LIFE OF AGESILAUS.

Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedæmon, after a glorious

reign, left one son, Agis, by a noble lady named Lampito, and a much

younger one, named Agesilaus, by Eupolia, the daughter of

Melesippides. As by the Spartan law Agis was the next heir, and

succeeded to the throne, Agesilaus was prepared for the life of a

private man, in that severe Spartan school by which obedience is

instilled into the youth of that country. For that reason it is said

that the epithet of 'man-subduing' is applied to Sparta by the poet

Simonides, because the Spartan customs render the citizens well

behaved, and amenable to discipline, like horses who are broken to

harness early in life. The direct heirs to the throne are not

subjected to this training; but in the case of Agesilaus it happened

that when he began to rule he had previously been taught to obey. This

rendered him by far the most popular of the kings of Sparta, because,

in addition to the haughty spirit that became a king, he had learned

to sympathize with the people over whom he ruled.

II. Agesilaus was an early and intimate friend of Lysander, as they

were both placed as boys in the same herd or troop for the purposes of

discipline. It was then that Lysander learned to admire the moderation

and self-restraint of Agesilaus, who, although he was ambitious and

high-spirited, with a most vehement and passionate desire to be first

in every kind of competition, was yet of a manageable and easily ruled

disposition, very sensitive to reproach, and far more afraid of blame

than of toils or dangers. The misfortune of his lame leg was almost

unnoticed, partly from the robust vigour of his frame, and also from

his own cheerful acknowledgment of this defect, being always the first

to joke about it. He sought by these means to remedy his lameness,

while his daring spirit never allowed it to prevent his undertaking

the most dangerous and laborious adventures. We have no record of his

appearance, for he himself never would consent to have his portrait

taken, and even when dying begged that no statue or painting of him

should be taken. We are, however, told that he was of small and mean

stature, but that his lively and cheerful temper, even in the most

trying situations, and the absence of anything harsh and overbearing

in his manners, made him more popular than many younger and handsomer

men even in extreme old age. The historian Theophrastus informs us

that the mother of Agesilaus was a very small woman, and that the

Ephors had fined Archidamus, on that special ground, for marrying her.

"She will not bring forth kings to rule us," said they, "but

kinglets."

III. During the reign of Agis, Alkibiades arrived in Lacedæmon as an

exile, having made his escape from the army in Sicily, and, after a

short sojourn, was universally believed to be carrying on an intrigue

with the king's wife, Timaea, insomuch that Agis refused to recognize

her child as his own, but declared that Alkibiades was its father. The

historian Douris tells us that Timaea was not altogether displeased at

this imputation, and that when nursing the child among her attendants

she was wont to call it Alkibiades instead of Leotychides. The same

authority states that Alkibiades himself declared that he seduced

Timaea, not out of wantonness, but with the ambitious design of

placing his own family upon the throne of Sparta. In consequence of

this, Alkibiades, fearing the wrath of Agis, left Sparta, and the

child was always viewed with suspicion by Agis, and never treated as

his own son, until in his last illness the boy by tears and entreaties

prevailed upon him to bear public witness to his legitimacy. But after

the death of Agis, Lysander, the conqueror of Athens, who was the most

important man in Sparta, began to urge the claims of Agesilaus to the

throne, on the ground that Leotychides was a bastard, and therefore

excluded from the succession. Many of the other citizens eagerly

espoused the cause of Agesilaus, because they had been brought up in

his company, and had become his intimate friends. There was, however,

one Diopeithes, a soothsayer, who was learned in prophetic lore, and

enjoyed a great reputation for wisdom and sanctity. This man declared

that it was wrong for a lame man to become king of Lacedæmon, and

quoted the following oracle:--

"Proud Sparta, resting on two equal feet,

Beware lest lameness on thy kings alight;

Lest wars unnumbered toss thee to and fro,

And thou thyself be ruined in the fight."

In answer to this, Lysander argued that the oracle really warned the

Spartans against making Leotychides king; for the god was not likely

to allude to actual lameness, which might not even be congenital, but

might arise from some accidental hurt, as disqualifying any one for

the office of king, but rather meant by a "lame reign," the reign of

one who was not legitimate, and not truly descended from Herakles.

Agesilaus also said that Poseidon bore witness to the illegitimacy of

Leotychides; for Agis was said to have been cast out of his

bed-chamber by an earthquake, after which he abstained from

approaching his wife, on religious grounds, for a period of more than

ten months, at the end of which Leotychides was born.

IV. Having been raised to the throne on those grounds, Agesilaus at

the same time acquired the large property left by the late king Agis,

as Leotychides was declared illegitimate and driven into exile. As his

own mother's family were respectable, but very poor, he distributed

half this property among them, thus making sure of their good will and

favour, and removing any jealousy which they might feel at his

elevation. Moreover, as Xenophon tells us, he gained the greatest

influence by always deferring to the wishes of his country, and thus

was really enabled to act exactly as he pleased. The whole power of

the state was at that time vested in the Ephors and the Senate of

Elders, of whom the Ephors are elected every year, while the Elders

sit for life. These two bodies were intended as a check upon the power

of the kings, who would otherwise have been absolute, as has been

explained in the Life of Lykurgus. Between these magistrates and the

kings there was generally a bad understanding; but Agesilaus adopted

an opposite line of conduct. He never attempted to oppose or thwart

the Ephors or the Senate, and even showed a marked deference to them,

referring the initiative of all state affairs to them, hurrying into

their presence when summoned, and rising from his royal throne

whenever they appeared, while he presented each senator, on his

election, with a cloak and an ox, to congratulate him on joining the

Senate. Thus he appeared to exalt the power of the Ephors and to court

their favour, but he himself was by far the greatest gainer, as his

own personal influence was greatly increased, and the power of the

crown much strengthened by the general good will which he inspired.

V. In his dealings with his fellow-citizens he is more to be praised

as an enemy than as a friend; for he would not act unjustly to injure

his enemies, but he sometimes disregarded justice in the interests of

his friends. He was of too generous a nature to refrain from

applauding even his enemies when they deserved it, but could not bear

to reproach his friends for their faults, which he delighted to share

with them, and to extricate them from the consequences, for he thought

nothing disgraceful if done to serve a friend.[174] He was also ever

ready to forgive and assist those with whom he had been at variance,

and thus won all hearts, and attained to a true popularity. The Ephors

indeed, perceiving this, imposed a fine upon him, alleging as a reason

for it that he was attaching the Spartans to his own person instead of

to the State. For just as physical philosophers tell us that if the

principle of strife and opposition were removed, the heavenly bodies

would stand still, and all the productive power of nature would be at

an end, so did the Laconian lawgiver endeavour to quicken the virtue

of his citizens by constructing a constitution out of opposing

elements, deeming that success is barren when there is none to resist,

and that the harmonious working of a political system is valueless if

purchased by the suppression of any important element. Some have

thought that the germ of this idea can be traced in Homer,[175] for he

would not have represented Agamemnon as rejoicing when Achilles and

Odysseus quarrel 'with savage words,' had he not thought that some

great public benefit would arise from this opposition and rivalry of

the bravest. But to this one cannot altogether agree; for party

strife, if carried to excess, proves most dangerous and ruinous to all

communities.

VI. Shortly after Agesilaus had been raised to the throne he received

news from Asia that the Persian king was preparing a large army with

which he intended to drive the Lacedæmonians into the sea. Upon

hearing this, Lysander was very eager to be sent out again to conduct

affairs in Asia, in order that he might be able to assist his own

friends and partizans, whom he had appointed as governors to many of

the cities in that country, but who had mostly been forcibly expelled

by the citizens for their insolent and tyrannical conduct. He

therefore urged Agesilaus to undertake a campaign in Asia as the

champion of Greece, and advised him to land upon some distant part of

the coast, so as to establish himself securely before the arrival of

the Persian army. At the same time he despatched instructions to his

friends in Asia, to send to Lacedæmon, and demand Agesilaus as their

general. In a public debate upon the subject, Agesilaus agreed to

conduct the war if he were furnished with thirty Spartans to act as

generals, and to form a council of war. He also demanded a force of

ten thousand picked men of the Neodamodes, or enfranchised Helots, and

six thousand hoplites, or heavy armed troops, from the allied cities

in Greece. By the active co-operation of Lysander all this was quickly

agreed upon, and Agesilaus was sent out with a council of thirty

Spartans, in which Lysander at once took the lead, not merely by his

own great name and influence, but by reason of his intimacy with

Agesilaus, through which it was supposed that this campaign would

raise him to more than kingly power. While the army was being

assembled at Geræstus, Agesilaus himself proceeded to Aulis with his

friends, and while sleeping there, he appeared in a dream to hear a

voice saying: "O king of the Lacedæmonians, since no one has ever been

commander-in-chief of all the Greeks, save you and Agamemnon alone, it

is fitting that you, since you command the same troops, start from the

same place, and are about to attack the same enemy, should offer

sacrifice to the same goddess to whom he sacrificed here before

setting out." Upon this there, at once, occurred to the mind of

Agesilaus the legend of the maiden who was put to death on that

occasion by her own father, in obedience to the soothsayers; but he

did not allow himself to be disturbed by this omen, but arose and told

the whole dream to his friends, observing that it was his intention to

pay all due honour to the goddess Artemis, but not to imitate the

barbarous conduct of Agamemnon. He now proceeded to hang garlands upon

a hind, and ordered his own soothsayer to offer it as a sacrifice,

disregarding the claims of the local Bœotian priest to do so. The

Bœotarchs, however, heard of this, and were greatly incensed at what

they considered an insult. They at once despatched a body of armed men

to the spot, who forbade Agesilaus to offer sacrifice there, contrary

to the ancestral customs of the Bœotians, and cast off the victim from

the altar where it lay. After this Agesilaus sailed away in great

trouble of mind, both from the anger he felt towards the Thebans, and

from the evil omen which had befallen him, as he feared that it

portended the failure of his Asiatic campaign.

VII. On his arrival at Ephesus, he was much offended by the great

power and influence possessed by Lysander, whose ante-chamber was

always crowded, and who was always surrounded by persons desirous of

paying their court to him. They evidently thought that although

Agesilaus might be nominally in command of the expedition, yet that

all real power and direction of affairs was enjoyed by Lysander, who

had made himself feared and respected throughout Asia, beyond any

other Greek commander, and had been able to benefit his friends and

crush his enemies more effectually than any one had previously done.

As all this was still fresh in the memory of all men, and especially

as they perceived the extreme simplicity and courteousness of

Agesilaus's manners and conversation, and observed, too, that Lysander

was still as harsh, rude, and imperious as before, they all looked up

to him alone as the virtual commander.

The other Spartan members of the council were deeply dissatisfied at

finding that Lysander treated them rather as though he were king and

they were merely there to ratify his decrees, than as their colleague

with powers no more extensive than their own; while Agesilaus himself,

who though he was above feeling any jealousy of the honours paid to

Lysander, yet was ambitious and covetous of honour, began to fear that

if any brilliant success should be achieved, the credit of it would be

given to Lysander alone. He therefore proceeded to oppose all

Lysander's plans, and if he knew that Lysander was interested in any

enterprise, he took care to put it off and neglect it, while he

successively rejected the petitions of every person in whom he knew

Lysander to take an interest. In judicial decisions also he invariably

acquitted those whom Lysander wished to punish, and condemned to pay

heavy fines those whom he endeavoured to serve. As this took place so

frequently that it could not be attributed to chance, but to a

systematic purpose, Lysander was forced to warn his partizans that his

intervention was an injury and not a benefit to them, and that they

must desist from their obsequious attentions to him, and address

themselves directly to the king.

VIII. As these remarks seemed intended to place the king's policy in

an invidious light, Agesilaus determined to humble him still further,

and appointed him his carver. He then said aloud in the hearing of

many persons, "Let them now go and pay their court to my carver."

Vexed at this insult, Lysander remonstrated with him, saying, "Truly,

Agesilaus, you know how to degrade your friends." "Ay, to be sure,"

answered he, "those among them who want to appear greater than I

am."[176] "Perhaps," replied Lysander, "you have spoken the truth, and

I have not acted rightly. Bestow on me, however, some post in which I

may be usefully employed without wounding your feelings."

Upon this, Lysander was despatched on a mission to the Hellespont,

where he found means to gain over a Persian noble named Spithridates,

who had received some offence from Pharnabazus, the satrap of that

province. Lysander induced this man to join Agesilaus with all his

property, and with a regiment of two hundred horse; yet he himself did

not forget his quarrel, and for the rest of his life assiduously

plotted to remove the succession to the throne of Sparta from the two

royal families, and to throw it open to all Spartans alike. It is

indeed probable that he would have raised an important commotion in

Sparta, had he not been slain in an expedition in Bœotia. Thus do

ambitious men do more harm than good in a state, unless they have an

unusual power of self-restraint. Lysander no doubt acted very

offensively, and made a very unreasonable display of his pride; yet

Agesilaus might have discovered some better method of correcting the

faults of so great a man. Indeed, in my opinion they were both equally

blinded by the same passion for personal aggrandizement, so that the

one forgot the power of his prince, and the other could not bear with

the shortcomings of his friend.

IX. Tissaphernes was at first afraid of Agesilaus, and began to treat

with him about setting free the Greek cities on the Ionian coast from

the power of the king of Persia. Afterwards, however, he imagined that

the force at his disposal justified him in breaking off these

negotiations, and he declared war, to the great delight of Agesilaus.

Great expectations had indeed been formed in Greece of the army of

Agesilaus, and it was thought a strange thing that ten thousand Greeks

under Xenophon should march through Persia to the sea, and defeat the

king of Persia's troops as often as they pleased, while Agesilaus, the

commander of the Lacedæmonians, the leading people in Greece, who were

all-powerful both by sea and land, should accomplish nothing. He now

revenged himself on the faithless Tissaphernes for his perjury by an

equal piece of deceit, and gave out that he was about to march into

Karia. When, however, the Persian army was assembled there, he

proceeded north-wards to Phrygia, where he took many cities, and

gained much plunder, pointing out to his friends that although to

solemnly plight one's word and then to break it is wrong, yet that to

out-manœuvre one's enemies is not only lawful, but profitable and

glorious. Being, however, deficient in cavalry, and warned by the omen

of a victim being found with an imperfect liver, he retired to

Ephesus, and there collected a cavalry force, giving rich men the

alternative of either serving themselves in his army, or of furnishing

a horse soldier instead. Many preferred to do so, and Agesilaus soon

possessed a force of warlike cavalry in the place of worthless foot

soldiers; for those who did not wish to serve personally hired men who

were willing to fight, and those who could not ride hired those who

could. Just so did Agamemnon act very wisely in receiving a valuable

mare, and thereby allowing a rich man to purchase his discharge from

military service. Agesilaus now gave orders that the heralds who

conducted the sale of captives by auction, should strip them of their

clothes, and put them up for sale in a state of perfect nudity. Their

clothes were sold separately, and the Greek soldiers laughed heartily

at the white and soft skins, which never had felt the sun or wind,

displayed by these Asiatics, and began to feel contempt for such

effeminate adversaries. Agesilaus himself, pointing first to the

captives themselves, and then to their clothes and other property,

observed, "These are the men with whom you have to fight, and these

are the things you fight for."

X. When the season for active operations returned he announced his

intention of marching into Lydia, not meaning thereby to deceive

Tissaphernes; but Tissaphernes deceived himself, for he distrusted

Agesilaus on account of his former stratagem. He therefore concluded

that it was Agesilaus's real intention to invade Karia, especially as

he was weak in cavalry, which could not act in that province. When,

however, Agesilaus, as he had announced, marched into the level

country near Sardis, Tissaphernes was obliged to hurry thither with

all speed; and by means of his cavalry he cut off many stragglers from

the Greek army. Agesilaus now perceived that the enemy's infantry had

not come up, while he had all his troops in hand. He at once

determined to fight, and having formed his cavalry and light-armed

troops into one mixed body he ordered them to advance at once and

attack the enemy, while he led on the heavy infantry in person. The

Persians were routed, and the Greeks, following up their victory, took

the enemy's camp with great slaughter. This victory not only enabled

them to plunder the king's territories undisturbed, but also gave them

the satisfaction of hearing that Tissaphernes, a bad man, and one for

whom all the Greeks felt an especial hatred, had at length met with

his deserts. Immediately after the battle the king of Persia sent

Tithraustes to him, who caused him to be beheaded. Tithraustes now

begged Agesilaus to make peace and leave the country, and offered him

money if he would do so. Agesilaus answered that he had no power to

make peace or war, but that such propositions must be referred to the

authorities at home; while as to money he said that he preferred

enriching his soldiers to enriching himself, and that among the Greeks

it was not considered honourable to receive bribes, but rather to take

plunder from their enemies. Nevertheless, wishing to oblige

Tithraustes, because he had avenged Greece upon that common enemy of

all, Tissaphernes, he removed his army into Phrygia, receiving a sum

of thirty talents from Tithraustes for the maintenance of his

soldiery.

During his march he received a despatch from the government of Sparta,

appointing him to the command of the naval as well as of the military

forces in Asia. He was now at the zenith of his fame and the greatest

man of his age, as Theopompus truly observes; yet he had more reason

to be proud of his virtue than of his power. He was thought, however,

to have committed an error in placing Peisander in command of the

fleet, disregarding the claims of older and more experienced men, and

preferring the advancement of his wife's brother to the interests of

his country.

XI. Having established his army in the province ruled by Pharnabazus,

he not only found abundance of provisions, but also was able to amass

much booty. He marched as far as the borders of Paphlagonia, and

gained the alliance of Kotys,[177] the king of that country.

Spithridatos, ever since he had revolted from Pharnabazus, had

constantly accompanied Agesilaus, together with his very handsome son,

named Megabates, of whom Agesilaus was greatly enamoured, and a fair

daughter. Agesilaus persuaded King Kotys to marry this girl, and

received from him a force of one thousand horsemen, and two thousand

light troops, called peltasts. With these he returned into Phrygia,

and laid waste the country of Pharnabazus, who dared not meet him in

the field, and feared to trust himself in any of his fortresses, but

hovered about the country, taking his valuable property with him, and

keeping his place of encampment as secret as he could. The watchful

Spithridates, however, at last found an opportunity to attack him,

and, with Herippidas the Spartan, took his camp and all his property.

On this occasion Herippidas acted with great harshness in ordering all

the plunder to be given up to be sold by auction, according to Greek

usage. He forced the barbarian allies to disgorge their booty, and

searched for all that had been captured in so offensive a manner that

Spithridates, in disgust at his conduct, at once went off to Sardis,

taking with him the entire Paphlagonian force.

We are told that Agesilaus was terribly chagrined at this. He felt

vexed at losing a good friend in Spithridates, and losing, too, a

large force with him, while he was ashamed of the character for

meanness and avarice which this miserable squabble would gain for

Sparta, especially as he had always prided himself on showing a

contempt for money both in politics and in private life.

XII. After this, Pharnabazus was desirous of conferring with him, and

a meeting was arranged between them by a friend of both, Apollophanes

of Kyzikus. Agesilaus arrived first, and sitting down upon some thick

grass under the shade of a tree, awaited the coming of Pharnabazus.

Presently Pharnabazus arrived, with soft rugs and curiously-wrought

carpets, but on seeing Agesilaus simply seated on the ground, he felt

ashamed to use them, and sat down on the ground beside him, although

he was dressed in a magnificent robe of many colours. They now greeted

one another, and Pharnabazus stated his case very fairly, pointing out

that he had done much good service to the Lacedæmonians during their

war with Athens, and yet that his province was now being laid waste by

them. Seeing all the Spartans round him hanging down their heads with

shame, and not knowing what to answer because they knew that what

Pharnabazus said was true, Agesilaus said: "We Spartans, Pharnabazus,

were formerly at peace with your king, and then we respected his

territory as that of a friend. Now we are at war with him, and regard

all his property as that of an enemy. Now as we see that you still

wish to belong to the king, we very naturally endeavour by injuring

you to injure him. But from the day on which you shall declare that

you will be a friend and ally of the Greeks rather than a slave of the

king of Persia, you may regard this fleet and army and all of us, as

the guardians of your property, of your liberty, and of all that makes

life honourable and enjoyable." In answer to this, Pharnabazus said:

"If the king shall send any other general, and put me under him, I

will join you. But if he places me in command, I will cheerfully obey

him, and will fight you and do you all the mischief in my power."

Agesilaus was struck by the high-minded tone of this reply, and at

once rose and took him by the hand, saying, "Would to God,

Pharnabazus, that such a man as you might become our friend rather

than our enemy."

XIII. As Pharnabazus was retiring with his friends, his son stayed

behind, and running up to Agesilaus said with a smile, "Agesilaus, I

make you my guest,"[178] and gave him a fine javelin which he carried

in his hand.

Agesilaus gladly accepted this offer, and, delighted with the engaging

manners and evident friendship of the young man, looked round for some

suitable present, and seeing that the horse of his secretary Idæus was

adorned with fine trappings, took them off and gave them to the boy.

Agesilaus never forgot the connection thus formed between them, but in

after days, when the son of Pharnabazus was impoverished and driven

into exile by his brother, he welcomed him to the Peloponnese, and

provided him with protection and a home. He even went so far as to

employ his influence in favour of an Athenian youth to whom the son of

Pharnabazus was attached. This boy had outgrown the age and size of

the boy-runners in the Olympic stadium, and was consequently refused

leave to compete in that race. Upon this the Persian made a special

application to Agesilaus on his behalf; and Agesilaus, willing to do

anything to please his protégé, with great difficulty and management

induced the judges to admit the boy as a competitor. This, indeed, was

the character of Agesilaus, disinterested and just in all matters

except in furthering the interests of his friends, in which case he

seems to have hesitated at nothing. A letter of his to Idrilus, the

Karian, runs as follows: "If Nikias be innocent, acquit him; if he be

guilty, acquit him for my sake; but in any case acquit him." Such was

Agesilaus in most cases where his friends were concerned; although in

some few instances he allowed expediency to prevail over affection,

and sacrificed his personal friend to the general advantage, as, for

example, once, when owing to a sudden alarm the camp was being

hurriedly broken up, he left a sick friend behind in spite of his

passionate entreaties, observing as he did so, that it is hard to be

wise and compassionate at the same time. This anecdote has been

preserved by the philosopher Hieronymus.

XIV. Agesilaus was now in the second year of his command in Asia, and

had become one of the foremost men of his time, being greatly admired

and esteemed for his remarkable sobriety and frugality of life. When

away from his headquarters he used to pitch his tent within the

precincts of the most sacred temples, thus making the gods witnesses

of the most private details of his life. Among thousands of soldiers,

moreover, there was scarcely one that used a worse mattress than

Agesilaus. With regard to extremes of heat and cold, he seemed so

constituted as to be able to enjoy whatever weather the gods might

send. It was a pleasant and enjoyable spectacle for the Greek

inhabitants of Asia to see their former tyrants, the deputy governors

of cities and generals of provinces, who used to be so offensively

proud, insolent, and profusely luxurious, now trembling before a man

who walked about in a plain cloak, and altering their whole conduct in

obedience to his curt Laconian sayings. Many used to quote the proverb

of Timotheus, that "Ares alone is king, and Hellas fears not the power

of gold."

XV. The whole of Asia Minor was now excited, and ripe for revolt.

Agesilaus established order[179] in the cities on the coast by mild

measures, without either banishing or putting to death any of the

citizens, and next determined to advance farther, and transfer the

theatre of war from the Ionic coast to the interior. He hoped thus to

force the Persian king to fight for his very existence, and for his

pleasant palaces at Susa and Ecbatana, and at any rate to keep him

fully employed, so that from henceforth he might have no leisure or

means to act as arbitrator between the Greek states in their disputes,

and to corrupt their statesmen by bribes. At this crisis, however,

there arrived the Spartan Epikydides. He announced that Sparta was

involved in an important war with Thebes and other Greek states, and

brought an imperative summons from the ephors to Agesilaus to return

at once and assist his countrymen at home.

"O Greeks, that will upon yourselves impose

Such miserable, more than Persian woes."

It is pitiable to think of the malevolence and ill-will which produced

this war, and arrayed the states of Greece against one another,

putting a stop to such a glorious career of conquest at its very

outset, exchanging a foreign for a civil war, and recalling the arms

which were being used against the Persians to point them at Grecian

breasts. I cannot agree with the Corinthian, Demaratus, when he says

that those Greeks who did not see Alexander seated upon the throne of

Darius lost one of the most delightful spectacles in the world. I

think they would have been more likely to weep when they reflected

that this conquest was left for Alexander and the Macedonians to

effect, by those Greek generals who wasted the resources of their

country in the battles of Leuktra and Koronea, Corinth and Mantinea.

Still, nothing is more honourable to Agesilaus than the promptitude

with which he withdrew from Asia, nor can we easily find another

example of straightforward obedience and self-sacrifice in a general.

Hannibal was in great difficulties and straits in Italy, and yet

yielded a very unwilling obedience when summoned home to protect

Carthage, while Alexander merely sneered at the news of the battle

between Agis and Antipater, observing, "It appears, my friends, that

while we have been conquering Darius here, there has been a battle of

mice in Arcadia."

Well then does Sparta deserve to be congratulated on the love for her

and the respect for her laws which Agesilaus showed on this occasion,

when, as soon as the despatch reached him, he at once stopped his

prosperous and victorious career, gave up his soaring hopes of

conquest, and marched home, leaving his work unfinished, regretted

greatly by all his allies, and having signally confuted the saying of

Phæax the son of Erasistratus, that the Lacedæmonians act best as a

state, and the Athenians as individuals. He proved himself indeed to

be a good king and a good general, but those who know him most

intimately prized him more as a friend and companion than as either a

king or a soldier.

The Persian gold coins bore the device of an archer: and Agesilaus as

he broke up his camp observed that he was being driven out of Asia by

ten thousand archers, meaning that so many of these coins had been

distributed among the statesmen of Athens and Thebes, to bribe them

into forcing those countries to go to war with Sparta.

XVI. He now crossed the Hellespont and proceeded through Thrace. Here

he did not ask leave of any of the barbarian tribes to traverse their

country, but merely inquired whether they would prefer him to treat

them as friends or as enemies during his passage. All the tribes

received him in a friendly manner and escorted him through their land,

except the Trallians,[180] to whom it is said that Xerxes himself gave

presents, who demanded from Agesilaus a hundred talents of silver and

a hundred female slaves for his passage. He answered, "Why did they

not come at once and take them;" and immediately marched into their

country, where he found them strongly posted, and routed them with

great slaughter.

He made the same enquiry, about peace or war, of the King of

Macedonia, and on receiving the answer that he would consider the

question, "Let him consider," said he, "but let us march in the

meanwhile." Struck with admiration and fear at his daring, the king

bade him pass through as a friend. On reaching the country of

Thessaly, he found the Thessalians in alliance with the enemies of

Sparta, and laid waste their lands. He sent however Xenokles and

Skythes to Larissa, the chief town in Thessaly, to arrange terms of

peace. These men were seized upon by the Thessalians and cast into

prison, at which the army was greatly excited, thinking that Agesilaus

could do no less than besiege and take Larissa. He, on the other hand,

said that he valued the lives of either of these two men more than all

Thessaly, and obtained their release by negotiation. This ought not to

surprise us in Agesilaus, for when he heard of the great battle at

Corinth where so many distinguished men fell, and where though many of

the enemy perished the Spartan loss was very small, he showed no signs

of exultation, but sighed heavily, and said, "Alas for Greece, that

she should by her own fault have lost so many men, who if they were

alive could conquer all the barbarians in the world."

The Thessalian tribe of the Pharsalians[181] now attacked his army,

upon which he charged them with five hundred horse, and having routed

them erected a trophy near Mount Narthakius. Agesilaus took great

pride in this victory, because in it he had defeated the Thessalian

horsemen, supposed to be the best in Greece, with cavalry disciplined

by himself in Asia.

XVII. He was here met by Diphridas the Ephor, who brought him orders

to invade Bœotia immediately. Although he had intended to make more

extensive preparations, he thought it right at once to obey, and

informed his friends that the day for which they had marched all the

way from Asia would soon be at hand. He also sent for a reinforcement

of two moras[182] from the army at Corinth. The Lacedæmonium

government at home, also, wishing to do him honour, made proclamation

that whosoever would might enrol himself to serve the King. All

eagerly gave in their names, and from them the ephors selected fifty

of the strongest, whom they sent to Agesilaus as a body-guard. He now

marched through Thermopylæ, crossed the friendly country of Phokis,

and entered Bœotia near Chæronea. While encamped there, he observed

that the sun was eclipsed and became crescent-shaped, and at the same

time came the news of the defeat and death of Peisander in a great

sea-fight off Knidus, against Pharnabazus and Konon the Athenian.

Agesilaus was naturally grieved both at his brother-in-law's death and

at the disaster which had befallen Sparta, but as he feared to damp

the courage of his soldiers on the eve of battle, he ordered the

messengers to spread the contrary intelligence, that the Spartans had

been victorious in the sea-fight, and he himself appeared with a

garland on his head, offered sacrifice as though he had heard good

news, and distributed portions of the meat to his friends, as presents

of congratulation.

XVIII. Proceeding on his march through Bœotia he reached Koroneia,

where he came into the presence of the enemy, and arrayed his forces

for battle, placing the men of Orchomenos[183] on the left wing, while

he led the right in person. In the army of the allies the Thebans

formed the right, and the Argives the left wing. Xenophon informs us

that this battle was the most furiously contested one that ever was

known. He himself was an eye-witness of it, as he had served with

Agesilaus during his Asiatic campaign, and had accompanied him on his

return to Europe. The first shock was not very severe, as the Thebans

easily overthrew the Orchomenians, while Agesilaus with equal ease

routed the Argives. When, however, each of these victorious bodies

heard that their left was hard pressed and retiring, they at once

ceased from following up their success and halted where they stood.

Agesilaus might now easily have won a partial victory, by allowing the

Thebans to pass back again through his own lines and attacking them as

they did so. Instead of this, his fierce spirit led him to form his

troops in close order and attack them front to front. The Thebans

fought with no less courage, and a terrible battle raged all along the

line, but most fiercely at the point where the chosen body-guard of

fifty men fought round the Spartan king. The courage of these men

saved the life of Agesilaus, for they recklessly exposed themselves in

his defence, and by their exertions, although they could not prevent

his being severely wounded, yet by receiving on their bodies through

their shields and armour many blows which were intended for him, they

succeeded in dragging him from where he had fallen among the enemy,

and formed a bulwark around him, slaying many of the enemy, but with

great loss to themselves.

The Lacedæmonians, unable to force back the Thebans, were at length

compelled to open their ranks, and let them pass through, which at

first they had scorned to do. They then assailed them on the flanks

and rear as they passed. Yet they could not boast of having conquered

the Thebans, who drew off and rejoined their comrades on Mount

Helikon, with the proud conviction that in the battle they at any rate

had not been defeated.

XIX. Agesilaus, although suffering from many wounds, refused to go to

his tent before he had been carried on men's shoulders round the army,

and had seen all the dead brought off the field of battle. He gave

orders that some Thebans who had taken refuge in a neighbouring temple

should be dismissed unharmed. This was the temple of Athena Itonia,

and before it stands a trophy, erected by the Bœotians under Sparton,

many years before, in memory of a victory which they had won over the

Athenians under Tolmides, who fell in that battle.

Next morning Agesilaus, wishing to discover whether the Thebans would

renew the contest, ordered his soldiers to crown themselves with

garlands, and the flute-players to play martial music while a trophy

was erected in honour of the victory. When the enemy sent to ask for a

truce for the burial of their dead, he granted it, and having thus

confirmed his victory, caused himself to be carried to Delphi. Here

the Pythian games were being celebrated, and Agesilaus not only took

part in the procession in honour of the god, but also dedicated to him

the tithe of the spoils of his Asiatic campaign, which amounted to one

hundred talents.

On his return home, he was loved and admired by all his

fellow-countrymen for his simple habits of life; for he did not, like

so many generals, return quite a different man, corrupted by foreign

manners, and dissatisfied with those of his own country, but, just

like those who had never crossed the Eurotas, he loved and respected

the old Spartan fashions, and would not alter his dining at the public

table, his bath, his domestic life with his wife, his care of his

arms, or the furniture of his house, the doors of which we are told by

Xenophon, were so old that it was thought that they must be the

original ones put up by Aristodemus. Xenophon also tells us that the

_kanathrum_ of his daughter was not at all finer than that of other

children.

A _kanathrum_ is a fantastic wooden car, shaped like a griffin or an

antelope, in which children are carried in sacred processions.

Xenophon does not mention the name of Agesilaus's daughter, and

Dikæarchus is much grieved at this, observing that we do not know the

name either of the daughter of Agesilaus or of the mother of

Epameinondas; I, however, have discovered, by consulting Lacedæmonium

records, that the wife of Agesilaus was named Kleora, and that she had

two daughters, named Eupolia and Prolyta. His spear also may be seen

at the present day in Sparta, and differs in no respect from that of

any other Lacedæmonium.

XX. Perceiving that many of his countrymen bred horses, and gave

themselves great airs in consequence, he induced his sister Kyniske to

enter a four-horse chariot for the race at Olympia, to prove to them

that the winning of this prize depends not upon a man's courage, but

upon his wealth, and the amount of money which he spends upon it. As

Xenophon the philosopher was still with him, he advised him to send

for his sons and educate them in Lacedæmon, that they might learn the

most important of all lessons, to command and to obey.

Lysander was now dead, but Agesilaus found still existing an important

conspiracy against himself, which Lysander had set on foot when he

returned from Asia. Agesilaus now eagerly undertook to prove what

Lysander's true character had been; and having read amongst the papers

of the deceased that speech which Kleon of Halikarnassus wrote for

him, treating of reforms and alterations of the constitution, which

Lysander meant some day to address to the people of Sparta, he wished

to make it public. However, one of the senators, after reading the

speech, was alarmed at the plausible nature of the argument which it

contained, and advised Agesilaus not to dig Lysander out of his grave,

but rather to bury the speech with him. This advice caused Agesilaus

to desist from his project. He never openly attacked his political

enemies, but contrived to get them appointed generals and governors of

cities. When they displayed their bad qualities in these posts and

were recalled to take their trial he used to come forward as their

friend and by his exertions on their behalf make them his active

partisans instead of his enemies, so that before long he succeeded in

breaking up the party which was opposed to him, and reigned alone

without any rival; for the other king, Agesipolis, whose father had

been an exile, and who was himself very young, and of a mild and

unassuming temper, counted for nothing in the state. Agesilaus won

over this man also, and made a friend of him; for the two kings dine

at the same _phiditium_, or public table, when they are at Sparta.

Knowing Agesipolis, like himself, to be prone to form attachments to

young men, he always led the conversation to this subject, and

encouraged the young king in doing so; for these love affairs among

Lacedæmonians have in them nothing disgraceful, but produce much

modest emulation and desire for glory, as has been explained in the

Life of Lykurgus.

XXI. Being now the most powerful man in Sparta, Agesilaus obtained the

appointment of admiral of the fleet for Teleutias, his half-brother;

and thereupon making an expedition against Corinth, he made himself

master of the long walls by land, through the assistance of his

brother at sea. Coming thus upon the Argives, who then held Corinth,

in the midst of their Isthmian festival, he made them fly just as they

had finished the customary sacrifice, and leave all their festive

provision behind them. Upon this the Corinthian exiles[184] who were

with him begged him to preside over the games, but this he refused to

do, ordering them to celebrate the festival, while he took care that

they did so without interruption. After he was gone the Argives

returned, and celebrated the Isthmian games over again. Some of the

winners on the former occasion now won the prize again, while others

were defeated. Agesilaus observed that the Argives by this act

confessed themselves to be cowards, if they set so high a value on

presiding at the games, and yet did not dare to fight for it. With

regard to such matters he used to think that a middle course was best,

and he always was present at the choruses and games at Sparta, taking

great interest in their management, and not even neglecting the races

for boys and for girls; but of some other matters in which most men

were interested he seemed to be entirely ignorant. For instance

Kallipides, who was esteemed the finest tragic actor in Greece, once

met him and spoke to him, after which he swaggered along amongst his

train, but finding that no notice was taken of him, he at length

asked, "Do you not know me, O king?" Agesilaus at this looked

carefully at him, and enquired, "Are you not Kallipides the player?"

for so the Lacedæmonians name actors. Again, when he was invited to

hear some one imitate the nightingale he answered, "I have heard the

original."

Menekrates the physician, after having succeeded in curing some cases

of sickness which were thought to be desperate, was given the title of

Zeus, and used to use this appellation on all occasions in a foolish

manner. He even went so far as to write to Agesilaus in the following

terms, "Menekrates Zeus wishes King Agesilaus health." To this he

answered, "King Agesilaus wishes Menekrates more sense."

XXII. While he was encamped in the temple of Hera, near Corinth,

watching the soldiers disposing of the captives which they had taken,

ambassadors came from Thebes to treat for peace with him. He always

had borne a grudge against that city, and thinking that this would be

a good opportunity to indulge his hatred, he pretended neither to see

nor to hear them when they addressed him. But he soon paid the

penalty of his insolence; for before the Thebans left him news was

brought that an entire mora had been cut to pieces by Iphikrates. This

was the greatest disaster which had befallen the Spartans for many

years; for they lost a large number of brave and well-equipped

citizens, all heavy-armed hoplites, and that too at the hands of mere

mercenary light troops and peltasts. On hearing this Agesilaus at

first leaped up to go to their assistance; but when he heard that they

were completely destroyed, he returned to the temple of Hera, and

recalling the Bœotian ambassadors, bade them deliver their message.

But they now in their turn assumed a haughty demeanour, and made no

mention of peace, but merely demanded leave to proceed to Corinth. At

this, Agesilaus in a rage answered, "If you wish to go there to see

your friends rejoicing over their success, you will be able to do so

in safety to-morrow." On the next day he took the ambassadors with

him, and marched, laying waste the country as he went, up to the gates

of Corinth, where, having thus proved that the Corinthians dared not

come out and resent his conduct, he sent the ambassadors into the

city. As for himself, he collected the survivors of the mora, and

marched back to Lacedæmon, always starting before daybreak, and

encamping after sunset, that he might not be insulted by the

Arcadians, who bitterly hated the Lacedæmonians and enjoyed their

discomfiture. After this at the instance of the Achæans he crossed

over into Akarnania with them, where he obtained much plunder, and

defeated the Akarnanians in battle. The Achæans now begged him to

remain, and so prevent the enemy from sowing their fields in the

winter; but he answered that he should do exactly the reverse,

because, if the enemy next year had a good prospect of a harvest, they

would be much more inclined to keep the peace than if their fields lay

fallow. And this opinion of his was justified by the result; for as

soon as the Akarnanians heard that another campaign was threatened,

they made peace with the Achæans.

XXIII. Konon and Pharnabazus, after their victory in the sea-fight at

Knidus, had obtained command of the seas and began to plunder the

coast of Laconia, while the Athenian walls likewise were restored,

with money supplied by Pharnabazus for that purpose.

These circumstances disposed the Lacedæmonians to make peace with the

king of Persia. They consequently sent Antalkidas to Tiribazus to

arrange terms, and most basely and wickedly gave up to the king those

Greek cities in Asia on behalf of which Agesilaus had fought.

Antalkidas, indeed, was his enemy, and his great reason for concluding

a peace on any terms was, that war was certain to increase the

reputation and glory of Agesilaus. Yet when some one reproached

Agesilaus, saying that the Lacedæmonians were Medising,[185] he

answered, "Nay, say, rather, the Medes (Persians) are Laconising."

By threats of war he compelled those Greek states who were unwilling

to do so to accept the terms of the peace, especially the Thebans; for

one of the articles of the peace was, that the Thebans should leave

the rest of Bœotia independent, by which of course they were greatly

weakened. This was proved by subsequent events. When Phœbidas, in

defiance of law and decency, seized the Kadmeia, or citadel of Thebes,

in time of peace, all Greeks cried shame on him, and the Spartans felt

especial annoyance at it. The enemies of Agesilaus now angrily

enquired of Phœbidas who ordered him to do so, and as his answers

hinted at Agesilaus as having suggested the deed, Agesilaus openly

declared himself to be on Phœbidas's side, and said that the only

thing to be considered was, whether it was advantageous to Sparta or

not; for it was always lawful to render good service to the state,

even impromptu and without previous orders. Yet in his talk Agesilaus

always set a high value upon justice, calling it the first of all

virtues; for he argued that courage would be useless without justice;

while if all men were just, there would be no need of courage. When he

was informed, "The pleasure of the great king is so-and-so," he was

wont to answer, "How can he be greater than I, unless he be

juster?"--thus truly pointing out that justice is the real measure of

the greatness of kings. When the king of Persia sent him a letter

during the peace, offering to become his guest[186] and friend, he

refused to open it, saying that he was satisfied with the friendship

existing between the two states, and that while that lasted he

required no private bond of union with the king of Persia. However, in

his actions he was far from carrying out these professions, but was

frequently led into unjust acts by his ambition. In this instance he

not only shielded Phœbidas from punishment for what he had done at

Thebes, but persuaded Sparta to adopt his crime as its own, and

continue to hold the Kadmeia, appointing as the chiefs of the garrison

Archias and Leontidas,[187] by whose means Phœbidas made his way into

the citadel.

XXIV. This at once gave rise to a suspicion that Phœbidas was merely

an agent, and that the whole plot originated with Agesilaus himself,

and subsequent events confirmed this view; for as soon as the Thebans

drove out the garrison and set free their city, Agesilaus made war

upon them to avenge the murder of Archias and Leontidas, who had been

nominally polemarchs, but in reality despots of Thebes. At this period

Agesipolis was dead, and his successor Kleombrotus was despatched into

Bœotia with an army; for Agesilaus excused himself from serving in

that campaign on the ground of age, as it was forty years since he had

first borne arms, and he was consequently exempt by law. The real

reason was that he was ashamed, having so lately been engaged in a war

to restore the exiled popular party at Phlius, to be seen now

attacking the Thebans in the cause of despotism.

There was a Lacedæmonium named Sphodrias, one of the faction opposed

to Agesilaus, who was established as Spartan governor of the town of

Thespiæ, a daring and ambitious man, but hot-headed, and prone to act

without due calculation. This man, who longed to achieve distinction,

and who perceived that Phœbidas had made a name throughout Greece by

his exploit at Thebes, persuaded himself that it would be a much more

glorious deed if he were to make himself master of the Peiræus, and so

by a sudden attack cut off the Athenians from the sea. It is said that

this attempt originated with the Bœotarchs, Pelopidas and Mellon, who

sent emissaries to Sphodrias to praise and flatter him, and point out

that he alone was capable of conducting so bold an adventure. By this

language, and an affectation of sympathy with Lacedæmon, these men at

length prevailed on him to attempt a most unrighteous deed, and one

which required considerable boldness and good fortune to ensure its

success. Daylight, however, overtook Sphodrias before he had crossed

the Thriasian plain, near Eleusis. All hope of surprising Peiræus by a

night attack was now gone, and it is said, also, that the soldiers

were alarmed and terror-stricken by certain lights which gleamed from

the temples at Eleusis. Sphodrias himself, now that his enterprise had

so manifestly failed, lost heart, and after hurriedly seizing some

unimportant plunder, led his men back to Thespiæ. Upon this an embassy

was sent from Athens to Sparta to complain of the acts of Sphodrias;

but on the arrival of the ambassadors at Sparta they found that the

government there were in no need of encouragement from without to

proceed against Sphodrias, for they had already summoned him home to

be tried for his life. Sphodrias durst not venture to return to

Sparta, for he saw that his fellow-countrymen were angry with him and

ashamed of his conduct towards the Athenians, and that they wished

rather to be thought fellow-sufferers by his crime than accomplices in

it.

XXV. Sphodrias had a son, named Kleonymus, who was still quite a

youth, and who was beloved by Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus. He now

assisted this youth, who was pleading his father's cause as best he

might, but he could not do so openly, because Sphodrias belonged to

the party which was opposed to Agesilaus. When, however, Kleonymus

came to him, and besought him with tears and piteous entreaties to

appease Agesilaus, because the party of Sphodrias dreaded him more

than any one else, the young man, after two or three days' hesitation,

at length, as the day fixed for the trial approached, mustered up

courage to speak to his father on the subject, telling him that

Kleonymus had begged him to intercede for his father.

Agesilaus was well aware of his son's intimacy with Kleonymus, which

he had never discouraged; for Kleonymus promised to become as

distinguished a man as any in Sparta. He did not on this occasion,

however, hold out to his son any hopes of a satisfactory termination

of the affair, but said that he would consider what would be the most

fitting and honourable course to pursue. After this reply, Archidamus

had not the heart to meet Kleonymus, although he had before been

accustomed to see him several times daily. This conduct of his plunged

the friends of Sphodrias into yet deeper despair of his cause, until

Etymokles, one of the friends of Agesilaus, in a conference with them,

explained that what Agesilaus really thought about the matter was,

that the action itself deserved the greatest censure; but yet that

Sphodrias was a brave energetic man, whom Sparta could not afford to

lose.

Agesilaus used this language out of a desire to gratify his son, and

from it Kleonymus soon perceived that Archidamus had been true to him

in using his interest with his father; while the friends of Sphodrias

became much more forward in his defence. Indeed Agesilaus was

remarkably fond of children, and an anecdote is related of him, that

when his children were very little he was fond of playing with them,

and would bestride a reed as if it were a horse for their amusement.

When one of his friends found him at this sport, he bade him mention

it to no one before he himself became the father of a family.

XXVI. Sphodrias was acquitted by the court; and the Athenians, as soon

as they learned this, prepared for war. Agesilaus was now greatly

blamed, and was charged with having obstructed the course of justice,

and having made Sparta responsible for an outrage upon a friendly

Greek state, merely in order to gratify the childish caprice of his

son. As he perceived that Kleombrotus was unwilling to attack the

Thebans, he himself invaded Bœotia, disregarding the law under which

on a former occasion he had pleaded exemption from military service on

account of his age. Here he fought the Thebans with varying success;

for once, when he was being borne out of action wounded, Antalkidas

observed to him, "A fine return you are getting from the Thebans for

having taught them how to fight against their will." Indeed, the

military power of the Thebans at that time was at its height, having

as it were been exercised and practised by the many campaigns

undertaken against them by the Lacedæmonians. This was why Lykurgus of

old, in his three celebrated _rhetras_, forbade the Lacedæmonians to

fight often with the same people, lest by constant practice they

should teach them how to fight. Agesilaus was also disliked by the

allies of the Lacedæmonians, because of his hatred of Thebes and his

desire to destroy that state, not on any public grounds, but merely on

account of his own bitter personal dislike to the Thebans. The allies

complained grievously that they, who composed the greater part of the

Lacedæmonium force, should every year be led hither and thither, and

exposed to great risks and dangers, merely to satisfy one man's

personal pique. Hereupon we are told that Agesilaus, desiring to prove

that this argument about their composing so large a part of the army

was not founded on fact, made use of the following device:--He ordered

all the allies to sit down in one body, and made the Lacedæmonians sit

down separately. Next he gave orders, first that all the potters

should stand up; and when they had risen, he ordered the smiths,

carpenters, masons, and all the other tradesmen successively to do so.

When then nearly all the allies had risen to their feet, the Spartans

all remained seated, for they were forbidden to learn or to practise

any mechanical art. At this Agesilaus smiled, and said, "You see, my

men, how many more soldiers we send out than you do."

XXVII. On his return from his campaign against the Thebans, Agesilaus,

while passing through Megara, was seized with violent pain in his

sound leg, just as he was entering the town-hall in the Acropolis of

that city. After this it became greatly swelled and full of blood, and

seemed to be dangerously inflamed. A Syracusan physician opened a vein

near the ankle, which relieved the pain, but the flow of blood was

excessive, and could not be checked, so that he fainted away from

weakness, and was in a very dangerous condition. At length the

bleeding stopped, and he was conveyed home to Lacedæmon, but he

remained ill, and unable to serve in the wars for a long time.

During his illness many disasters befel the Spartans both by land and

by sea. Of these, the most important was the defeat at Tegyra, where

for the first time they were beaten in a fair fight by the Thebans.

The Lacedæmonians were now eager to make peace with all the Greek

cities, and ambassadors from all parts of Greece met at Sparta to

arrange terms. Among them was Epameinondas, a man who was renowned for

his culture and learning, but who had not hitherto given any proof of

his great military genius. This man, perceiving that all the other

ambassadors were sedulously paying their court to Agesilaus, assumed

an independent attitude, and in a speech delivered before the congress

declared that nothing kept the war alive except the unjust pretensions

of Sparta, who gained strength from the sufferings of the other

states, and that no peace could be durable unless such pretensions

were laid aside, and Sparta reduced to the equality with the rest of

the cities of Greece.

XXVIII. Agesilaus, observing that all the representatives of the Greek

states were filled with admiration at this language, and manifested

strong sympathy with the speaker, enquired whether he thought it right

and just that the cities of Bœotia[188] should be left independent.

Epameinondas quickly and boldly enquired in answer, whether he

thought it right to leave each of the towns in Laconia independent. At

this Agesilaus leaped to his feet in a rage, and asked him to state

clearly whether he meant to leave Bœotia independent. As Epameinondas

in reply merely repeated his question, as to whether Agesilaus meant

to leave Laconia independent, Agesilaus became furious, eagerly seized

the opportunity to strike the name of Thebes out of the roll of cities

with whom peace was being made, and declared war against it. He

ratified a treaty of peace with the other Greek cities, and bade their

representatives begone, with the remark, that such of their disputes

as admitted of settlement must be arranged by peaceful negotiation,

and such as could not must be decided by war; but that it was too much

trouble for him to act as arbitrator between them in their manifold

quarrels and disagreements.

Kleombrotus, the other Spartan king, was at this time in the Phokian

territory at the head of an army. The Ephors now at once sent orders

to him to cross the Theban frontier, while they assembled a force from

all the allied cities, who were most reluctant to serve, and objected

strongly to the war, yet dared not express their discontent or disobey

the Lacedæmonians. Many sinister omens were observed, which we have

spoken of in the life of Epameinondas, and Prothous the Laconian

openly opposed the whole campaign; yet Agesilaus would not desist, but

urged on the war against Thebes, imagining that now, when all the

other states were standing aloof, and Thebes was entirely isolated, he

had a more favourable opportunity than might ever occur again for

destroying that city. The dates of this war seem to prove that it was

begun more out of ill-temper than as a consequent of any definite

plan; for the peace was ratified in Lacedæmon with the other cities on

the fourteenth of the month Skirophorion; and on the fifth of the next

month, Hekatombæon, only twenty days afterwards, the Spartans were

defeated at Leuktra. A thousand Lacedæmonians perished, among them

Kleombrotus the king, and with him the flower of the best families in

Sparta. There fell also the handsome son of Sphodrias, Kleonymus, who

fought before the king, and was thrice struck to the ground and rose

again before he was slain by the Thebans.

XXIX. In spite of the unparalleled disaster which had befallen the

Lacedæmonians, for the Theban victory was the most complete ever won

by one Greek state over another, the courage of the vanquished is

nevertheless as much to be admired as that of the victors. Xenophon

remarks that the conversation of good and brave men, even when jesting

or sitting at table, is always worth remembering, and it is much more

valuable to observe how nobly all really brave and worthy men bear

themselves when in sorrow and misfortune. When the news of the defeat

at Leuktra arrived at Sparta, the city was celebrating the festival of

the Gymnopædia, and the chorus of grown men was going through its

usual solemnity in the theatre. The Ephors, although the news clearly

proved that all was lost and the state utterly ruined, yet would not

permit the chorus to abridge its performance, and forbade the city to

throw off its festal appearance. They privately communicated the names

of the slain to their relatives, but they themselves calmly continued

to preside over the contest of the choruses in the theatre, and

brought the festival to a close as though nothing unusual had

occurred. Next morning, when all men knew who had fallen and who had

survived, one might see those whose relations had been slain, walking

about in public with bright and cheerful countenances: but of those

whose relatives survived, scarce one showed himself in public, but

they sat at home with the women, as if mourning for the dead; or if

any one of them was forced to come forth, he looked mournful and

humbled, and walked with cast-down eyes. Yet more admirable was the

conduct of the women, for one might see mothers receiving their sons

who had survived the battle with silence and sorrow, while those whose

children had fallen proceeded to the temples to return thanks to the

gods, and walked about the city with a proud and cheerful demeanour.

XXX. Yet, when their allies deserted them, and when the victorious

Epameinondas, excited by his success, was expected to invade

Peloponnesus, many Spartans remembered the oracle about the lameness

of Agesilaus, and were greatly disheartened and cast down, fearing

that they had incurred the anger of Heaven, and that the misfortunes

of the city were due to their own conduct in having excluded the sound

man from the throne, and chosen the lame one; the very thing which the

oracle had bidden them beware of doing. Nevertheless, Agesilaus was so

powerful in the state, and so renowned for wisdom and courage, that

they gladly made use of him as their leader in the war, and also

employed him to settle a certain constitutional difficulty which arose

about the political rights of the survivors of the battle. They were

unwilling to disfranchise all these men, who were so numerous and

powerful, because they feared that if so they would raise a revolution

in the city. For the usual rule at Sparta about those who survive a

defeat is, that they are incapable of holding any office in the state;

nor will any one give them his daughter in marriage; but all who meet

them strike them, and treat them with contempt. They hang about the

city in a squalid and degraded condition, wearing a cloak patched with

pieces of a different colour, and they shave one half of their beards,

and let the other half grow. Now, at the present crisis it was thought

that to reduce so many citizens to this condition, especially when the

state sorely required soldiers, would be an absurd proceeding; and

consequently, Agesilaus was appointed lawgiver, to decide upon what

was to be done. He neither altered the laws, nor proposed any new

ones, but laid down his office of lawgiver at once, with the remark,

that the laws must be allowed to sleep for that one day, and

afterwards resume their force. By this means he both preserved the

laws, retained the services of the citizens for the state, and saved

them from infamy. With the intention of cheering up the young men, and

enabling them to shake off their excessive despondency, he led an army

into Arcadia. He was careful to avoid a battle, but captured a small

fort belonging to the people of Mantinea, and overran their territory;

thus greatly raising the spirits of the Spartans, who began to pluck

up courage, and regard their city as not altogether ruined.

XXXI. After this, Epameinondas invaded Laconia with the army of the

Thebans and their allies, amounting in all to no less than forty

thousand heavy-armed soldiers. Many light troops and marauders

accompanied this body, so that the whole force which entered Laconia

amounted in all to seventy thousand men. This took place not less than

six hundred years after the Dorians had settled in Lacedæmon; and

through all that time these were the first enemies which the country

had seen; for no one before this had dared to invade it. Now, however,

the Thebans ravaged the whole district with fire and sword, and no one

came out to resist them, for Agesilaus would not allow the

Lacedæmonians to fight against what Theopompus calls 'such a heady

torrent of war,' but contented himself with guarding the most

important parts of the city itself, disregarding the boastful threats

of the Thebans, who called upon him by name to come out and fight for

his country, since he was the cause of all its misfortunes, because he

had begun the war.

Agesilaus was also distracted by the disorderly and excited state of

the city itself, for the old men were in an agony of grief,

resentment, and wounded honour, while the women could not be kept

quiet, but were wrought to frenzy, by hearing the cries of the enemy,

and seeing the fires which they lighted. He also suffered much at the

thought of his own dishonour; for when he had ascended the throne,

Sparta was the greatest and most powerful city in Greece, and now he

beheld her shorn of all her glories, and his favourite boast, that no

Laconian woman had ever seen the smoke of an enemy's fire rendered

signally untrue. We are told that when some Athenian was disputing

with Antalkidas about the bravery of their respective nations, and

saying, "We have often chased you away from the Kephissus," Antalkidas

answered, "Yes, but we have never had to chase you away from the

Eurotas." This is like the answer made by some Spartan of less

distinction to an Argive, who said, "Many of you Spartans lie buried

in Argive soil," to which he replied, "But none of you are buried in

Laconia."

XXXII. We are told at this time Antalkidas was one of the Ephors, and

became so much alarmed that he sent his family away to the island of

Kythera. Agesilaus, when the enemy attempted to cross the river and

force their way into the city, abandoned most part of it, and drew up

his forces on the high hills in the centre. At that time the river

Eurotas was in high flood, as much snow had fallen, and the excessive

cold of the water, as well as the strength of the stream, rendered it

hard for the Thebans to cross. Epameinondas marched first, in the

front rank of the phalanx; and some of those who were present pointed

him out to Agesilaus, who is said to have gazed long at him, saying

merely, "O thou man of great deeds."

Epameinondas was eager to assault the city itself, and to place a

trophy of victory in its streets; but as he could not draw Agesilaus

into a battle, he drew off his forces, and again laid waste the

country. Meanwhile, in Lacedæmon itself, a body of two hundred men, of

doubtful fidelity, seized the Issorium, where the temple of Artemis

stands, which is a strong and easily defensible post. The

Lacedæmonians at once wished to attack them, but Agesilaus, fearing

that some deep-laid conspiracy might break out, ordered them to remain

quiet. He himself, dressed simply in his cloak, unarmed, and attended

only by one slave, went up to the two hundred, and, in a loud voice,

told them that they had mistaken their orders; that they had not been

ordered to go thither, nor yet to go all together in a body, but that

some were to be posted _there_, pointing to some other place, and the

rest elsewhere in the city. They, hearing his commands, were

delighted, imagining that their treason was undiscovered, and

immediately marched to the places which he indicated. Agesilaus at

once occupied the Issorium with troops which he could trust, and in

the ensuing night seized and put to death fifteen of the leaders of

the two hundred. Another more important conspiracy was betrayed to

him, whose members, full Spartan citizens, were met together in one

house to arrange revolutionary schemes. At such a crisis it was

equally impossible to bring these men to a regular trial, and to allow

them to carry on their intrigues. Agesilaus therefore, after taking

the Ephors into his confidence, put them all to death untried, though

before that time no Spartan had ever been executed without a trial.

As many of the Periœki and helots who had been entrusted with arms

escaped out of the city and deserted to the enemy, which greatly

disheartened the Spartans, he ordered his servants to visit the

quarters of these soldiers at daybreak every morning, and wherever any

one was gone, to hide his arms, so that the number of deserters might

not be known.

We are told by some historians that the Thebans left Laconia because

the weather became stormy, and their Arcadian allies began to melt

away from them. Others say that they spent three entire months in the

country, and laid nearly all of it waste. Theopompus relates that when

the Bœotarchs had decided to leave the country, Phrixus, a Spartan,

came from Agesilaus and offered them ten talents to be gone, thus

paying them for doing what they had long before determined to do of

their own accord.

XXXIII. I cannot tell, however, how it was that Theopompus discovered

this fact, and that no other historian mentions it. All writers agree,

nevertheless, in declaring that at this crisis Sparta was saved by

Agesilaus, who proved himself superior to party-spirit and desire of

personal distinction, and steadily refused to risk an engagement. Yet

he never was able to restore the city to the glorious and powerful

condition which it had previously held, for Sparta, like an athlete

who has been carefully trained throughout his life, suddenly broke

down, and never recovered her former strength and prosperity. It is

very natural that this should have happened, for the Spartan

constitution was an excellent one for promoting courage, good order,

and peace within the city itself; but when Sparta became the head of a

great empire to be maintained by the sword, which Lykurgus would have

thought a totally useless appendage to a well-governed and prosperous

city, it utterly failed.

Agesilaus was now too old for active service in the field, but his

son, Archidamus, with some Sicilian mercenary troops which had been

sent to the aid of the Spartans by the despot Dionysius, defeated the

Arcadians in what was known as the 'Tearless Battle,' where he did not

lose one of his own men, but slew many of the enemy. This battle

strikingly proved the weakness of the city, for in former times the

Spartans used to regard it as such a natural and commonplace event for

them to conquer their enemies, that they only sacrificed a cock to the

gods, while those who had won a victory never boasted of it, and those

who heard of it expressed no extravagant delight at the news. When the

Ephors heard of the battle at Mantinea, which is mentioned by

Thucydides in his history, they gave the messenger who brought the

tidings a piece of meat from the public dining-table, as a present for

his good news, and nothing more. But now, when the news of this battle

reached Sparta, and Archidamus marched triumphantly into the town, all

their accustomed reserve broke down. His father was the first to meet

him, weeping for joy. After him came the senate, and the elders and

women flocked down to the river side, holding up their hands to heaven

and giving thanks to the gods for having put away the undeserved

reproach of Sparta, and having once more allowed her to raise her

head. It is said, indeed, that the Spartans before this battle were so

much ashamed of themselves, that they dared not even look their wives

in the face.

XXXIV. The independence of Messenia had been restored by Epameinondas,

and its former citizens collected together from all quarters of

Greece. The Lacedæmonians dared not openly attack these men, but they

felt angry with Agesilaus, because during his reign they had lost so

fine a country, as large as Laconia itself, and as fertile as any part

of Greece, after having enjoyed the possession of it for so many

years. For this reason Agesilaus refused to accept the terms of peace

offered by the Thebans. He was so unwilling to give up his nominal

claim to Messenia, although he had practically lost that country, that

instead of recovering it he very nearly lost Sparta as well, as he was

out-manœuvred by Epameinondas. This happened in the following manner.

The people of Mantinea revolted from the Thebans, and solicited aid

from the Lacedæmonians. When Epameinondas heard that Agesilaus was

marching thither at the head of an army, he eluded the Mantineans by a

night march from Tegea, invaded the Lacedæmonium territory, and very

nearly succeeded in avoiding the army of Agesilaus and catching Sparta

defenceless. However, Euthynus of Thespiæ, according to Kallisthenes,

or, according to Xenophon, a certain Cretan warned Agesilaus of his

danger, upon which he at once sent a mounted messenger to the city

with the news, and shortly afterwards marched thither himself. Soon

the Thebans appeared, crossed the Eurotas, and assaulted the city with

great fury, while Agesilaus, old as he was, defended it with all the

spirit and energy of youth. He did not, as on the former occasion,

consider that caution would be of any service, but perceived that

reckless daring alone could save Sparta. And by incredible daring he

did then snatch the city from the grasp of Epameinondas, and set up a

trophy of victory, having afforded to the women and children the

glorious spectacle of the men of Lacedæmon doing their duty on behalf

of the country which reared them. There, too, might Archidamus be seen

in the thick of the fight, displaying the courage of a man, and the

swiftness of a youth, as he ran to each point where the Spartans

seemed likely to give way, and everywhere with a few followers

resisted a multitude of the enemy. I think, however, that Isidas, the

son of Phœbidas, must have been most admired both by his own

countrymen and even by the enemy. He was remarkably tall and handsome,

and was just of the age when boyhood merges into manhood. Naked,

without either clothes or armour, having just been anointing himself

at home, he rushed out of his house, with a sword in one hand and a

spear in the other, ran through the front ranks, and plunged among the

enemy, striking down all who opposed him. He received not a single

wound, either because the gods admired his bravery and protected him,

or else because he appeared to his foes to be something more than man.

After this exploit we are told that the Ephors crowned him for his

bravery, and fined him a thousand drachmas for having fought without

his shield.

XXXV. A few days afterwards was fought the battle of Mantinea, where,

just as Epameinondas was carrying all before him and urging his troops

to pursue, Antikrates the Lacedæmonium met him and wounded him,

according to Dioskorides with a spear, while the Lacedæmonians to this

day call the descendants of Antikrates Machairones, that is, children

of the sword, as though he struck him with a sword. Indeed, they

regarded Antikrates with such a love and admiration, because of the

terror which Epameinondas had struck into their hearts while he was

alive, that they decreed especial honours and presents to be bestowed

upon him, and granted to his descendants an immunity from taxes and

public burdens which is enjoyed at the present day by Kallikrates, one

of the descendants of Antikrates.

After this battle and the death of Epameinondas the Greek states made

peace between one another. When, however, all the other states were

swearing to observe the peace, Agesilaus objected to the Messenians,

men, he said, without a city, swearing any such oath. The rest,

however, raised no objections to the oath of the Messenians, and the

Lacedæmonians upon this refused to take any part in the proceedings,

so that they alone remained at war, because they hoped to recover the

territory of Messenia. Agesilaus was thought an obstinate and headlong

man, and insatiable of war, because he took such pains to undermine

the general peace, and to keep Sparta at war at a time when he was in

such distress for money to carry it on, that he was obliged to borrow

from his personal friends and to get up subscriptions among the

citizens, and when he had much better have allowed the state some

repose and watched for a suitable opportunity to regain the country;

instead of which, although he had lost so great an empire by sea and

land, he yet insisted on continuing his frantic and fruitless efforts

to reconquer the paltry territory of Messenia.

XXXVI. He still further tarnished his glory by taking service under

the Egyptian Tachos. It was thought unworthy of a man who had proved

himself the bravest and best soldier in Greece, and who had filled all

the inhabited world with his fame, to hire himself out to a barbarian

rebel, and make a profit of his great name and military reputation,

just like any vulgar captain of mercenaries. If, when more than eighty

years old, and almost crippled by honourable wounds, he had again

placed himself at the head of a glorious crusade against the Persian

on behalf of the liberties of Greece, all men would have admired his

spirit, but even then would not entirely have approved of the

undertaking; for to make an action noble, time and place must be

fitting, since it is this alone that decides whether an action be good

or bad. Agesilaus, however, cared nothing for his reputation, and

considered that no service undertaken for the good of his country

would be dishonourable or unworthy of him, but thought it much more

unworthy and dishonourable to sit uselessly waiting for death at home.

He raised a body of mercenary troops with the money furnished by

Tachos, and set sail, accompanied, as in his former expedition, by

thirty Spartan counsellors.

When he landed in Egypt, the chief generals and ministers of King

Tachos at once came to pay their court to him. The other Egyptians

also eagerly crowded to see Agesilaus, of whom they had heard so much.

When, however, they saw only a little deformed old man, in mean

attire, sitting on the grass, they began to ridicule him, and

contemptuously to allude to the proverb of the mountain in labour,

which brought forth a mouse. They were even more astonished when, of

the presents offered to him, he accepted flour, calves, and geese, but

refused to receive dried fruits, pastry, and perfumes. When greatly

pressed to accept of these things, he ordered them to be given to the

helots. Yet we are told by Theophrastes that he was much pleased with

the flowering papyrus, of which garlands are made, because of its neat

and clean appearance, and he begged for and received some of this

plant from the king when he left Egypt.

XXXVII. When he joined Tachos, who was engaged in preparing his forces

for a campaign, he was disappointed in not receiving the chief

command, but being merely appointed to lead the mercenary troops,

while Chabrias the Athenian was in command of the fleet, Tachos

himself acting as commander-in-chief. This was the first vexatious

circumstance which occurred to Agesilaus; and soon he began to feel

great annoyance at the vainglorious swaggering tone of the Egyptian

king, which nevertheless he was obliged to endure throughout the whole

of a naval expedition which they undertook against the Phœnicians,

during which he suppressed his feelings of disgust as well as he could

until at last he had an opportunity of showing them. Nektanebis, the

cousin of Tachos, and the commander of a large portion of his force,

revolted, and caused himself to be proclaimed King of Egypt. He at

once sent to Agesilaus begging for his assistance, and he also made

the same proposals to Chabrias, offering them great rewards if they

would join him.

Tachos, hearing of this, also began to supplicate them to stand by

him, and Chabrias besought Agesilaus to remain in the service of

Tachos, and to act as his friend. To this, however, Agesilaus

answered, "You, Chabrias, have come here on your own responsibility,

and are able to act as you please. I was given by Sparta to the

Egyptians as their general. It would not become me, therefore, to make

war against those whom I was sent to aid, unless my country orders me

to do so." After expressing himself thus, he sent messengers to

Sparta, with instructions to depreciate Tachos, and to praise

Nektanebis. Both these princes also sent embassies to the

Lacedæmonians, the one begging for aid as their old friend and ally,

the other making large promises of future good-will towards them.

After hearing both sides, the Spartans publicly answered the

Egyptians, that Agesilaus would decide between them, and they sent

him a private despatch, bidding him to do what was best for Sparta.

Hereupon Agesilaus and the mercenaries left Tachos, and joined

Nektanebis, making the interests of his country the pretext for his

extraordinary conduct, which we can hardly call anything better than

treachery. However, the Lacedæmonians regard that course as the most

honourable which is the most advantageous to their country, and know

nothing of right or wrong, but only how to make Sparta great.

XXXVIII. Tachos, deserted by the mercenaries, now fled for his life;

but another claimant of the throne arose in the district of Mendes,

and made war against Nektanebis with an army of one hundred thousand

men. Nektanebis, in his talk with Agesilaus, spoke very confidently

about this force, saying that they were indeed very numerous, but a

mere mixed multitude of rustic recruits, whom he could afford to

despise. To these remarks Agesilaus answered, "It is not their

numbers, but their ignorance which I fear, lest we should be unable to

deceive them. Stratagems in war consist in unexpectedly falling upon

men who are expecting an attack from some other quarter, but a man who

expects nothing gives his enemy no opportunity to take him unawares,

just as in wrestling one cannot throw one's adversary if he stands

still."

The Mendesian soon began to intrigue with Agesilaus, and Nektanebis

feared much that he might succeed in detaching him from himself.

Consequently, when Agesilaus advised him to fight as soon as possible,

and not prolong the war against men who were indeed inexperienced in

battle, but who were able, from their enormous numbers, to raise vast

entrenchments and surround him on every side, he took the exactly

opposite course, and retired to a strongly fortified city, of great

extent, viewing Agesilaus with suspicion and fear. Agesilaus was

grieved at this, but, feeling ashamed to change sides a second time

and so completely fail in his mission, he followed Nektanebis into his

fortress.

XXXIX. When the enemy advanced and began to build a wall round the

city, Nektanebis, fearing the consequences of a siege, was eager to

fight, as were also the Greeks, for they were very short of

provisions. Agesilaus, however, opposed this design, for which he was

heartily abused by the Egyptians, who called him a traitor and the

betrayer of their king. He paid but little attention to their

slanders, but watched for an opportunity to effect the project which

he had conceived. This was as follows:--The enemy were digging a

trench round the city, with the intention of completely isolating the

garrison and starving it out. When then the two ends of this trench,

which was to surround the city, had nearly met, Agesilaus towards

evening ordered the Greeks to get under arms, and, proceeding to

Nektanebis, said, "Young man, this is our opportunity. I would not say

anything about it before, lest the secret should be divulged. But now

the enemy themselves have secured our position by digging this

enormous trench; for the part of it which is completed will keep off

their superior numbers from us, while upon the ground which still

remains unbroken we can fight them on equal terms. Come now, prove

yourself a man of courage, charge bravely with us, and save both

yourself and your army. Those of the enemy whom we first attack will

not be able to resist our onset, and the rest will not be able to

reach us because of the trench."

Nektanebis was surprised at the ingenuity of Agesilaus, placed himself

in the midst of the Greeks, and charging with them gained an easy

victory. Having once established an ascendancy over the mind of

Nektanebis, Agesilaus now proceeded to use the same trick again with

the enemy. By alternately retreating and advancing he led them on

until he had enticed them into a place between two deep canals. Here

he at once formed his troops on a front equal to the space between the

canals, and charged the enemy, who were unable to use their numbers to

outflank and surround him. After a short resistance they fled. Many

were slain, and the rest completely dispersed.

XL. This victory secured the throne of Egypt for Nektanebis. He now

showed great esteem for Agesilaus, and begged him to remain in Egypt

during the winter. Agesilaus, however, was anxious to return home and

assist in the war which was going on there, as he knew that Sparta was

in great want of money, and was paying a force of mercenary troops.

Nektanebis escorted him out of the country with great honour, giving

him many presents, and the sum of two hundred and thirty talents of

silver to be used in meeting the expenses of the war. As it was

winter, and stormy weather, Agesilaus did not venture to cross the

open sea, but coasted along the shores of Libya, as far as a desert

spot known as the Harbour of Menelaus, where he died, in the

eighty-fourth year of his age, and having been king of Sparta for

forty-one years, during thirty of which he was the greatest and most

powerful man in Greece, having been looked upon as all but the king of

the whole country, up to the time of the battle of Leuktra.

It was the Spartan custom, in the case of citizens who died in foreign

countries, to pay them the last rites wherever they might be, but to

take home the remains of their kings. Consequently the Spartan

counsellors enveloped the body in melted wax, as they could not obtain

honey, and took it home to Lacedæmon.

Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, succeeded him on the throne, and his

posterity continued to reign until Agis, the fifth in descent from

Agesilaus, was murdered by Leonidas, because he endeavoured to restore

the ancient discipline of Sparta.

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