of the election, his mother,

with tears, accompanied him to the door, when Cæsar embracing her,

said, "Mother, to-day you shall see your son either Pontifex Maximus,

or an exile." After the voting was over, which was conducted with

great spirit, Cæsar prevailed, a circumstance which alarmed the senate

and the nobles, who feared that he would lead on the people to the

boldest measures. Accordingly, Piso and Catulus blamed Cicero for

having spared Cæsar, who, in the matter of Catiline's[460] conspiracy,

had given him a handle. Now Catiline designed not only to alter the

form of government, but to subvert the whole Commonwealth, and throw

all into confusion, but he was ejected from the city on being

convicted of some minor charges, and before the extent of his designs

was discovered. He left behind him in the city Lentulus and Cethegus,

to carry his plans into execution. It is uncertain if Cæsar secretly

lent them any countenance and aid, but when they were completely

convicted in the senate, and Cicero the consul put it to each senator

to give his opinion on their punishment, all who spoke declared for

death till it came to Cæsar's turn to speak. Cæsar rose and delivered

a studied oration, to the effect that it was not consistent with the

constitution, nor was it just to put to death without a trial men

distinguished for their high character and their family, unless there

was the most urgent necessity; and he added that, if they were

imprisoned in the Italian cities which Cicero himself might choose,

until the war against Catiline was brought to an end, the senate might

have time to deliberate on the case of each prisoner when peace was

restored.

VIII. This proposal appeared so humane, and was supported by so

powerful a speech, that not only those who rose after Cæsar sided

with, him, but many of those who had already spoken changed their

opinions and went over to that of Cæsar, till it came to the turn of

Cato and Catulus to speak. After they had made a vigorous opposition,

and Cato in his speech had also urged suspicious matter against Cæsar

and strongly argued against him, the conspirators were handed over to

the executioner, and as Cæsar was leaving the Senate many of the young

men who then acted as a guard to Cicero, crowded together and

threatened Cæsar with their naked swords.[461] But Curio[462] is said

to have thrown his toga round Cæsar, and to have carried him off; and

Cicero also, when the young men looked to him, is said to have checked

them by a motion, either through fear of the people or because he

thought that the death of Cæsar would be most unjust and a violation

of law. If this is true, I cannot conceive why Cicero said nothing

about it in the book on his Consulship;[463] but Cicero was blamed

afterwards for not having taken advantage of so favourable an

opportunity to get rid of Cæsar, and for having feared the people, who

were extravagantly attached to Cæsar. And indeed a few days after,

when Cæsar had gone to the Senate and defended himself in a speech

against the imputations that had been cast on him, and his speech was

received with loud marks of disapprobation and the sitting of the

Senate was lasting longer than usual, the people came with loud cries

and surrounded the Senate-house calling for Cæsar and bidding the

Senate let him go. Accordingly, Cato apprehending danger mainly from

some movement of the needy part of the people, who were like a

firebrand among the rest of the citizens, as they had all their hopes

in Cæsar, prevailed on the Senate to give them a monthly allowance of

corn, which produced an addition to the rest of the expenditure of

seven millions[464] five hundred thousands. However, the immediate

alarm was manifestly quenched by this measure, which snapped off the

best part of Cæsar's influence and scattered it, at a time when he was

going to enter on his office of Prætor which made him more

formidable.

IX. No tumults occurred in Cæsar's Prætorship,[465] but a disagreeable

incident happened in his family. Publius Clodius,[466] a man of

Patrician rank, was distinguished both by wealth and eloquence, but in

arrogance and impudence he was not inferior to the most notorious

scoundrels in Rome. Clodius was in love with Pompeia, Cæsar's wife,

and Pompeia was in no way averse to him. But a strict watch was kept

over the woman's apartment, and Aurelia, Cæsar's mother, who was a

prudent woman, by always observing Pompeia, made it difficult and

hazardous for the lovers to have an interview. Now the Romans have a

goddess whom they call Bona, as the Greeks have a Gynæceia. The

Phrygians, who claim this goddess, say she was the mother of King

Midas; the Romans say she was a Dryad and the wife of Faunus; but the

Greeks say she is one of the mothers of Dionysus, whose name must not

be uttered; and this is the reason why they cover the tents with

vine-leaves during the celebration of her festival, and a sacred

serpent sits by the goddess according to the mythus. No man is allowed

to approach the festival, nor to be in the house during the

celebration of the rites; but the women by themselves are said to

perform many rites similar to the Orphic in the celebration.

Accordingly when the season of the festival is come, the husband, if

he be consul or prætor, leaves the house and every male also quits it;

and the wife taking possession of the house makes all arrangements,

and the chief ceremonies are celebrated by night, the evening festival

being accompanied with mirth and much music.

X. While Pompeia[467] was now celebrating this festival, Clodius, who

was not yet bearded, and for this reason thought that he should not be

discovered, assumed the dress and equipment of a female lute-player

and went to the house looking just like a young woman. Finding the

door open, he was safely let in by a female slave who was in the

secret, and who forthwith ran off to tell Pompeia. As there was some

delay and Clodius was too impatient to wait where the woman had left

him, but was rambling about the house, which was large, and trying to

avoid the lights, Aurelia's waiting-woman, as was natural for one

woman with another, challenged him to a little mirthful sport, and as

he declined the invitations, she pulled him forward and asked who he

was and where he came from. Clodius replied that he was waiting for

Abra the maid of Pompeia, for that was the woman's name, but his voice

betrayed him, and the waiting-woman ran with a loud cry to the lights

and the rest of the company, calling out that she had discovered a

man. All the women were in the greatest alarm, and Aurelia stopped the

celebration of the rites and covered up the sacred things: she also

ordered the doors to be closed and went about the house with the

lights to look for Clodius. He was discovered lurking in the chamber

of the girl who had let him in, and on being recognised by the women

was turned out of doors. The women went straightway, though it was

night, to their husbands to tell them what had happened; and as soon

as it was day, the talk went through Rome of the desecration of the

sacred rites by Clodius, and how he ought to be punished for his

behaviour, not only to the persons whom he had insulted, but to the

city and the gods. Accordingly one of the tribunes instituted a

prosecution against Clodius for an offence against religion, and the

most powerful of the senators combined against him, charging him,

among other abominations, with adultery with his sister, who was the

wife of Lucullus. The people set themselves in opposition to their

exertions and supported Clodius, and were of great service to him

with the judices, who were terror-struck and afraid of the people.

Cæsar immediately divorced Pompeia, and when he was summoned as a

witness on the trial, he said he knew nothing about the matters that

Clodius was charged with. This answer appearing strange, the accuser

asked him, "Why have you put away your wife?" to which Cæsar replied,

"Because I considered that my wife ought not even to be suspected."

Some say that this was the real expression of Cæsar's opinion, but

others affirm that it was done to please the people who were bent on

saving Clodius. However this may be, Clodius was acquitted, for the

majority of the judices gave in their votes[468] written confusedly,

that they might run no risk from the populace by convicting Clodius

nor lose the good opinion of the better sort by acquitting him.

XI. On the expiration of his Prætorship, Cæsar received Iberia[469]

for his province, but as he had a difficulty about arranging matters

with his creditors, who put obstructions in the way of his leaving

Rome, and were clamorous, he applied to Crassus, then the richest man

in Rome, who stood in need of the vigour and impetuosity of Cæsar to

support him in his political hostility to Pompeius. Crassus undertook

to satisfy the most importunate and unrelenting of the creditors, and

having become security for Cæsar to the amount of eight hundred and

thirty talents, thus enabled him to set out for his province. There is

a story that as Cæsar was crossing the Alps, he passed by a small

barbarian town which had very few inhabitants and was a miserable

place, on which his companions jocosely observed, "They did not

suppose there were any contests for honors in such a place as that,

and struggles for the first rank and mutual jealousy of the chief

persons:" on which Cæsar earnestly remarked, "I would rather be the

first man here than the second at Rome." Again in Spain, when he had

some leisure and was reading the history of Alexander,[470] he was for

a long time in deep thought, and at last burst into tears; and on his

friends asking the reason of this, he said, "Don't you think it is a

matter for sorrow, that Alexander was king of so many nations at such

an early age, and I have as yet done nothing of note?"

XII. However, as soon as he entered Iberia, he commenced active

operations and in a few days raised ten cohorts in addition to the

twenty which were already there, and with this force marching against

the Calaici[471] and Lusitani he defeated them, and advanced to the

shores of the external sea, subduing the nations which hitherto had

paid no obedience to Rome. After his military success, he was equally

fortunate in settling the civil administration by establishing

friendly relations among the different states, and particularly by

healing the differences between debtors and creditors;[472] for which

purpose he determined that the creditor should annually take

two-thirds of the debtor's income, and that the owner should take the

other third, which arrangement was to continue till the debt was paid.

By these measures he gained a good reputation, and he retired from the

province with the acquisition of a large fortune, having enriched his

soldiers also by his campaigns and been saluted by them Imperator.

XIII. As it was the law at Rome that those who were soliciting a

triumph should stay outside the city, and that those who were

candidates for the consulship should be present in the city, Cæsar

finding himself in this difficulty, and having reached Rome just at

the time of the consular elections, sent to the senate to request

permission to offer himself to the consulship in his absence through

the intervention of his friends. Cato at first urged the law in

opposition to Cæsar's request, but seeing that many of the senators

had been gained over by Cæsar, he attempted to elude the question by

taking advantage of time and wasting the day in talking, till at last

Cæsar determined to give up the triumph and to secure the consulship.

As soon as he entered the city, he adopted a policy which deceived

everybody except Cato; and this was the bringing about of a

reconciliation between Pompeius and Crassus, the two most powerful men

in Rone, whom Cæsar reconciled from their differences, and centering

in himself the united strength of the two by an act that had a

friendly appearance, changed the form of government without its being

observed. For it was not, as most people suppose, the enmity of Cæsar

and Pompeius which produced the civil wars, but their friendship

rather, inasmuch as they first combined to depress the nobility and

then quarrelled with one another. Cato, who often predicted what would

happen, at the time only got by it the character of being a morose,

meddling fellow, though afterwards he was considered to be a wise, but

not a fortunate adviser.

XIV. Cæsar,[473] however, supported on both sides by the friendship of

Crassus and Pompeius, was raised to the consulship and proclaimed

triumphantly with Calpurnius Bibulus for his colleague. Immediately

upon entering on his office he proposed enactments more suitable to

the most turbulent tribune than a consul, for in order to please the

populace he introduced measures for certain allotments and divisions

of land.[474] But he met with opposition in the Senate from the good

and honourable among them, and as he had long been looking for a

pretext, he exclaimed with solemn adjurations, that he was driven

against his will to court the favour of the people by the arrogance

and obstinacy of the Senate, and accordingly he hurried to the popular

assembly and placing Crassus on one side of him and Pompeius on the

other, he asked them if they approved of his legislative measures.

Upon their expressing their approbation, he entreated them to give him

their aid against those who threatened to oppose him with their

swords. Pompeius and Crassus promised their assistance, and Pompeius

added, that he would oppose swords with sword and shield. The nobility

were annoyed at hearing such mad, inconsiderate words drop from

Pompeius, which were unbecoming his own character and the respect that

he owed to the Senate; but the people were delighted. Cæsar, whose

secret design it was to secure the influence of Pompeius still more,

gave him to wife his daughter Julia,[475] who was already betrothed to

Servilius Cæpio; and he promised Cæpio that he should have the

daughter of Pompeius, though she also was not disengaged, being

betrothed to Faustus, the son of Sulla. Shortly after Cæsar married

Calpurnia, the daughter of Piso, and got Piso named consul for the

next year, though Cato in this matter also strongly protested and

exclaimed that it was an intolerable thing for the chief power to be

prostituted by marriage bargains and that they should help one another

by means of women, to provinces and armies and political power.

Bibulus, Cæsar's colleague, found it useless to oppose Cæsar's

measures, and he and Cato several times narrowly escaped with their

lives in the Forum, whereupon Bibulus shut himself up at home for the

remainder of his consulship. Immediately after his marriage Pompeius

filled the Forum with armed men, and supported the people in passing

Cæsar's laws and in giving him for five years Gaul on both sides of

the Alps with the addition of Illyricum and four legions. Upon Cato's

venturing to speak against these measures, Cæsar ordered him to be

carried off to prison, thinking that he would appeal to the tribunes.

But Cato went off without speaking a word; and Cæsar observing that

the nobles were much annoyed at this, and the people also through

respect for Cato's virtue were following him in silence and with

downcast eyes, secretly asked one of the tribunes to release Cato.

Very few of the senators used to accompany Cæsar to the Senate, but

the majority not liking his measures stayed away. Considius,[476] who

was a very old man, observed that the senators did not come because

they were afraid of the arms and the soldiers. "Why don't you then

stay at home for the same reason?" replied Cæsar, to which Considius

rejoined, "My age makes me fearless, for the little of life that

remains for me is not worth much thought." The most scandalous public

measure in Cæsar's consulship was the election as tribune of that[477]

Clodius who had dishonoured Cæsar's wife and violated the mysterious

nocturnal rites. But he was elected in order to ruin Cicero, and Cæsar

did not set out for his province till with the aid of Clodius he had

put down Cicero by his cabals and driven him out of Italy.

XV. Such is said to have been the course of Cæsar's life before his

Gallic campaigns.[478] But the period of his wars which he afterwards

fought and his expedition by which he subdued Gaul, is just like a new

beginning in his career and the commencement of a new course of life

and action, in which he showed himself as a soldier and a general

inferior to none who have gained admiration as leaders and been the

greatest men: for whether we compare Cæsar's exploits with those of

the Fabii, Scipios, and Metelli, or with those of his contemporaries

or immediate predecessors, Sulla and Marius and both the Luculli or

even Pompeius himself, whose fame, high as the heavens, was blossoming

at that time in every kind of military virtue, Cæsar will be found to

surpass them all--his superiority over one appearing in the

difficulties of the country in which he carried on his campaigns, over

another in the extent of country subdued, over a third in the number

and courage of the enemy whom he defeated, over another again in the

savage manners and treacherous character of the nations that he

brought to civility, over a fourth in his clemency and mildness to the

conquered, over another again in his donations and liberality to his

soldiers; and in fine his superiority over all other generals appears

by the numbers of battles that he fought and of enemies that he slew.

For in somewhat less than ten years during which he carried on his

campaign in Gaul he took by storm above eight hundred cities, and

subdued three hundred nations, and fought with three millions of men

at different times, of whom he destroyed one million in battle and

took as many prisoners.

XVI.[479] So great were the good-will and devotion of Cæsar's

soldiers to him, that those who under other generals were in no way

superior to ordinary soldiers, were invincible and irresistible and

ready to meet any danger for Cæsar's glory. An instance of this is

Acilius, who in the sea-fight of Massalia[480] boarded one of the

enemy's ships and had his right hand cut off with a sword, but he

still kept hold of his shield with the left hand and striking at the

faces of the enemy drove all to flight and got possession of the

vessel. Another instance was Cassius Scæva,[481] who in the fight at

Dyrrachium had one eye destroyed by an arrow, his shoulder transfixed

with one javelin and his thigh with another, and on his shield he had

received the blows of one hundred and thirty missiles. In this plight

he called to the enemy as if he designed to surrender himself, and two

of them accordingly approached him, but with his sword he lopped off

one man's shoulder and wounding the other in the face, put him to

flight, and finally he escaped himself with the aid of his friends. In

Britannia on one occasion the natives had attacked the foremost

centurions who had got into a marshy spot full of water, upon which,

in the presence of Cæsar who was viewing the contest, a soldier rushed

into the midst of the enemy, and after performing many conspicuous

acts of valour, rescued the centurions from the barbarians, who took

to flight. The soldier, with difficulty attempting to cross after all

the rest, plunged into the muddy stream, and with great trouble and

the loss of his shield, sometimes swimming, sometimes walking, he got

safe over. While those who were about Cæsar were admiring his conduct

and coming to receive him with congratulations and shouts, the

soldier, with the greatest marks of dejection and tears in his eyes,

fell down at Cæsar's feet and begged pardon for the loss of his

shield. Again, in Libya, Scipio's party having taken one of Cæsar's

ships in which was Granius Petro, who had been appointed quæstor, made

booty of all the rest, but offered to give the quæstor his life; but

he replying that it was the fashion with Cæsar's soldiers to give and

not to accept mercy, killed himself with his own sword.

XVII. This courage and emulation Cæsar cherished and created, in the

first place by distributing rewards and honours without stint, and

thus showing that he did not get wealth from the enemy for his own

enjoyment and pleasure, but that it was treasured up with him as the

common reward of courage, and that he was rich only in proportion as

he rewarded deserving soldiers; and in the next place by readily

undergoing every danger and never shrinking from any toil. Now they

did not so much admire Cæsar's courage, knowing his love of glory; but

his endurance of labour beyond his body's apparent power of sustaining

it, was a matter of astonishment, for he was of a spare habit, and had

a white and soft skin, and was subject to complaints in the head and

to epileptic fits, which, as it is said, first attacked him at

Corduba;[482] notwithstanding all this, he did not make his feeble

health an excuse for indulgence, but he made military service the

means of his cure, by unwearied journeying, frugal diet, and by

constantly keeping in the open air and enduring fatigue, struggling

with his malady and keeping his body proof against its attacks. He

generally slept in chariots or in litters, making even his repose a

kind of action; and in the daytime he used to ride in a vehicle to the

garrisons, cities and camps, with a slave by his side, one of those

who were expert at taking down what was dictated on a journey, and a

single soldier behind him armed with a sword. He used to travel so

quick that on his first journey from Rome he reached the Rhodanus[483]

in eight days. From his boyhood he was a good horseman, for he had

been accustomed to place his hands behind him and, holding them close

together on his back, to put the horse to his full speed. In that

campaign he also practised himself in dictating letters as he was

riding and thus giving employment to two scribes, and as Oppius[484]

says, to more. He is said also to have introduced the practice of

communicating with his friends by letters, as there was no time for

personal interviews on urgent affairs, owing to the amount of business

and the size of the city. This anecdote also is cited as a proof of

his indifference as to diet. On one occasion when he was entertained

at supper by his host Valerius Leo[485] in Mediolanum, asparagus was

served up with myrum poured on it instead of oil, which Cæsar ate

without taking any notice of it, and reproved his friends who were out

of humour on the occasion. "You should be content," he said, "not to

eat what you don't like; but to find fault with your host's

ill-breeding is to be as ill-bred as himself." Once upon a journey he

was compelled by a storm to take shelter in a poor man's hut, which

contained only a single chamber and that hardly large enough for one

person, on which he observed to his friends that the post of honour

must be given to the worthiest and the place of safety to the weakest;

and he bade Oppius lie down while he and the rest slept in the porch.

XVIII. Cæsar's first Gallic campaign was against the Helvetii[486] and

Tigurini, who had burnt their cities, twelve in number, and their

villages, of which there were four hundred, and were advancing through

that part of Gaul which was subject to the Romans, like the Cimbri and

Teutones of old, to whom they were considered to be not inferior in

courage and in numbers equal, being in all three hundred thousand, of

whom one hundred and ninety thousand were fighting men. The Tigurini

were not opposed by Cæsar in person, but by Labienus, who was sent

against them by Cæsar and totally defeated them near the Arar. The

Helvetii fell on Cæsar unexpectedly as he was leading his forces to a

friendly city, but he succeeded in making his way to a strong

position, where he rallied his army and prepared for battle. A horse

being brought to him, he said, "I shall want this for the pursuit

after I have defeated the enemy; but let us now move on against them;"

and accordingly he made the charge on foot. After a long and difficult

contest, the Helvetian warriors were driven back, but the hardest

struggle was about the chariots and the camp, for the Helvetians made

a stand there and a desperate resistance, and also their wives and

children, who fought till they were cut to pieces, and the battle was

hardly over at midnight. This glorious deed of victory Cæsar followed

up by one still better, for he brought together those who had escaped

from the battle and compelled them to re-occupy the tract which they

had left and to rebuild the cities which they had destroyed; and the

number of these was above one hundred thousand. His object in this

measure was to prevent the Germans from crossing the Rhenus and

occupying the vacant country.

XIX. His next contest was with the Germans and for the immediate

defence of the Gauls, although he had before this made an alliance

with their king Ariovistus[487] in Rome. But the Germans were

intolerable neighbours to Cæsar's subjects, and if opportunity

offered, it was supposed that they would not remain satisfied with

what they had, but would invade and occupy Gaul. Cæsar observing his

officers afraid of the approaching contest, and particularly the men

of rank and the youths who had joined him in the expectation of

finding a campaign with Cæsar a matter of pleasure and profit, called

them to a public assembly and bade them leave him and not fight

against their inclination since they were so cowardly and effeminate:

as for himself he said he would take the tenth legion by itself and

lead it against the enemy, knowing that he should not have to deal

with a braver enemy than the Cimbri, and that he was not a worse

general than Marius. Upon this the tenth legion sent a deputation of

their body to thank him, but the rest of the legions abused their own

officers, and the whole army, full of impetuosity and eagerness, all

followed Cæsar, marching for many days, till they encamped within two

hundred stadia of the enemy. The courage of Ariovistus was somewhat

broken by the bare approach of the Romans; for as he had supposed that

the Romans would not stand the attack of the Germans, and he never

expected that they would turn assailants, he was amazed at Cæsar's

daring and he also saw that his own army was disturbed. The spirit of

the Germans was still more blunted by the predictions of their wise

women, who observing the eddies in the rivers and drawing signs from

the whirlings and noise of the waters, foreboded the future and

declared that the army ought not to fight before it was new moon.

Cæsar hearing of this and perceiving that the Germans were inactive,

thought it a good opportunity for engaging with them, while they were

out of spirits instead of sitting still and waiting for their time. By

attacking their fortifications and the hills on which they were

encamped, he irritated the Germans and provoked them to come down in

passion and fight. The Germans were completely routed and pursued to

the Rhenus a distance of four hundred stadia, and the whole of this

space was strewed with dead bodies and arms. Ariovistus with a few

escaped across the river. The dead are said to have been eighty

thousand in number.

XX. After these exploits he left his forces among the Sequani[488] to

winter, and with the view of attending to what was going on at Rome,

came down to Gaul about the Padus, which was a part of his province;

for the river Rubico separates the rest of Italy from Gaul beneath the

Alps. Fixing his residence there, he carried on his political

intrigues, and many persons came to visit him to whom he gave what

they asked for; and he dismissed all either with their wishes

satisfied, or with hopes. During the whole period of his government in

Gaul, he conducted his operations without attracting any attention

from Pompeius, though at one time he was subduing the enemy by the

arms of the citizens, and at another capturing and subjecting the

citizens by the money which he got from the enemy. Hearing that the

Belgæ[489] had risen in arms, who were the most powerful nation of the

Gauls and in possession of a third part of all Gaul, and that they had

assembled many ten thousands of armed men, he immediately turned about

and went against them with all possible expedition; and falling upon

the enemy while they were plundering the Gauls who were in alliance

with the Romans, he put to flight and destroyed those who were

collected in greatest numbers and the chief part of them after an

unsuccessful resistance, and such was the slaughter that the Romans

crossed the lakes and deep rivers over the dead bodies. Of the rebels

all who dwelt near the ocean surrendered without resistance; but

against the fiercest and most warlike of those in these parts, the

Nervii,[490] Cæsar led his forces. The Nervii, who inhabited the dense

thickets and had placed their families and property in a deep recess

of the forest as far as possible from the enemy, suddenly, to the

number of sixty thousand, attacked Cæsar while he was fortifying his

camp and not expecting a battle, and they put the Roman cavalry to

flight, and surrounding the twelfth and seventh legions, killed all

the centurions. If Cæsar had not seized a shield and, making his way

through the first ranks, charged the barbarians, and if the tenth

legion had not run down from the heights to support him when he was in

danger of being overpowered, and broken the ranks of the enemy, it is

supposed that not a single Roman would have escaped. Encouraged by

Cæsar's intrepidity, the Romans fought, as the saying is, beyond their

strength, but yet they could not put the Nervii to flight, who

defended themselves till they were cut to pieces. Out of sixty

thousand only five hundred are said to have escaped; and three

senators out of four hundred.

XXI. The Senate on receiving intelligence of this victory, decreed

that for fifteen days[491] there should be sacrifices to the gods and

cessation from all business, with feasting, which had never been done

before, for so long a time. For the danger was considered to have been

great, so many nations having broken out at once; and because Cæsar

was the conqueror, the good will of the many towards him made the

victory more splendid. And accordingly, having settled affairs in

Gaul, he again spent the winter in the plain of the Padus, and

employed himself in intriguing at Rome. Not only the candidates for

the offices of the State carried their election by Cæsar supplying

them with money which they spent in bribing the people, and directed

all their measures to the increase of Cæsar's power, but the greater

part of the Romans most distinguished for rank and political power,

came to see him at Luca,[492] Pompeius and Crassus, and Appius, the

governor of Sardinia, and Nepos, proconsul of Iberia, so that there

were a hundred and twenty lictors there, and more than two hundred

senators. Their deliberations resulted in this: it was agreed that

Pompeius and Crassus should be made consuls, and that Cæsar should

have an allowance of money and five additional years in his province,

which to all reflecting people seemed the most extravagant thing of

all. For those who were receiving so much from Cæsar, urged the Senate

to grant him money as if he had none, or rather compelled the Senate

to do it, groaning as it were over its own decrees. Cato, indeed, was

not present, for he had been purposely sent out of the way on a

mission to Cyprus; and Favonius, who affected to imitate Cato, finding

he could do nothing by his opposition, hastily left the Senate and

began to clamour to the people. But nobody attended to him, some from

fear of displeasing Pompeius and Crassus, but the greater part kept

quiet to please Cæsar, living on hopes from him.

XXII. Cæsar again returned to his troops in Gaul where he found much

war in the country, for two great German nations had just crossed the

Rhenus for the purpose of getting land; the one nation was called

Usipes,[493] and the other Tenteritæ. Respecting the battle with them,

Cæsar says in his Commentaries,[494] that the barbarians, while they

were treating with him during a truce, attacked on their march and so

put to flight his own cavalry to the number of five thousand with

eight hundred of their own, for his men were not expecting an attack;

that they then sent other ambassadors to him intending to deceive him

again, whom he detained, and then led his army against the barbarians,

considering all faith towards such faithless men and violators of

truces to be folly. But Tanusius[495] says that while the senate were

decreeing festivals and sacrifices for the victory, Cato delivered it

as his opinion, that they ought to give up Cæsar to the barbarians,

and so purge themselves of the violation of the truce on behalf of the

city, and turn the curse on the guilty man. Of those who had crossed

the river there were slaughtered to the number of four hundred

thousand, and the few who recrossed the river were received by the

Sugambri[496] a German tribe. Cæsar laying hold of this ground of

complaint against the Germans, and being also greedy of glory and

desirous to be the first man to cross the Rhenus with an army, began

to build a bridge over the river, which was very broad, and in this

part of the bed spread out widest, and was rough, and ran with a

strong current so as to drive the trunks of trees that were carried

down and logs of wood against the supports of the bridge,[497] and

tear them asunder. But Cæsar planted large timbers across the bed of

the river above the bridge to receive the trees that floated down, and

thus bridling the descending current, beyond all expectation he

accomplished the completion of the bridge in ten days.

XXIII. Cæsar now led his troops over the river, no one venturing to

oppose him, and even the Suevi, the most valiant of the Germans,

retired with their property into deep woody valleys. After devastating

with fire the enemy's country and encouraging all those who favoured

the Romans, he returned into Gaul after spending eighteen days in

Germany. His expedition against the Britanni[498] was notorious for

its daring: for he was the first who entered the western Ocean with

an armament and sailed through the Atlantic sea, leading an army to

war; and by attempting to occupy an island of incredible magnitude,

which furnished matter for much dispute to numerous writers, who

affirmed that the name and the accounts about it were pure inventions,

for it never had existed and did not then exist, he extended the Roman

supremacy beyond the inhabited world. After twice crossing over to the

island from the opposite coast of Gaul, and worsting the enemy in many

battles rather than advantaging his own men, for there was nothing

worth taking from men who lived so wretched a life and were so poor,

he brought the war to a close not such as he wished, but taking

hostages from the king and imposing a tribute, he retired from the

island. On his return he found letters which were just going to cross

over to him from his friends in Rome, informing him of his daughter's

death, who died in child-birth in the house of her husband Pompeius.

Great was the grief of Pompeius, and great was the grief of Cæsar; and

their friends were also troubled, as the relationship was now

dissolved which maintained peace and concord in the State, which but

for this alliance was threatened with disturbance. The child also died

after surviving the mother only a few days. Now the people, in spite

of the tribunes, carried Julia[499] to the Field of Mars, where her

obsequies were celebrated; and there she lies.

XXIV. As the force of Cæsar was now large, he was obliged to

distribute it in many winter encampments. But while he was on his road

to Italy, according to his custom, there was another general rising of

the Gauls, and powerful armies scouring the country attempted to

destroy the winter camps, and attacked the Roman entrenchments. The

most numerous and bravest of the revolted Gauls under Abriorix

destroyed Cotta[500] and Titurius with their army; and the legion

under Cicero[501] they surrounded with sixty thousand men and

blockaded, and they came very near taking the camp by storm, for all

the Romans had been wounded and were courageously defending themselves

above their strength. When this intelligence reached Cæsar, who was at

a distance, he quickly turned about, and getting together seven

thousand men in all, he hurried to release Cicero from the blockade.

The besiegers were aware of his approach and met him with the

intention of cutting him off at once, for they despised the fewness of

his numbers. But Cæsar, deceiving the enemy, avoided them continually,

and having occupied a position which was advantageous to one who had

to contend against many with a small force, he fortified his camp, and

kept his men altogether from fighting; and he made them increase the

height of the ramparts and build up the gates as if they were afraid,

his manœuvre being to make the enemy despise him, till at last when

they made their assault in scattered bodies, urged by self-confidence,

sallying out he put them to flight and killed many of them.

XXV.[502] The frequent defections of the Gauls in those parts were

thus quieted, and also by Cæsar during the winter moving about in all

directions and carefully watching disturbances. For there had come to

him from Italy three legions to replace those that had perished,

Pompeius having lent him two of those which were under his command,

and one legion having been newly raised in Gaul upon the Padus. But in

the course of time there showed themselves, what had long in secret

been planted and spread abroad by the most powerful men among the most

warlike tribes, the elements of the greatest and the most dangerous of

all the wars in Gaul, strengthened by a numerous body of young men

armed and collected from all quarters, and by great stores brought

together, and fortified cities, and countries difficult of access. And

at that time, during the winter, frozen rivers and forests buried in

snow, and plains overflowed by winter torrents, and in some parts

paths that could not be discovered for the depth of the snow, and in

other parts the great uncertainty of a march through marshes and

streams diverted from their course, seemed to place the proceedings of

the insurgents altogether beyond any attempt on the part of Cæsar.

Accordingly many tribes had revolted, but the leaders of the revolt

were the Arvenni and the Carnuntini; Vergentorix was elected to the

supreme direction of the war, he whose father the Gauls had put to

death on the ground of aiming at a tyranny.

XXVI. Vergentorix,[503] dividing his force into many parts, and

placing over them many commanders, began to gain over all the

surrounding country as far as those who bordered on the Arar, it being

his design, as Cæsar's enemies in Rome were combining against him, to

rouse all Gaul to war. If he had attempted this a little later, when

Cæsar was engaged in the civil war, alarms no less than those from the

invasion of the Cimbri would have seized on Italy. But now Cæsar, who

appears to have had the talent for making the best use of all

opportunities in war, and particularly critical seasons, as soon as he

heard of the rising, set out on his march, by the very roads[504] that

he traversed, and the impetuosity and rapidity of his march in so

severe a winter letting the barbarians see that an invincible and

unvanquished army was coming against them. For where no one believed

that a messenger or a letter-carrier from him could make his way in a

long time, there was Cæsar seen with all his army, at once ravaging

their lands, and destroying the forts, taking cities, and receiving

those who changed sides and came over to him, till at last even the

nation of the Edui[505] declared against him, who up to this time had

called themselves brothers of the Romans, and had received signal

distinction, but now by joining the insurgents they greatly

dispirited Cæsar's troops. In consequence of this, Cæsar moved from

those parts, and passed over the territory of the Lingones,[506]

wishing to join the Sequani, who were friends, and formed a bulwark in

front of Italy against the rest of Gaul. There the enemy fell upon him

and hemmed him in with many ten thousands, upon which Cæsar resolved

to fight a decisive battle against the combined forces, and after a

great contest, he gained a victory at last, and with great slaughter,

routed the barbarians; but at first it appears that he sustained some

loss, and the Aruveni show a dagger[507] suspended in a temple, which

they say was taken from Cæsar. Cæsar himself afterwards saw it, and

smiled; and when his friends urged him to take it down, he would not,

because he considered it consecrated.

XXVII. However, the chief part of those who then escaped, fled with

the king to the city of Alesia.[508] And while Cæsar was besieging

this city, which was considered to be impregnable by reason of the

strength of the walls and the number of the defenders, there fell upon

him from without a danger great beyond all expectation. For the

strength of all the nations in Gaul assembling in arms came against

Alesia, to the number of three hundred thousand; and the fighting men

in the city were not fewer than one hundred and seventy thousand; so

that Cæsar being caught between two such forces and blockaded, was

compelled to form two walls for his protection, the one towards the

city, and the other opposite those who had come upon him, since, if

these forces should unite, his affairs would be entirely ruined. On

many accounts then, and with good reason, the hazard before the walls

of Alesia was famed abroad, as having produced deeds of daring and

skill such as no other struggle had done; but it is most worthy of

admiration that Cæsar engaged with so many thousands outside of the

town and defeated them without it being known to those in the city;

and still more admirable, that this was also unknown to the Romans who

were guarding the wall towards the city. For they knew nothing of the

victory till they heard the weeping of the men in Alesia and the

wailing of the women, when they saw on the other side many shields

adorned with silver and gold, and many breastplates smeared with

blood, and also cups and Gallic tents conveyed by the Romans to their

camp. So quickly did so mighty a force, like a phantom or a dream,

vanish out of sight and disperse, the greater part of the men having

fallen in battle. But those who held Alesia, after giving no small

trouble to themselves and to Cæsar, at last surrendered; and the

leader of the whole war, Vergentorix, putting on his best armour, and

equipping his horse, came out through the gates, and riding round

Cæsar who was seated, and then leaping down from his horse, he threw

off his complete armour, and seating himself at Cæsar's feet, he

remained there till he was delivered up to be kept for the triumph.

XXVIII.[509] Cæsar had long ago resolved to put down Pompeius, as

Pompeius also had fully resolved to do towards him. For now that

Crassus had lost his life among the Parthians, who kept a watch over

both of them, it remained for one of them, in order to be the chief,

to put down him who was, and to him who was the chief, to take off the

man whom he feared, in order that this might not befall him. But it

had only recently occurred to Pompeius to take alarm, and hitherto he

had despised Cæsar, thinking it would be no difficult thing for the

man whom he had elevated to be again depressed by him; but Cæsar, who

had formed his design from the beginning, like an athlete, removed

himself to a distance from his antagonists, and exercised himself in

the Celtic wars, and thus disciplined his troops and increased his

reputation, being elevated by his exploits to an equality with the

victories of Pompeius; also laying hold of pretexts, some furnished by

the conduct of Pompeius himself, and others by the times and the

disordered state of the administration at Rome, owing to which, those

who were candidates for magistracies placed tables in public and

shamelessly bribed the masses, and the people being hired went down to

show their partisanship not with votes on behalf of their briber, but

with bows and swords and slings. And after polluting the Rostra with

blood and dead bodies, they separated, leaving the city to anarchy,

like a ship carried along without a pilot, so that sensible men were

well content if matters should result in nothing worse than a monarchy

after such madness and such tempest. And there were many who even

ventured to say publicly that the state of affairs could only be

remedied by a monarchy, and that they ought to submit to this remedy

when applied by the mildest of physicians, hinting at Pompeius. But

when Pompeius in what he said affected to decline the honour, though

in fact he was more than anything else labouring to bring about his

appointment as dictator, Cato, who saw through his intention,

persuaded the Senate to appoint him sole consul, that he might not by

violent means get himself made dictator, and might be contented with a

mere constitutional monarchy. They also decreed an additional period

for his provinces: and he had two, Iberia[510] and all Libya, which he

administered by sending Legati and maintaining armies, for which he

received out of the public treasury a thousand talents every year.

XXIX. Upon this, Cæsar began to canvass for a consulship by sending

persons to Rome, and also for a prorogation of the government of his

provinces. At first Pompeius kept silent, but Marcellus[511] and

Lentulus opposed his claim, for they hated Cæsar on other grounds, and

they added to what was necessary what was not necessary, to dishonour

and insult him. For they deprived of the citizenship the inhabitants

of Novum Comum[512] a colony lately settled by Cæsar in Gaul; and

Marcellus, who was consul, punished with stripes one of the Senators

of Novum Comum who had come to Rome, and added too this insult, "That

he put these marks upon him to show that he was not a Roman," and he

told him to go and show them to Cæsar. After the consulship of

Marcellus, when Cæsar had now profusely poured forth his Gallic wealth

for all those engaged in public life to draw from, and had released

Curio[513] the tribune from many debts, and given to Paulus the consul

fifteen hundred talents, out of which he decorated the Forum with the

Basilica, a famous monument which he built in place of the old one

called Fulvia;--under these circumstances, Pompeius, fearing cabal,

both openly himself and by means of his friends exerted himself to

have a successor[514] appointed to Cæsar in his government, and he

sent and demanded back of him the soldiers[515] which he had lent to

Cæsar for the Gallic wars. Cæsar sent the men back after giving each

of them a present of two hundred and fifty drachmæ. The officers who

led these troops to Pompeius, spread abroad among the people reports

about Cæsar which were neither decent nor honest; and they misled

Pompeius by ill-founded hopes, telling him that the army of Cæsar

longed to see him, and that while he with difficulty directed affairs

at Rome owing to the odium produced by secret intrigues, the force

with Cæsar was all ready for him, and that if Cæsar's soldiers should

only cross over to Italy, they would forthwith be on his side: so

hateful, they said, had Cæsar become to them on account of his

numerous campaigns, and so suspected owing to their fear of monarchy.

With all this Pompeius was inflated, and he neglected to get soldiers

in readiness, as if he were under no apprehension; but by words and

resolution he was overpowering Cæsar, as he supposed, by carrying

decrees against him, which Cæsar cared not for at all. It is even said

that one of the centurions who had been sent by him to Rome, while

standing in front of the Senate-house, on hearing that the Senate

would not give Cæsar a longer term in his government. "But this," he

said, "shall give it," striking the hilt of his sword with his hand.

XXX. However, the claim of Cæsar at least had a striking show of

equity. For he proposed that he should lay down his arms and that when

Pompeius had done the same and both had become private persons, they

should get what favours they could from the citizens; and he argued

that if they took from him his power and confirmed to Pompeius what he

had, they would be stigmatizing one as a tyrant and making the other a

tyrant in fact. When Curio made this proposal before the people on

behalf of Cæsar, he was loudly applauded; and some even threw chaplets

of flowers upon him as on a victorious athlete. Antonius, who was

tribune, produced to the people a letter[516] of Cæsar's on this

subject which he had received, and he read it in spite of the

consuls. But in the Senate, Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompeius,

made a motion, that if Cæsar did not lay down his arms on a certain

day, he should be declared an enemy. Upon the consuls putting the

question, whether they were of opinion that Pompeius should dismiss

his troops, and again, whether Cæsar should, very few voted in favour

of the former question, and all but a few voted in favour of the

latter; but when Antonius[517] on his side moved that both should

dismiss their troops, all unanimously were in favour of that opinion.

Scipio made a violent opposition, and Lentulus, the consul, called out

that they needed arms to oppose a robber, and not votes, on which the

Senate broke up and the Senators changed their dress as a sign of

lamentation on account of the dissension.

XXXI. But when letters had come from Cæsar by which he appeared to

moderate his demands, for he proposed to surrender everything else

except Gaul within the Alps and Illyricum with two legions, which

should be given to him to hold till he was a candidate for a second

consulship, and Cicero the orator, who had just returned from Cilicia

and was labouring at a reconciliation, was inducing Pompeius to

relent, and Pompeius was ready to yield in everything else except as

to the soldiers, whom he still insisted on taking from Cæsar, Cicero

urged the friends of Cæsar to give in and to come to a settlement on

the terms of the above-mentioned provinces and the allowance of six

thousand soldiers, only to Cæsar. Pompeius was ready to yield and to

give way; but the consul Lentulus would not let him, and he went so

far as to insult and drive with dishonour from the Senate both Curio

and Antonius, thus himself contriving for Cæsar the most specious of

all pretexts, by the aid of which indeed Cæsar mainly excited the

passions of his men, pointing out to them that men of distinction and

magistrates had made their escape in hired vehicles in the dress of

slaves. For, putting on this guise through fear, they had stolen out

of Rome.

XXXII. Now Cæsar had about him no more than three hundred horse and

five thousand legionary soldiers; for the rest of his army, which had

been left beyond the Alps, was to be conducted by those whom he sent

for that purpose. Seeing that the commencement of his undertaking and

the onset did not so much require a large force at the present, but

were to be effected by the alarm which a bold stroke would create and

by quickly seizing his opportunity, for he concluded that he should

strike terror by his unexpected movement more easily than he could

overpower his enemies by attacking them with all his force, he ordered

his superior officers and centurions with their swords alone and

without any other weapons to take Ariminum, a large city of Gaul,

avoiding all bloodshed and confusion as much as possible; and he

intrusted the force to Hortensius.[518] Cæsar himself passed the day

in public, standing by some gladiators who were exercising, and

looking on; and a little before evening after attending to his person

and going into the mess-room and staying awhile with those who were

invited to supper, just as it was growing dark he rose, and

courteously addressing the guests, told them to wait for his return,

but he had previously given notice to a few of his friends to follow

him, not all by the same route, but by different directions. Mounting

one of the hired vehicles, he drove at first along another road, and

then turning towards Ariminium, when he came to the stream which

divides Gaul within the Alps from the rest of Italy (it is called

Rubico[519] , and he began to calculate as he approached nearer to

the danger, and was agitated by the magnitude of the hazard, he

checked his speed; and halting he considered about many things with

himself in silence, his mind moving from one side to the other, and

his will then underwent many changes; and he also discussed at length

with his friends who were present, of whom Pollio Asinius[520] was

one, all the difficulties, and enumerated the evils which would ensue

to all mankind from his passage of the river, and how great a report

of it they would leave to posterity. At last, with a kind of passion,

as if he were throwing himself out of reflection into the future, and

uttering what is the usual expression with which men preface their

entry upon desperate enterprises and daring, "Let the die be cast," he

hurried to cross the river; and thence advancing at full speed, he

attacked Ariminum before daybreak and took it. It is said that on the

night before the passage of the river, he had an impure dream,[521]

for he dreamed that he was in unlawful commerce with his mother.

XXXIII. But when Ariminum was taken, as if the war had been let loose

through wide gates over all the earth and sea at once, and the laws of

the state were confounded together with the limits of the province,

one would not have supposed that men and women only, as on other

occasions, in alarm were hurrying through Italy, but that the cities

themselves, rising from their foundations, were rushing in flight one

through another; and Rome herself, as if she were deluged by torrents,

owing to the crowding of the people from the neighbouring towns and

their removal, could neither easily be pacified by magistrate nor kept

in order by words, and in the midst of the mighty swell and the

tossing of the tempest, narrowly escaped being overturned by her own

agitation. For contending emotions and violent movements occupied

every place. Neither did those who rejoiced keep quiet, but in many

places, as one might expect in a large city, coming into collision

with those who were alarmed and sorrowing, and being full of

confidence as to the future, they fell to wrangling with them; and

people from various quarters assailed Pompeius, who was terror-struck

and had to endure the censure of one party for strengthening Cæsar

against himself and the supremacy of Rome, while others charged him

with inciting Lentulus to insult Cæsar who was ready to give way and

was proposing fair terms of accommodation. Favonius bade him stamp on

the ground with his foot; for Pompeius on one occasion in an arrogant

address to the Senate, told them not to be concerned or trouble

themselves about preparations for war; when Cæsar advanced, he would

stamp upon the earth with his foot and fill Italy with armies.

However, even then Pompeius had the advantage over Cæsar in amount of

forces: but nobody would let the man follow his own judgment: and

giving way to the many false reports and alarms, that the war was now

close at hand and the enemy in possession of everything, and carried

away by the general movement, he declared by an edict that he saw

there was tumult, and he left the city after giving his commands to

the Senate to follow, and that no one should stay who preferred his

country and freedom to tyranny.

XXXIV.[522] Accordingly the consuls fled without even making the

sacrifices which it was usual to make before quitting the city; and

most of the senators also took to flight, in a manner as if they were

robbing, each snatching of his own what first came to hand as if it

belonged to another. There were some also who, though they had

hitherto vehemently supported the party of Cæsar, through alarm at

that time lost their presence of mind, and without any necessity for

it were carried along with the current of that great movement. A most

piteous sight was the city, when so great a storm was coming on, left

like a ship whose helmsman had given her up, to be carried along and

dashed against anything that lay in her way. But though this desertion

of the city was so piteous a thing, men for the sake of Pompeius

considered the flight to be their country, and they were quitting Rome

as if it were the camp of Cæsar; for even Labienus,[523] one of

Cæsar's greatest friends, who had been his legatus and had fought with

him most gallantly in all the Gallic wars, then fled away from Cæsar

and came to Pompeius. But Cæsar sent to Labienus both his property and

his baggage; and advancing he pitched his camp close by Domitius, who

with thirty cohorts held Corfinium.[524] Domitius despairing of

himself asked his physician, who was a slave, for poison, and taking

what was given, he drank it, intending to die. Shortly after, hearing

that Cæsar showed wonderful clemency towards his prisoners, he

bewailed his fate and blamed the rashness of his resolution. But on

the physician assuring him that what he had taken was only a sleeping

potion and not deadly, he sprung up overjoyed, and going to Cæsar,

received his right hand, and yet he afterwards went over again to

Pompeius. This intelligence being carried to Rome made people more

tranquil, and some who had fled, returned.

XXXV. Cæsar took the troops of Domitius into his service, as well

as the soldiers that were raising for Pompeius whom he surprised in

the cities; and having now got a numerous and formidable army, he

advanced against Pompeius. Pompeius did not await his approach, but

fled to Brundisium, and sending the consuls over before him with a

force to Dyrrachium,[525] himself shortly after sailed from Brundisium

upon the approach of Cæsar, as will be told more particularly in the

Life of Pompeius.[526] Though Cæsar wished to pursue immediately, he

was prevented by want of ships, and he turned back to Rome, having in

sixty days without bloodshed become master of Italy. Finding the city

more tranquil than he expected and many of the Senators in it, he

addressed them in moderate and constitutional language,[527] urging

them to send persons to Pompeius with suitable terms of accommodation;

but no one listened to his proposal, either because they feared

Pompeius, whom they had deserted, or supposed that Cæsar did not

really mean what he said, and merely used specious words. When the

tribune Metellus[528] attempted to prevent him from taking money from

the reserved treasure[529] and alleged certain laws, Cæsar replied,

"That the same circumstances did not suit arms and laws: but do you,

if you don't like what is doing, get out of the way, for war needs not

bold words; when we have laid down our arms after coming to terms,

then you may come forward and make your speeches to the people." "And

in saying this," he continued, "I waive part of my rights, for you are

mine, and all are mine, who have combined against me, now that I have

caught them." Having thus spoken to Metellus he walked to the doors of

the treasury; but as the keys were not found, he sent for smiths and

ordered them to break the locks. Metellus again opposed him, and some

commended him for it, but Cæsar, raising his voice, threatened to kill

him, if he did not stop his opposition, "And this," said he, "young

man, you well know, is more painful for me to have said than to do."

These words alarmed Metellus and made him retire, and also caused

everything else to be supplied to Cæsar for the war without further

trouble, and with speed.

XXXVI. He marched against Iberia,[530] having first determined to

drive out Afranius and Varro, the legati of Pompeius, and having got

into his power the forces and the provinces in those parts, then to

advance against Pompeius without leaving any enemy in his rear. After

having often been exposed to risk in his own person from ambuscades,

and with his army chiefly from want of provisions, he never gave up

pursuing, challenging to battle and hemming in the enemy with his

lines, till he had made himself master of their camps and forces. The

generals escaped to Pompeius.

XXXVII. On his return to Rome, Piso, the father-in-law of Cæsar,

advised that they should send commissioners to Pompeius to treat of

terms, but Isauricus opposed the measure to please Cæsar. Being chosen

Dictator by the Senate, he restored the exiles, and the children of

those who had suffered in the times of Sulla,[531] he reinstated in

their civil rights, and he relieved the debtors by a certain abatement

of the interest, and took in hand other measures of the like kind, not

many in number; but in eleven days, he abdicated the monarchy, and

declaring himself and Servilius Isauricus consuls[532] set out on his

expedition. The rest of his forces he passed by on his hurried march,

and with six hundred picked horsemen and five legions, the time being

the winter solstice and the commencement of January (and this pretty

nearly corresponds to the Poseideon of the Athenians), he put to sea,

and crossing the Ionian gulf he took Oricum and Apollonia; but he sent

back his ships to Brundisium for the soldiers whom he had left behind

on his march. But while the men were still on the road, as they were

already passed the vigour of their age and worn out by the number of

their campaigns, they murmured against Cæsar, "Whither now will he

lead us and where will this man at last carry us to, hurrying us

about and treating us as if we could never be worn out and as if we

were inanimate things? even the sword is at last exhausted by blows,

and shield and breastplate need to be spared a little after so long

use. Even our wounds do not make Cæsar consider that he commands

perishable bodies, and that we are but mortal towards endurance and

pain; and the winter season and the storms of the sea even a god

cannot command; but this man runs all risks, as if he were not

pursuing his enemies, but flying from them." With such words as these

they marched slowly towards Brundisium. But when they found that Cæsar

had embarked, then quickly changing their temper, they reproached

themselves as traitors to their Imperator; and they abused their

officers also for not hastening the march. Sitting on the heights,

they looked towards the sea and towards Epirus for the ships which

were to carry them over to their commander.

XXXVIII. At Apollonia, as Cæsar had not a force sufficient to oppose

the enemy, and the delay of the troops from Italy put him in

perplexity and much uneasiness, he formed a desperate design, without

communicating it to any one, to embark in a twelve-oared boat and go

over to Brundisium, though the sea was commanded by so many ships of

the enemy.[533] Accordingly, disguising himself in a slave's dress, he

went on board by night, and throwing himself down as a person of no

importance, he lay quiet. While the river Anius[534] was carrying down

the boat towards the sea, the morning breeze, which at that time

generally made the water smooth at the outlet of the river by driving

the waves before it, was beaten down by a strong wind which blew all

night over the sea; and the river, chafing at the swell of the sea and

the opposition of the waves, was becoming rough, being driven back by

the huge blows and violent eddies, so that it was impossible for the

master of the boat to make head against it; on which he ordered the

men to change about, intending to turn the boat round. Cæsar

perceiving this, discovered himself, and taking the master by the

hand, who was alarmed at the sight of him, said, "Come, my good man,

have courage and fear nothing; you carry Cæsar and the fortune of

Cæsar in your boat." The sailors now forgot the storm, and sticking to

their oars, worked with all their force to get out of the river. But

as it was impossible to get on, after taking in much water and running

great risk at the mouth of the river, Cæsar very unwillingly consented

that the master should put back. On his return, the soldiers met him

in crowds, and blamed him much and complained that he did not feel

confident of victory even with them alone, but was vexed and exposed

himself to risk on account of the absent, as if he distrusted those

who were present.

XXXIX. Shortly after Antonius arrived from Brundisium with the troops;

and Cæsar, being now confident, offered battle to Pompeius, who was

well posted and had sufficient supplies both from land and sea, while

Cæsar at first had no abundance, and afterwards was hard pressed for

want of provisions: but the soldiers cut up a certain root[535] and

mixing it with milk, ate it. And once, having made loaves of it, they

ran up to the enemies' outposts, threw the bread into the camp, and

pitched it about, adding, that so long as the earth produces such

roots, they will never stop besieging Pompeius. Pompeius, however,

would not let either the matter of the loaves or these words be made

known to the mass of the army; for his soldiers were dispirited and

dreaded the savage temper and endurance of the enemy as if they were

wild beasts. There were continually skirmishes about the

fortifications of Pompeius, and Cæsar had the advantage in all except

one, in which there was a great rout of his troops and he was in

danger of losing his camp. For when Pompeius made an onset, no one

stood the attack, but the trenches were filled with the dying, and

Cæsar's men were falling about their own ramparts and bulwarks, being

driven in disorderly flight. Though Cæsar met the fugitives and

endeavoured to turn them, he had no success, and when he laid hold of

the colours, those who were carrying them threw them down, so that the

enemy took two and thirty, and Cæsar himself had a narrow escape with

his life. A tall, strong man was running away past by Cæsar, who

putting his hand upon him, ordered him to stand and face the enemy;

but the man, who was completely confounded by the danger, raised his

sword to strike him, on which Cæsar's shield-bearer struck the man

first and cut off his shoulder. Cæsar had so completely given up his

cause as lost, that when Pompeius either through caution or from some

accident did not put the finishing stroke to his great success, but

retreated after shutting up the fugitives within their ramparts, Cæsar

said to his friends as he was retiring, To-day the victory would be

with the enemy, if they had a commander who knew how to conquer. Going

into his tent and lying down, Cæsar spent that night of all nights in

the greatest agony and perplexity, considering that his generalship

had been bad, in that while a fertile country lay near him and the

rich cities of Macedonia and Thessaly, he had neglected to carry the

war thither, and was now stationed on the sea which the enemy

commanded with his ships, and that he was rather held in siege by want

of supplies than holding the enemy in siege by his arms. Accordingly,

after passing a restless night, full of uneasiness at the difficulty

and danger of his present position, he broke up his camp with the

determination of leading his troops into Macedonia to oppose Scipio,

for he concluded that either he should draw Pompeius after him to a

country where he would fight without the advantage of having the same

supplies from the sea, or that he would defeat Scipio if he were left

to himself.

XL. This encouraged the army of Pompeius and the officers about him

to stick close to Cæsar, whom they considered to have been defeated

and to be making his escape; though Pompeius himself was cautious

about hazarding a battle for so great a stake, and, as he was

excellently furnished with everything for prolonging the war, he

thought it best to wear out and weaken the vigour of the enemy, which

could not be long sustained. For the best fighting men in Cæsar's army

possessed experience and irresistible courage in battle; but in

marchings and making encampments and assaulting fortifications and

watching by night, they gave way by reason of their age, and their

bodies were unwieldy for labour, and owing to weakness, had lost their

alacrity. It was also reported that a pestilential disease was

prevalent in Cæsar's army, which had originated in the want of proper

food; and, what was chief of all, as Cæsar was neither well supplied

with money nor provisions, it might be expected that in a short time

his army would be broken up of itself.

XLI. For these reasons Pompeius did not wish to fight, and Cato alone

commended his design, because he wished to spare the citizens; for

after seeing those who had fallen in the battle to the number of a

thousand, he wrapped up his face and went away with tears in his eyes.

But all the rest abused Pompeius for avoiding a battle, and tried to

urge him on by calling him Agamemnon and King of Kings, by which they

implied that he was unwilling to lay down the sole command, and was

proud at having so many officers under his orders and coming to his

tent, Favonius, who aped Cato's freedom of speech, raved because they

should not be able even that year to enjoy the figs of Tusculum owing

to Pompeius being so fond of command; and Afranius (for he had just

arrived from Iberia, where he had shown himself a bad general), being

charged with betraying his army for a bribe, asked why they did not

fight with the merchant who had bought the provinces of him. Pressed

by all this importunity, Pompeius pursued Cæsar with the intention of

fighting, though contrary to his wish. Cæsar accomplished his march

with difficulty, as no one would supply him with provisions and he was

universally despised on account of his recent defeat; however, after

taking Gomphi,[536] a Thessalian city, he had not only provisions for

his army, but his men were unexpectedly relieved from their disease.

For they fell in with abundance of wine, of which they drank

plentifully, and revelling and rioting on their march, by means of

their drunkenness, they threw off and got rid of their complaint in

consequence of their bodies being brought into a different habit.

XLII. When the two armies had entered the plain of Pharsalus and

pitched their camps, Pompeius again fell back into his former opinion,

and there were also unlucky appearances and a vision in his

sleep.[537] He dreamed that he saw himself in the theatre, applauded

by the Romans. But those about him were so confident, and so fully

anticipated a victory, that Domitius and Scipio and Spinther were

disputing and bestirring themselves against one another about the

priesthood of Cæsar, and many persons sent to Rome to hire and get

possession of houses that were suitable for consuls and prætors,

expecting to be elected to magistracies immediately after the war. But

the cavalry showed most impatience for the battle, being sumptuously

equipped with splendid armour, and priding themselves on their

well-fed horses and fine persons, and on their numbers also, for they

were seven thousand against Cæsar's thousand. The number of the

infantry also was unequal, there being forty-five thousand matched

against twenty-two thousand.

XLIII. Cæsar, calling his soldiers together and telling them that

Corfinius[538] was close at hand with two legions, and that other

cohorts to the number of fifteen under Calenus were encamped near

Megara and Athens, asked if they would wait for them or hazard a

battle by themselves. The soldiers cried out aloud that they did not

wish him to wait, but rather to contrive and so manage his operations

that they might soonest come to a battle with their enemies. While he

was performing a lustration of the army, as soon as he had sacrificed

the first victim, the soothsayer said that within three days there

would be a decisive battle with the enemy. Upon Cæsar asking him, if

he saw any favourable sign in the victims as to the result of the

battle also, he replied, "You can answer this better for yourself: the

gods indicate a great change and revolution of the actual state of

things to a contrary state, so that if you think yourself prosperous

in your present condition, expect the worst fortune; but if you do

not, expect the better." As Cæsar was taking his round to inspect the

watches the night before the battle about midnight, there was seen in

the heavens a fiery torch, which seemed to pass over Cæsar's camp and

assuming a bright and flame-like appearance to fall down upon the camp

of Pompeius. In the morning watch they perceived that there was also a

panic confusion among the enemy. However, as Cæsar did not expect that

the enemy would fight on that day, he began to break up his camp with

the intention of marching to Scotussa.

XLIV. The tents were already taken down when the scouts rode up to him

with intelligence that the enemy were coming down to battle, whereupon

Cæsar was overjoyed, and after praying to the gods he arranged his

battle in three divisions. He placed Domitius Calvinus in command of

the centre, Antonius had the left wing, and he commanded the right,

intending to fight in the tenth legion. Observing that the cavalry of

the enemy were posting themselves opposite to this wing and fearing

their splendid appearance and their numbers, he ordered six cohorts to

come round to him from the last line without being observed and he

placed them in the rear of the right wing with orders what to do when

the enemy's cavalry made their attack. Pompeius commanded his own

right, and Domitius the left, and the centre was under Scipio, his

father-in-law. But all the cavalry crowded to the left, intending to

surround the right wing of the enemy and to make a complete rout of

the men who were stationed about the general; for they believed that

no legionary phalanx, however deep, could resist, but that their

opponents would be completely crushed and broken to pieces by an

attack of so many cavalry at once. When the signal for attack was

going to be given on both sides, Pompeius ordered the legionary

soldiers to stand with their spears presented and in close order to

wait the attack of the enemy till they were within a spear's throw.

But Cæsar says that here also Pompeius made a mistake, not knowing

that the first onset, accompanied with running and impetuosity, gives

force to the blows, and at the same time fires the courage, which is

thus fanned in every way. As Cæsar was about to move his phalanx and

was going into action, the first centurion that he spied was a man who

was faithful to him and experienced in war, and was encouraging those

under his command and urging them to vigorous exertion. Cæsar

addressing him by name said, "What hopes have we Caius

Crassinius,[539] and how are our men as to courage?" Crassinius

stretching out his right hand and calling out aloud, said, "We shall

have a splendid victory, Cæsar; and you shall praise me whether I

survive the day or die." Saying this, he was the first to fall on the

enemy at his full speed and carrying with him the hundred and twenty

soldiers who were under his command. Having cut through the first

rank, he was advancing with great slaughter of the enemy and was

driving them from their ground, when he was stopped by a blow from a

sword through the mouth, and the point came out at the back of his

neck.

XLV. The infantry having thus rushed together in the centre and being

engaged in the struggle, the cavalry of Pompeius proudly advanced from

the wing, extending their companies to enclose Cæsar's right; but

before they fell upon the enemy, the cohorts sprang forward from

among Cæsar's troops, not, according to the usual fashion of war,

throwing their spears nor yet holding them in their hands and aiming

at the thighs and legs of the enemy, but pushing them against their

eyes and wounding them in the face; and they had been instructed to do

this by Cæsar, who was confident that men who had no great familiarity

with battles or wounds, and were young and very proud of their beauty

and youth, would dread such wounds and would not keep their ground

both through fear of the present danger and the future disfigurement.

And it turned out so; for they could not stand the spears being pushed

up at them nor did they venture to look at the iron that was presented

against their eyes, but they turned away and covered their faces to

save them; and at last, having thus thrown themselves into confusion,

they turned to flight most disgracefully and ruined the whole cause.

For those who had defeated the cavalry, immediately surrounded the

infantry and falling on them in the rear began to cut them down. But

when Pompeius saw from the other wing the cavalry dispersed in flight,

he was no longer the same, nor did he recollect that he was Pompeius

Magnus, but more like a man who was deprived of his understanding by

the god than anything else,[540] he retired without speaking a word to

his tent, and sitting down awaited the result, until the rout becoming

general the enemy were assailing the ramparts, and fighting with those

who defended them. Then, as if he had recovered his senses and

uttering only these words, as it is reported, "What even to the

ramparts!" he put off his military and general's dress, and taking one

suited for a fugitive, stole away. But what fortunes he afterwards

had, and how he gave himself up to the Egyptians and was murdered, I

shall tell in the Life of Pompeius.

XLVI. When Cæsar entered the camp of Pompeius and saw the bodies of

those who were already killed, and the slaughter still going on among

the living, he said with a groan: They would have it so; they brought

me into such a critical position that I, Caius Cæsar, who have been

successful in the greatest wars, should have been condemned, if I had

disbanded my troops. Asinius Pollio[541] says that Cæsar uttered these

words on that occasion in Latin, and that he wrote them down in Greek.

He also says that the chief part of those who were killed were slaves,

and they were killed when the camp was taken; and that not more than

six thousand soldiers fell. Of those who were taken prisoners, Cæsar

drafted most into his legions; and he pardoned many men of

distinction, among whom was Brutus, who afterwards murdered him. Cæsar

is said to have been very much troubled at his not being found, but

when Brutus, who had escaped unhurt, presented himself to Cæsar, he

was greatly pleased.