I. It is perhaps not a matter of surprise, if in the lapse of time,
which is unlimited, while fortune[101] is continually changing her
course, spontaneity should often result in the same incidents; for, if
the number of elemental things is not limited, fortune has in the
abundance of material a bountiful supply of sameness of results; and,
if things are implicated in a dependence upon definite numbers, it is
of necessity that the same things must often happen, being effected by
the same means. Now, as some are pleased to collect, by inquiry and
hearsay, from among the things which accidentally happen, such as
bear some likeness to the works of calculation and forethought: such,
for instance, as that there were two celebrated Atteis,[102] the one a
Syrian and the other an Arcadian, and that both were killed by a wild
boar; that there were two Actæons, one of whom was torn in pieces by
his dogs and the other by his lovers; that there were two
Scipios,[103] by one of whom the Carthaginians were first conquered,
and by the other were cut up root and branch; that Troy was taken by
Hercules, on account of the horses of Laomedon, and by Agamemnon by
means of the wooden horse, as it is called, and was taken a third time
by Charidemus, by reason of the Ilians not being able to close the
gates quick enough, owing to a horse having got between them; that
there are two cities which have the same name with the most fragrant
of plants, Ios[104] and Smyrna, and that Homer was born in one of them
and died in the other: I may be allowed to add to these instances,
that the most warlike of commanders and those who have accomplished
most by a union of daring and cunning, have been one-eyed men,
Philippus,[105] Antigonus, Annibal, and the subject of this
Life--Sertorius; he whom one may affirm to have been more continent as
to women than Philip, more true to his friends than Antigonus, more
merciful to his enemies than Annibal,[106] inferior in understanding
to none of them, but in fortune inferior to all; and, though he always
found Fortune more hard to deal with than his open enemies, yet he
proved himself her equal by opposing the experience of Metellus, the
daring of Pompeius, the fortune of Sulla, and the power of the whole
Roman state; a fugitive and a stranger putting himself at the head of
barbarians. Of all the Greeks, Eumenes[107] of Kardia presents the
nearest resemblance to him. Both of them were men qualified to
command; both were warlike, and yet full of stratagem; both became
exiles from their native land and the commanders of foreign troops;
and both had the same violent and unjust fortune in their end, for
both of them were the objects of conspiracy, and were cut off by the
hands of those with whom they were victorious over their enemies.
II. Quintus Sertorius belonged to a family not among the meanest in
Nussa,[108] a Sabine city. He was carefully brought up by a widowed
mother, for he had lost his father, and he appears to have been
exceedingly attached to her. His mother's name, they say, was Rhea. He
had a competent practical education in the courts of justice, and, as
a young man, he attained some influence in the city by his eloquence.
But his reputation and success in war diverted all his ambition in
that direction.
III. Now, first of all, after the Cimbri and Teutones had invaded
Gaul, he was serving under Cæpio[109] at the time when the Romans were
defeated and put to flight; and, though he lost his horse and was
wounded in the body, he crossed the Rhone swimming in his cuirass and
with his shield against the powerful stream--so strong was his body
and disciplined by exercise. On a second occasion, when the same
barbarians were advancing with many thousand men and dreadful threats,
so that for a Roman to stand to his ranks at such a time, and to obey
his general, was a great matter, Marius had the command, and Sertorius
undertook to be a spy upon the enemy. Putting on a Celtic dress, and
making himself master of the most ordinary expressions of the
language, for the purpose of conversation when occasion might offer,
he mingled with the barbarians, and, either by his own eyes or by
inquiry, learning all that was important to know, he returned to
Marius. For this he obtained the prize of merit; and in the rest of
the campaign, having given many proofs of his judgment and daring, he
was honoured and trusted by his general. After the close of the war
with the Cimbri and Teutones, he was sent as tribune by Didius[110]
the prætor to Iberia, and he wintered in Castlo,[111] a city of the
Celtiberi. The soldiers, being in the midst of abundance, lost all
discipline, and were generally drunk, which brought them into contempt
with the barbarians, who, by night, sent for aid from their neighbours
the Gyrisœni, and, coming on the soldiers in their lodgings, began to
slaughter them. Sertorius with a few others stole out, and, collecting
the soldiers who made their escape, surrounded the city. Finding the
gates open through which the barbarians had secretly entered, he did
not make the same mistake that they did, but he set a watch there,
and, hemming in the city on all sides, he massacred every man who was
of age to bear arms. When the massacre was over, he ordered all his
soldiers to lay down their own armour and dress, and, putting on those
of the barbarians, to follow him to the city from which the men came
who had fallen on them in the night. The barbarians were deceived by
the armour, and he found the gates open, and a number of men expecting
to meet friends and fellow-citizens, returning from a successful
expedition. Accordingly, most of them were killed by the Romans near
the gates, and the rest surrendered and were sold as slaves.
IV. This made the name of Sertorius known in Iberia; and as soon as he
returned to Rome he was appointed quæstor in Gaul upon the Padus at a
critical time; for the Marsic[112] war was threatening. Being
commissioned to levy troops and procure arms, he applied so much zeal
and expedition to the work, compared with the tardiness and indolence
of the other young men, that he got the reputation of being a man
likely to run an active career. Yet he remitted nothing of the daring
of a soldier after he was promoted to the rank of commander; but he
exhibited wonderful feats of courage, and exposed himself without any
reserve to danger, whereby he lost one of his eyes through a wound.
But he always prided himself on this. He used to say that others did
not always carry about with them the proofs of their valour, but put
them aside, at times, as chains and spears, and crowns, while the
proofs of his valour always abided with him, and those who saw what he
had lost saw at the same time the evidences of his courage. The people
also showed him appropriate marks of respect; for, on his entering the
theatre, they received him with clapping of hands and expressions of
their good wishes--testimonials which even those who were far advanced
in age, and high in rank, could with difficulty obtain. However, when
he was a candidate for the tribuneship, Sulla raised a party against
him, and he failed; and this was, apparently, the reason why he hated
Sulla. But when Marius was overpowered by Sulla and fled from Rome,
and Sulla had set out to fight with Mithridates, and the consul
Octavius adhered to the party of Sulla, while his colleague Cinna, who
aimed at a revolution, revived the drooping faction of Marius,
Sertorius attached himself to Cinna, especially as he saw that
Octavius was deficient in activity, and he distrusted the friends of
Marius. A great battle was fought in the Forum between the consuls, in
which Octavius got the victory, and Cinna and Sertorius took to
flight, having lost nearly ten thousand men. However, they persuaded
most of the troops, which were still scattered about Italy, to come
over to their side, and they were soon a match for Octavius.
V. When Marius had returned from Libya, and was proposing to join
Cinna, himself in a mere private capacity and Cinna as consul, all the
rest thought it politic to receive him; but Sertorius was against it:
whether it was because he thought that Cinna would pay less respect to
him when a general of higher reputation was present, or because he
feared the ferocious temper of Marius, and that he would put all in
confusion in his passion, which knew no bounds, transgressing the
limits of justice in the midst of victory. However this may be,
Sertorius observed that there remained little for them to do, as they
were now triumphant; but if they received the proposal of Marius, he
would appropriate to himself all the glory and all the troops, being a
man who could endure no partner in power, and who was devoid of good
faith. Cinna replied that what Sertorius suggested was true, but he
felt ashamed and had a difficulty about refusing to receive Marius,
after having invited him to join their party; whereupon Sertorius
rejoined: "For my part, I thought that Marius had come to Italy on his
own adventure, and I was merely considering what was best; but it was
not honourable in you to make the thing a matter of deliberation at
all after the arrival of the man whom you had thought proper to
invite, but you ought to have employed him and received him; for a
promise leaves no room for any further consideration." Accordingly
Cinna sent for Marius, and the forces being distributed among them,
the three had the command. The war being finished, Cinna and Marius
were filled with violence and bitterness, so that they made the evils
of war as precious gold to the Romans, compared with the new state of
affairs. Sertorius alone is said to have put no person to death to
gratify his vengeance, nor to have abused his power; but he was much
annoyed at the conduct of Marius, and he moderated Cinna by private
interviews and entreaties. At last, the slaves whom Marius had used as
allies in war, and kept as guards to protect his tyranny, becoming
formidable and wealthy, partly from the grants of Marius and his
direct permission; partly from their violent and outrageous treatment
of their masters, whom they butchered, and then lay with their
masters' wives, and violated their children, Sertorius unable to
endure any longer, speared the whole of them in their camp, to the
number of four thousand.[113] VI. But when Marius[114] had died, and
Cinna shortly after was cut off, and the younger Marius, contrary to
the wish of Sertorius, and by illegal means, obtained the consulship,
and the Carbos and the Norbani and Scipios were unsuccessfully
contending against Sulla on his march to Rome, and affairs were being
ruined, partly through the cowardice and laziness of the commanders,
and partly through treachery; and there was no use in his staying to
see things still go on badly, owing to the want of judgment in those
who had more power than himself; and finally, when Sulla, after
encamping near Scipio, and holding out friendly proposals, as if peace
was going to be made, had corrupted the army, though Sertorius had
warned Scipio of this, and given his advice, but without
effect--altogether despairing about the city, Sertorius set out for
Iberia, in order that if he should anticipate his enemies in
strengthening his power there, he might offer protection to such of
his friends as were unfortunate at Rome. Sertorius, having fallen in
with bad weather in the mountainous parts, was required by the
barbarians to pay them a tribute, and to purchase a free passage. His
companions were much incensed at this, and declared it to be a great
degradation for a Roman proconsul[115] to pay a tribute to wretched
barbarians; but Sertorius cared little for what they considered
disgrace, and he said that he was buying time, the rarest of things
for a man who was aiming at great objects: and so he pacified the
barbarians with money, and hurrying into Iberia, got possession of the
country. He there found nations strong in numbers and fighting men,
but owing to the greediness and tyranny of the governors who had from
time to time been sent among them, ill-disposed to the Roman
administration in general; however, he regained the good will of the
chiefs by his personal intercourse with them, and the favour of the
mass by remission of taxes. But he got most popularity by relieving
the people from having soldiers quartered on them; for he compelled
the soldiers to fix their winter tents in the suburbs of the towns,
and he was the first to set the example. However, Sertorius did not
depend altogether on the attachment of the barbarians, but he armed
all the Roman settlers in Iberia who were able to bear arms, and by
commencing the construction of all kinds of military engines and
building ships he kept the cities in check; showing himself mild in
all the affairs of civil administration, but formidable by his
preparations against the enemy.
VII. Hearing that Sulla was master of Rome,[116] and that the party of
Marius and Carbo was on the wane, and being in immediate expectation
of an army coming to fight against him under some commander, he sent
Julius Salinator to occupy the passes of the Pyrenees, with six
thousand heavy armed soldiers. Shortly after this, Caius Annius[117]
was sent from Rome by Sulla; but, seeing that the position of Julius
could not be attacked, he was perplexed, and seated himself at the
base of the mountains. But one Calpurnius, named Lanarius,
assassinated Julius, on which the soldiers left the summits of the
Pyrenees, and Annius, crossing the mountains, advanced with a large
force and drove all before him. Sertorius, being unable to oppose him,
fled with three thousand men to New Carthage,[118] and there embarking
and crossing the sea, landed in Mauritania, in Libya. His soldiers,
while getting water without due precautions, were fallen upon by the
barbarians, and many of them were killed, upon which Sertorius sailed
again for Iberia. He was, however, driven off the coast, and, being
joined by some Cilician piratical vessels,[119] he attacked the
island of Pityussa,[120] and landing there drove out the garrison of
Annius. Annius soon arrived with a large fleet and five thousand heavy
armed men, and Sertorius ventured on a naval battle with him, though
his vessels were light and built for quick sailing and not for
fighting; but the sea was disturbed by a strong west wind, which drove
most of the vessels of Sertorius upon the reefs, owing to their
lightness, and Sertorius, with a few ships, could not get out to sea
by reason of the wind, nor land on account of the enemy, and being
tossed about for ten days, with the wind and a violent sea against
him, he held out with great difficulty.
VIII. As the wind abated he set sail, and put in at some scattered
islands, which had no water. Leaving them, and passing through the
Straits of Gades,[121] he touched at those parts of Iberia on the
right which lie out of the strait, a little beyond the mouths of the
Bætis,[122] which flows into the Atlantic Sea,[123] and has given name
to those parts of Iberia which lie about it. There he fell in with
some sailors, who had returned from a voyage to the Atlantic[124]
Islands, which are two in number, separated by a very narrow channel,
and ten thousand stadia from the coast of Libya, and are called the
islands of the Happy. These islands have only moderate rains, but
generally they enjoy gentle breezes, which bring dews; they have a
rich and fertile soil, adapted for arable cultivation and planting;
they also produce fruit spontaneously, sufficient in quantity and
quality to maintain, without labour and trouble, a population at their
ease. The air of the island is agreeable, owing to the temperature of
the seasons, and the slightness of the changes; for the winds which
blow from our part of the world from the north and east, owing to the
great distance, fall upon a boundless space, and are dispersed and
fail before they reach these islands; but the winds which blow round
them from the ocean, the south and west, bring soft rains at
intervals, from the sea, but in general they gently cool the island
with moist clear weather, and nourish the plants; so that a firm
persuasion has reached the barbarians that here are the Elysian Plains
and the abode of the Happy which Homer[125] has celebrated in song.
IX. Sertorius, hearing this description, was seized with a strong
desire to dwell in the islands, and to live in quiet, free from
tyranny and never-ending wars. The Cilicians, who did not want peace
and leisure, but wealth and spoil, observing this inclination, sailed
off to Africa, to restore Ascalis, the son of Iphtha, to the Moorish
kingdom.[126] Sertorius, however, did not despond, but he determined
to help those who were fighting against Ascalis, in order that his
companions, by getting some renewal of hope and opportunity for other
deeds, might not disperse through their difficulties. The Moors were
well pleased at his arrival, and Sertorius setting himself to work
defeated Ascalis, and besieged him. Sulla sent Paccianus to help
Ascalis, but Sertorius engaging him with his forces killed Paccianus,
and after his victory brought over the army and took Tigennis, to
which Ascalis and his brother had fled. It is here that the Libyans
say Antæus[127] is buried. Sertorius dug into the mound, as he did not
believe what the barbarians said, so enormous was the size. But,
finding the body there, sixty cubits in length, as they say, he was
confounded, and, after making a sacrifice, he piled up the earth, and
added to the repute and fame of the monument. The people of Tigennis
have a mythus, that, on the death of Antæus his wife Tinge cohabited
with Hercules, that Sophax was the issue of their connexion, and
became king of the country, and named a city after his mother; they
further say that Sophax had a son, Diodorus, whom many of the Libyan
nations submitted to, as he had a Greek army of Olbiani and Mycenæi,
who were settled in those parts by Hercules. But this may be
considered as so much flattery to Juba,[128] of all kings the most
devoted to historical inquiry; for they say that Juba's ancestors were
the descendants of Diodorus and Sophax. Sertorius, now completely
victorious, did no wrong to those who were his suppliants and trusted
to him, but he restored to them both property and cities and the
administration, receiving only what was fair and just for them to
offer.
X. While Sertorius was considering where he should betake himself to,
the Lusitani sent ambassadors to invite him to be their leader; for
they were much in want of a commander of great reputation and
experience, to oppose the formidable power of the Romans, and
Sertorius was the only man whom they would trust, as they knew his
character from those who had been about him. Now it is said that
Sertorius was a man who never yielded either to pleasure or to fear,
and while he was naturally unmoved by danger, he could bear prosperity
with moderation; in the open field he was equal to any general of his
time in enterprise, and as to all military matters that required
stealthy manœuvres, the taking advantage of strong positions and rapid
movements, and also craft and deception, he was in the moment of need
most cunning in device. In rewarding courage he was bountiful, and in
punishing for offences he was merciful. And yet, in the last part of
his life, his cruel and vindictive treatment of the hostages may be
alleged as a proof that his temper was not naturally humane, but that
he put on the appearance of mildness through calculation and as a
matter of necessity, But it is my opinion that no fortune can ever
change to the opposite character a virtue which is genuine and founded
on principle; still it is not impossible that good intentions and good
natural dispositions, when impaired by great misfortunes[129] contrary
to desert, may together with the dæmon change their habit; and this I
think was the case with Sertorius when fortune began to fail him; for
as his circumstances became unfavourable, he became harsh to those who
had done him wrong.
XI. However, he then set sail from Libya, at the invitation of the
Lusitanians,[130] and got them into fighting condition, being
immediately made commander with full powers, and he subjected the
neighbouring parts of Iberia, most of which, indeed, voluntarily
joined him, chiefly by reason of his mild treatment and his activity;
but in some cases he availed himself of cunning to beguile and win
over the people, the chief of which was in the affair of the deer,
which was after this fashion:
Spanos, a native, and one of those who lived on their lands, fell in
with a deer[131] which had just brought forth a young one and was
flying from the hunters; he missed taking the deer, but he followed
the fawn, being struck with its unusual colour (it was completely
white), and caught it. It happened that Sertorius was staying in those
parts, and when people brought him as presents anything that they had
got in hunting, or from their farms, he would readily receive it and
make a liberal return to those who showed him such attentions.
Accordingly the man brought the fawn and gave it to Sertorius, who
accepted the present. At first he took no particular pleasure in the
animal, but in course of time, when he had made it so tame and
familiar that it would come to him when he called it, accompany him in
his walks, and cared not for a crowd and all the noise of the army, by
degrees he began to give the thing a supernatural character, saying
that the fawn was a gift from Artemis (Diana), and he gave out as a
token of this that the fawn showed him many hidden things; for he knew
that it is the nature of barbarians to be easily accessible to
superstition. He also resorted to such tricks as these: whenever he
had got secret information that the enemy had invaded any part of the
country, or were attempting to draw any city away from him, he would
pretend that the deer had spoken to him in his sleep, and bid him keep
his troops in readiness; and, on the other hand, when he heard that
his generals had got a victory, he would keep the messenger concealed,
and bring forward the deer crowned with chaplets, as is usual on the
occasion of good news, and tell his men to rejoice and sacrifice to
the gods, as they would hear of some good luck.
XII. By these means he tamed the people, and had them more manageable
for all purposes, as they believed they were led, not by the counsels
of a foreigner, but by a deity, and facts also confirmed them in this
opinion, inasmuch as the power of Sertorius increased beyond all
expectation; for with the two thousand six hundred men whom he called
Romans, and four thousand Lusitanian targetiers, and seven hundred
horsemen, whom he joined to a motley band of seven hundred Libyans,
who crossed over with him to Lusitania, he fought with four Roman
generals, who had under them one hundred and twenty thousand foot
soldiers, six thousand horsemen, two thousand bowmen and slingers, and
cities innumerable, while he had only twenty cities in all under him.
But though so feeble and insignificant at first, he not only subdued
great nations, and took many cities, but of the generals who were
opposed to him he defeated Cotta[132] in a naval engagement in the
channel near Mellaria;[133] he put to flight Fufidius,[134] the
governor of Bætica, on the banks of the Bætis, with the slaughter of
two thousand of his Roman soldiers; Lucius Domitius,[135] proconsul of
the other Iberia,[136] was defeated by his quæstor; Thoranius,
another of the commanders of Metellus, who was sent with a force, he
destroyed; and on Metellus[137] himself, the greatest man among the
Romans in his day, and of the highest repute, he inflicted several
discomfitures, and brought him to such straits, that Lucius
Manlius[138] came from Narbo,[139] in Gaul, to his relief, and
Pompeius Magnus[140] was hastily despatched from Rome with an army;
for Metellus was perplexed at having to deal with a daring man, who
evaded all fighting in the open field, and could adapt himself to any
circumstances by reason of the light and easy equipment and activity
of his Iberian army; he who had been disciplined in regular battles
fought by men in full armour and commanded a heavy immovable mass of
men, who were excellently trained to thrust against their enemies,
when they came to close quarters, and to strike them down, but unable
to traverse mountains, to be kept always on the alert by the continual
pursuing and retreating of light active men, and to endure hunger like
them, and to live under the open sky without fire or tent.
XIII. Besides this, Metellus was now growing old, and after so many
great battles was somewhat inclined to an easy and luxurious mode of
life; and he was opposed to Sertorius, a man full of the vigour of
mature age, whose body was wonderfully furnished with strength,
activity, and power of endurance. He was never intoxicated with drink,
even in his seasons of relaxation, and he was accustomed to bear great
toil, long marches, and continued watchfulness, content with a little
food of the meanest quality; and, inasmuch as he was always rambling
about and hunting, when he had leisure, he became intimately
acquainted with all the spots, both impracticable and practicable,
which gave chance of escape if he had to fly, or opportunity of
hemming in an enemy if he was in pursuit. Consequently, it happened
that Metellus, being prevented from fighting, was damaged as much as
men who are beaten in battle, and Sertorius by flying had all the
advantage of the pursuer. He used to cut off the supplies of water,
and check the foraging; and when Metellus was advancing Sertorius
would get out of his way, and when he was encamped he would not let
him rest; when Metellus was occupied with a siege, Sertorius would all
at once show himself, and put Metellus in his turn in a state of
blockade, owing to the want of the necessary supplies, so that the
soldiers were quite wearied; and when Sertorius challenged Metellus to
a single combat, the men cried out and bid him fight, as it would be a
match between a general and a general, and a Roman and a Roman; and
when Metellus declined, they jeered him. But he laughed at them, and
he did right; for a general, as Theophrastus[141] said, should die the
death of a general, not that of a common targetier. Metellus
perceiving that the Langobritæ[142] assisted Sertorius in no small
degree, and that their town could easily be taken, as it was ill
supplied with water, for they had only one well in the city, and any
one who blockaded the place would be master of the streams in the
suburbs and near the walls, he advanced against the city, expecting to
finish the siege in two days, as there was no water; and accordingly
his soldiers received orders to take provisions with them for five
days only. But Sertorius quickly coming to their aid, gave orders to
fill two thousand skins with water, and he offered for each skin a
considerable sum of money. Many Iberians and Moors volunteered for the
service, and, selecting the men who were strong and light-footed, he
sent them through the mountain parts, with orders, when they had
delivered the skins to the people in the city, to bring out of the
town all the useless people, that the water might last the longer for
those who defended the place. When the news reached Metellus he was
much annoyed, for his soldiers had already consumed their provisions;
but he sent Aquinius,[143] at the head of six thousand men, to forage.
Sertorius got notice of this, and laid an ambush on the road of three
thousand men who starting up out of a bushy ravine, fell on Aquinius
as he was returning. Sertorius attacked in front and put the Romans to
flight, killing some and taking others prisoners. Aquinius returned
with the loss of both his armour and horse, and Metellus made a
disgraceful retreat amidst the jeers of the Iberians.
XIV. By such acts as these Sertorius gained the admiration and love of
the barbarians; and, by introducing among them the Roman armour, and
discipline, and signals, he took away the frantic and brutal part of
their courage, and transformed them from a huge band of robbers into
an efficient regular army. Besides, he employed gold and silver
unsparingly for the decoration of their helmets, and he ornamented
their shields, and accustomed them to the use of flowered cloaks and
tunics, and, by supplying them with money for such purposes, and
entering into a kind of honourable rivalry with them, he made himself
popular. But they were most gained by what he did for their children.
The youths of noblest birth he collected from the several nations at
Osca,[144] a large city, and set over them teachers of Greek and
Roman learning; and thus he really had them as hostages under the show
of educating them, as if he intended to give them a share in the
government and the administration when they attained to man's estate.
The fathers were wonderfully pleased at seeing their children dressed
in robes with purple borders, and going so orderly to the schools of
Sertorius, who paid for their education, and often had examinations
into their proficiency, and gave rewards to the deserving, and
presented them with golden ornaments for the neck, which the Romans
call "bullæ."[145] It was an Iberian usage for those whose station was
about the commander to die with him when he fell in battle, which the
barbarians in those parts express by a term equivalent to the Greek
"devotion."[146] Now only a few shield-bearers and companions followed
the rest of the commanders; but many thousands followed Sertorius, and
were devoted to die with him. It is said that, when the army of
Sertorius was routed near a certain city and the enemy was pressing on
them, the Iberians, careless about themselves, saved Sertorius, and,
raising him on their shoulders, every one vying with the rest helped
him to the walls; and when their general was secure they then betook
themselves to flight, each as well as he could.
XV. Sertorius was not beloved by the Iberians only, but also by the
soldiers of Italy, who served with him. When Perpenna Vento,[147] who
belonged to the same party as Sertorius, had arrived in Iberia with
much money and a large force, and had determined to carry on war
against Metellus on his own account, his soldiers were dissatisfied,
and there was much talk in the camp about Sertorius, to the great
annoyance of Perpenna, who was proud of his noble family and his
wealth. However, when the soldiers heard that Pompeius was crossing
the Pyrenees, taking their arms and pulling up the standards, they
assailed Perpenna with loud cries, and bade him lead them to
Sertorius; if he did not, they threatened to leave him, and go of
themselves to a man who was able to take care of himself and others
too. Perpenna yielded, and led them to join the troops of Sertorius,
to the number of fifty-three cohorts.
XVI. All the nations within the Iber river[148] were now joining
Sertorius at once, and he was powerful in numbers; for they were
continually flocking and crowding to him from all quarters. But he was
troubled by the loose discipline and self-confidence of the
barbarians, who called on him to attack the enemy, and were impatient
of delay, and he attempted to pacify them with reasons. Seeing,
however, that they were discontented, and were unwisely pressing him
with their demands, he let them have their way, and winked at their
engaging with the enemy, in so far as not to be completely crushed,
but to get some hard knocks, which he hoped would render them more
tractable for the future. Things turning out as he expected, Sertorius
came to their aid when they were flying, and brought them back safe to
the camp. However, as he wished also to cheer their spirits, a few
days after this adventure he had all the army assembled, and
introduced before them two horses,[149] one very weak and rather old,
the other of a large size and strong, with a tail remarkable for the
thickness and beauty of the hair. There stood by the side of the weak
horse a tall strong man, and by the side of the strong horse a little
man of mean appearance. On a signal given to them, the strong man
began to pull the tail of the horse with all his might towards him, as
if he would tear it off; the weak man began to pluck out the hairs
from the tail of the strong horse one by one. Now the strong man,
after no small labour to himself to no purpose, and causing much mirth
to the spectators, at last gave up; but the weak man in a trice, and
with no trouble, bared the tail of all its hairs. On which Sertorius
getting up, said, "You see, fellow allies, that perseverance will do
more than strength, and that many things which cannot be compassed all
at once, yield to continued efforts; for endurance is invincible, and
it is thus that time in its course assails and vanquishes every power,
being a favourable helper to those who with consideration watch the
opportunities that it offers, but the greatest of enemies to those who
hurry out of season." By contriving from time to time such means as
these for pacifying the barbarians, he managed his opportunities as he
chose.
XVII. His adventure with the people called Charicatani[150] was not
less admired than any of his military exploits. The Charicatani are a
people who live beyond the river Tagonius: they do not dwell in cities
or villages; but there is a large lofty hill, which contains caves and
hollows in the rocks, looking to the north. The whole of the country
at the foot of the hill consists of a clayey mud and of light earth,
easily broken in pieces, which is not strong enough to bear a man's
tread; and if it is only slightly touched will spread all about, like
unslaked lime or ashes. Whenever the barbarians through fear of war
hid themselves in their caves, and, collecting all their plunder there
kept quiet, they could not be taken by any force; and now, seeing
that Sertorius had retired before Metellus, and had encamped near the
hill, they despised him as being beaten, on which Sertorius, whether
in passion or not wishing to appear to be flying from the enemy, at
daybreak rode up to the place and examined it. But he found the
mountain unassailable on all sides; and while he was perplexing
himself to no purpose and uttering idle threats, he saw a great
quantity of dust from this light earth carried by the wind against the
barbarians; for the caves are turned, as I have said, to the north,
and the wind which blows from that quarter (some call it "caecias")
prevails most, and is the strongest of all the winds in those parts,
being generated in wet plains and snow-covered mountains; and at that
time particularly, it being the height of summer, it was strong, and
maintained by the melting of the ice in the sub-arctic regions, and it
blew most pleasantly both on the barbarians and their flocks, and
refreshed them. Now, Sertorius, thinking on all these things, and also
getting information from the country people, ordered his soldiers to
take up some of the light ashy earth, and bringing it right opposite
to the hill to make a heap of it there; which the barbarians thought
to be intended as a mound for the purpose of getting at them, and they
mocked him. Sertorius kept his soldiers thus employed till nightfall,
when he led them away. At daybreak a gentle breeze at first began to
blow, which stirred up the lightest part of the earth that had been
heaped together, and scattered it about like chaff; but when the
caecias began to blow strong, as the sun got higher, and the hills
were all covered with dust, the soldiers got on the heap of earth and
stirred it up to the bottom, and broke the clods; and some also rode
their horses up and down through the earth, kicking up the light
particles and raising them so as to be caught by the wind, which
receiving all the earth that was broken and stirred up, drove it
against the dwellings of the barbarians, whose doors were open to the
caecias. The barbarians, having only the single opening to breathe
through, upon which the wind fell, had their vision quickly obscured,
and they were speedily overpowered by a suffocating difficulty of
breathing, by reason of respiring a thick atmosphere filled with dust.
Accordingly, after holding out with difficulty for two days, they
surrendered on the third, and thus added not so much to the power as
to the reputation of Sertorius, who had taken by stratagem a place
that was impregnable to arms.
XVIII. Now, as long as Sertorius had to oppose Metellus, he was
generally considered to owe his success to the old age and natural
tardiness of Metellus, who was no match for a daring man, at the head
of a force more like a band of robbers than a regular army. But when
Pompeius had crossed the Pyrenees, and Sertorius had met him in the
field, and he and Pompeius had mutually offered one another every
opportunity for a display of generalship, and Sertorius had the
advantage in stratagem and caution, his fame was noised abroad as far
as Rome, and he was considered the most able general of his age in the
conduct of a war: for the reputation of Pompeius was no small one; but
at that time particularly he was enjoying the highest repute by reason
of his distinguished exploits in the cause of Sulla, for which Sulla
gave him the name of Magnus, which means Great, and Pompeius obtained
triumphal honours before he had a beard. All this made many of the
cities which were subject to Sertorius turn their eyes towards
Pompeius, and feel inclined to pass over to him; but their intentions
were checked by the loss at Lauron,[151] which happened contrary to
all expectation. Sertorius was besieging this town, when Pompeius came
with all his force to relieve it. There was a hill, well situated for
enabling an enemy to act against the place, which Sertorius made an
effort to seize, and Pompeius to prevent its being occupied. Sertorius
succeeded in getting possession of the hill, on which Pompeius made
his troops stop, and was well pleased at what had happened, thinking
that Sertorius was hemmed in between the city and his own army; and
he sent a message to the people in Lauron, bidding them be of good
cheer, and to keep to their walls and look on while Sertorius was
blockaded. Sertorius smiled when he heard of this, and said he would
teach Sulla's pupil (for so he contemptuously called Pompeius) that a
general should look behind him rather than before. As he said this he
pointed out to his men, who were thus blockaded, that there were six
thousand heavy armed soldiers, whom he had left in the encampment,
which he had quitted before he seized the hill, in order that if
Pompeius should turn against them, the soldiers in camp might attack
him in the rear. And Pompeius too saw this when it was too late, and
he did not venture to attack Sertorius for fear of being surrounded;
and though he could not for shame leave the citizens in their danger,
he was obliged to sit there and see them ruined before his eyes; for
the barbarians in despair surrendered. Sertorius spared their lives,
and let them all go; but he burnt the city, not for revenge or because
he was cruel, for of all commanders Sertorius appears to have least
given way to passion; but he did it to shame and humble the admirers
of Pompeius, and that the barbarians might say that Pompeius did not
help his allies, though he was close at hand, and all but warmed with
the flames of their city.
XIX. However, Sertorius was now sustaining several defeats, though he
always saved himself and those with him from defeat; but his losses
were occasioned by the other generals. Yet he gained more credit from
the means by which he repaired his defeats than the generals on the
other side who won the victories; an instance of which occurred in the
battle against Pompeius, on the Sucro, and another in the battle near
Tuttia,[152] against Pompeius[153] and Metellus together. Now the
battle on the Sucro is said to have been brought about by the
eagerness of Pompeius, who wished Metellus to have no share in the
victory. Sertorius, on his part, also wished to engage Pompeius before
Metellus arrived; and, drawing out his forces when the evening was
coming on, he commenced the battle, thinking that, as the enemy were
strangers and unacquainted with the ground, the darkness would be a
disadvantage to them, whether they were the pursued or the pursuers.
When the battle began, it happened that Sertorius was not engaged with
Pompeius, but with Afranius at first, who commanded the left wing of
the enemy, while Sertorius commanded his own right. But, hearing that
those who were opposed to Pompeius were giving way before his attack
and being defeated, Sertorius left the right wing to the care of other
generals, and hastened to the support of the wing that was giving way.
Bringing together the soldiers who were already flying, and those who
were still keeping their ranks, he encouraged them and made a fresh
charge upon Pompeius, who was pursuing, and put his men to the rout;
on which occasion Pompeius himself nearly lost his life, and had a
wonderful escape after being wounded. The Libyans of Sertorius seized
the horse of Pompeius, which was decked with golden ornaments and
loaded with trappings; but while they were dividing the booty and
quarrelling about it, they neglected the pursuit. As soon as Sertorius
quitted the right wing to relieve the other part of the army,
Afranius[154] put to flight his opponents and drove them to their
camp, which, he entered with the captives, it being now dark, and
began to plunder, knowing nothing of the defeat of Pompeius, and being
unable to stop his soldiers from seizing the booty. In the mean time
Sertorius returned, after defeating the enemy who were opposed to him,
and falling on the soldiers of Afranius, who were all in disorder and
consequently panic-stricken, he slaughtered many of them. In the
morning he again armed his troops and came out to fight; but observing
that Metellus was near, he broke up his order of battle, and marched
off saying, "If that old woman had not come up, I would have given
this boy a good drubbing by way of lesson, and have sent him back to
Rome."
XX. About this time Sertorius was much dispirited, because that
deer[155] of his could nowhere be found; for he was thus deprived of a
great means of cheering the barbarians, who then particularly required
consolation. It happened that some men, who were rambling about at
night for other purposes, fell in with the deer and caught it, for
they knew it by the colour. Sertorius hearing of this, promised to
give them a large sum of money if they would mention it to nobody;
and, concealing the deer for several days, he came forward with a
joyful countenance to the tribunal, and told the barbarian chiefs that
the deity prognosticated to him in his sleep some great good fortune.
He then ascended the tribunal, and transacted business with those who
applied to him. The deer being let loose by those who had charge of it
close by, and, seeing Sertorius, bounded joyfully up to the tribunal,
and, standing by him, placed its head on his knees, and touched his
right hand with its mouth, having been accustomed to do this before.
Sertorius cordially returned the caresses of the animal, and even
shed tears. The spectators were at first surprised; then clapping
their hands and shouting, they conducted Sertorius to his residence,
considering him to be a man superior to other mortals and beloved by
the gods; and they were full of good hopes.
XXI. Sertorius, who had reduced the enemy to the greatest straits in
the plains about Seguntum[156] was compelled to fight a battle with
them when they came down to plunder and forage. The battle was well
contested on both sides. Memmius, one of the most skillful of the
commanders under Pompeius, fell in the thick of the fight, and
Sertorius, who was victorious, and making a great slaughter of those
who opposed him, attempted to get at Metellus, who stood his ground
with a resolution above his years, and, while fighting bravely, was
struck by a spear. This made the Romans who were on the spot, as well
as those who heard of it, ashamed to desert their leader, and inspired
them with courage against their enemies. After covering Metellus with
their shields and rescuing him from danger, by making a vigorous onset
they drove the Iberians from their ground; and, as the victory now
changed sides, Sertorius, with a view of securing a safe retreat for
his men, and contriving the means of getting together another army
without any interruption, retired to a strong city in the mountains,
and began to repair the walls and strengthen the gates, though his
object was anything rather than to stand a siege: but his design was
to deceive the enemy, in which he succeeded; for they sat down before
the place, thinking they should take it without difficulty, and in the
mean time they let the defeated barbarians escape, and allowed
Sertorius to collect a fresh army. It was got together by Sertorius
sending officers to the cities, and giving orders that when they had
collected a good body of men, they should dispatch a messenger to him.
When the messenger came, he broke through the besiegers without any
difficulty and joined his troops; and now he again advanced against
the enemy in great force, and began to cut off their land supplies by
ambuscades, and hemming them in, and showing himself at every point,
inasmuch as his attacks were made with great expedition; and he cut
off all their maritime supplies by occupying the coast with his
piratical vessels, so that the generals opposed to him were obliged to
separate, one to march off into Gaul, and Pompeius to winter among the
Vaccæi[157] in great distress for want of supplies, and to write to
the Senate, that he would lead his army out of Iberia, if they did not
send him money, for he had spent all his own in defence of Italy.
There was great talk in Rome that Sertorius would come to Italy before
Pompeius[158] to such difficulties did Sertorius, by his military
abilities, reduce the first and ablest of the generals of that age.
XXII. Metellus also showed, that he feared the man and thought he was
powerful; for he made proclamation, that if any Roman killed Sertorius
he would give him a hundred talents of silver and twenty thousand
jugera of land; and, if he was an exile, permission to return, to
Rome: thus declaring that he despaired of being able to defeat
Sertorius in the field, and therefore would purchase his life by
treachery. Besides this, Metellus was so elated by a victory which on
one occasion he gained over Sertorius, and so well pleased with his
success, that he was proclaimed Imperator[159] and the cities received
him in his visits to them with sacrifices and altars. It is also said,
that he allowed chaplets to be placed on his head, and accepted
invitations to sumptuous feasts, at which he wore a triumphal vest;
and Victories[160] which were contrived to move by machinery,
descended and distributed golden trophies and crowns, and companies of
youths and women sang epinician hymns in honour of him. For this he
was with good reason ridiculed, for that after calling Sertorius a
runaway slave of Sulla, and a remnant of the routed party of Carbo, he
was so puffed up and transported with delight because he had gained an
advantage over Sertorius, who had been compelled to retire. But it was
a proof of the magnanimous character of Sertorius, first, that he gave
the name of Senate to the Senators who fled from Rome and joined him,
and that he appointed quæstors and generals from among them, and
arranged everything of this kind according to Roman usage; and next,
that though he availed himself of the arms, the money and the cities
of the Iberians, he never yielded to them one *tittle of the Roman
supremacy, but he appointed Romans to be their generals and
commanders, considering that he was recovering freedom for the Romans,
and was not strengthening the Iberians against the Romans; for
Sertorius loved his country and had a great desire to return home.
Notwithstanding this, in his reverses he behaved like a brave man, and
never humbled himself before his enemies; and after his victories he
would send to Metellus and to Pompeius, and declare that he was ready
to lay down his arms and to live in a private station, if he might be
allowed to return home; for, he said, he would rather be the obscurest
citizen in Rome than an exile from his country, though he were
proclaimed supreme ruler of all other countries in the world. It is
said, that he longed to return home chiefly on account of his mother,
who brought him up after his father's death, and to whom he was
completely devoted. At the time when his friends in Iberia invited him
to take the command, he heard of the death of his mother, and he was
near dying of grief. He lay in his tent for seven days without giving
the watchword, or being seen by any of his friends; and it was with
difficulty that his fellow-generals and those of like rank with
himself, who had assembled about his tent, prevailed on him to come
out to the soldiers, and take a share in the administration of
affairs, which were going on well. This made many people think that
Sertorius was naturally a man of mild temper, and well disposed to a
quiet life; but that, owing to uncontrollable causes, and contrary to
his wishes, he entered on the career of a commander, and then, when he
could not ensure his safety, and was driven to arms by his enemies, he
had recourse to war as the only means by which he could protect his
life.
XXIII. His negociations with Mithridates also were a proof of his
magnanimity; for now that Mithridates, rising from the fall that he
had from Sulla, as it were, to a second contest, had again attacked
Asia, and the fame of Sertorius was great, and had gone abroad to all
parts, and those who sailed from the West had filled the Pontus with
the reports about him, as if with so many foreign wares, Mithridates
was moved to send an embassy to him, being urged thereto mainly by the
fulsome exaggerations of his flatterers, who compared Sertorius to
Hannibal and Mithridates to Pyrrhus, and said that if the Romans were
attacked on both sides, they could not hold out against such great
abilities and powers combined, when the most expert of commanders had
joined the greatest of kings. Accordingly, Mithridates sent
ambassadors to Iberia, with letters to Sertorius and proposals. On his
part he offered to supply money and ships for the war, and he asked
from Sertorius a confirmation of his title to the whole of Asia, which
he had given up to the Romans pursuant to the treaty made with Sulla.
Sertorius assembled a council, which he called a senate, and all the
members advised to accept the king's proposal, and to be well content
with it; they said the king only asked of them a name and an empty
answer touching things that were not in their power, in return for
which they were to receive what they happened to stand most in need
of. But Sertorius would not listen to this; he said he did not grudge
Mithridates having Bithynia and Cappadocia; these were nations that
were accustomed to a king, and the Romans had nothing to do with them;
but the province which belonged to the Romans by the justest of
titles, which Mithridates took from them and kept, from which, after a
contest, he was driven out by Fimbria, and which he gave up by treaty
with Sulla,[161] -that province he would never allow to fall again
into the power of Mithridates; for it was fit that the Roman state
should be extended by his success, not that his success should be
owing to her humiliation. To a generous mind, victory by honest means
was a thing to desire, but life itself was not worth having with
dishonour.
XXIV. When this was reported to Mithridates he was amazed, and it is
said that he remarked to his friends--what terms, then, will Sertorius
impose when he is seated on the Palatium,[162] if now, when he is
driven to the shores of the Atlantic, he fixes limits to our kingdom,
and threatens us with war if we make any attempt upon Asia? However, a
treaty was made, and ratified by oath, on the following terms:
Mithridates[163] was to have Cappadocia and Bithynia, and Sertorius
was to send him a general and soldiers; and Sertorius was to receive
from Mithridates three thousand talents, and forty ships. Sertorius
sent as general to Asia Marcus Marius, one of the Senators who had
fled to him; and Mithridates, after assisting him to take some of the
Asiatic cities,[164] followed Marius as he entered them with the
fasces and axes, voluntarily taking the second place and the character
of an inferior. Marius restored some of the cities to liberty, and he
wrote to others to announce to them their freedom from taxation
through the power of Sertorius; so that Asia, which was much troubled
by the Publicani,[165] and oppressed by the rapacity and insolence of
the soldiers quartered there, was again raised on the wings of hope,
and longed for the expected change of masters.
XXV. In Iberia, the senators and nobles about Sertorius, as soon as
they were put into a condition to hope that they were a match for the
opposite party, and their fears were over, began to feel envious, and
had a foolish jealousy of the power of Sertorius. Perpenna encouraged
this feeling, being urged by the empty pride of high birth to aspire
to the supreme command, and he secretly held treasonable language to
those who were favourable to his designs. "What evil dæmon," he would
say, "has got hold of us, and carried us from bad to worse--us who did
not brook to stay at home and do the bidding of Sulla, though in a
manner he was lord of all the earth and sea at once, but coming here
with ill luck, in order to live free, have voluntarily become slaves
by making ourselves the guards of Sertorius in his exile, and while we
are called a senate, a name jeered at by all who hear it, we submit to
insults, and orders, and sufferings as great as the Iberians and
Lusitanians endure." Their minds filled with such suggestions as
these, the majority did not, indeed, openly desert Sertorius, for they
feared his power, but they secretly damaged all his measures, and they
oppressed the barbarians by severe treatment and exactions, on the
pretext that it was by the order of Sertorius. This caused revolts and
disturbances in the cities; and those who were sent to settle and
pacify these outbreaks returned after causing more wars, and
increasing the existing insubordination; so that Sertorius, contrary
to his former moderation and mildness, did a grievous wrong to the
sons of the Iberians, who were educating at Osca,[166] by putting some
to death, and selling others as slaves.
XXVI. Now Perpenna, having got several to join him in his conspiracy,
gained over Manlius, one of those who were in command. This Manlius
was much attached to a beautiful boy, and to give the youth a proof of
his attachment he told him of the design, and urged him not to care
for his other lovers; but to give his affections to him alone, as he
would be a great man in a few days. The youth reported what Manlius
said to Aufidius, another of his lovers, to whom he was more attached.
On hearing this, Aufidius was startled, for he was engaged in the
conspiracy against Sertorius, but he did not know that Manlius was a
party to it. But when the youth named Perpenna and Graecinus,[167] and
some others whom Aufidius knew to be in the conspiracy, he was
confounded, yet he made light of the story to the youth, and told him
to despise Manlius for a lying braggart; but he went to Perpenna, and,
showing him the critical state of affairs, and the danger, urged him
to the deed. The conspirators followed his advice, and having engaged
a man to bring letters they introduced him to Sertorius. The letters
gave information of a victory gained by one of the generals, and a
great slaughter of the enemy. Upon this Sertorius was overjoyed, and
offered a sacrifice for the happy tidings; and Perpenna proposed to
feast him and his friends (and they were of the number of the
conspirators), and after much entreaty he prevailed on Sertorius to
come. Now whenever Sertorius was present, an entertainment was
conducted with great propriety and decorum; for he would not tolerate
any indecent act or expression, but accustomed his companions to
enjoy mirth and merriment with orderly behaviour, and without any
excess; but, on this occasion, in the midst of the feast, seeking to
begin a quarrel, they openly used obscene language, and, pretending to
be drunk, behaved indecently, for the purpose of irritating Sertorius.
Whether it was that he was vexed at this disorderly conduct, or had
now suspected their design by the flagging of the conversation[168]
and their unusual contemptuous manner towards him, he changed his
posture on the couch by throwing himself on his back, as if he was
paying no attention to them, and not listening. On Perpenna taking a
cup of wine, and in the middle of the draught throwing it from him and
so making a noise, which was the signal agreed on, Antonius, who lay
next to Sertorius, struck him with his sword. On receiving the blow,
Sertorius turned himself, and at the same time attempted to rise, but
Antonius, throwing himself upon his chest, held his hands, and he was
despatched by blows from many of the conspirators, without even making
any resistance.
XXVII.[169] Now most of the Iberians immediately sent ambassadors to
Pompeius and Metellus, to make their submission; those who remained
Perpenna took under his command, and attempted to do something. After
employing the means that Sertorius had got together, just so far as to
disgrace himself, and show that he was not suited either to command or
to obey, he engaged with Pompeius. Being quickly crushed by him and
taken prisoner, he did not behave himself even in this extremity as a
commander should do; but having got possession of the papers of
Sertorius, he offered to Pompeius to show him autograph letters from
consular men and persons of the highest influence at Rome, in which
Sertorius was invited to Italy, and was assured that there were many
who were desirous to change the present settlement of affairs, and to
alter the constitution. Now Pompeius, by behaving on this occasion,
not like a young man, but one whose understanding was well formed and
disciplined, relieved Rome from great dangers and revolutions. He got
together all those letters, and all the papers of Sertorius, and burnt
them, without either reading them himself or letting any one else read
them; and he immediately put Perpenna to death, through fear that
there might be defection and disturbance if the names were
communicated to others. Of the fellow-conspirators of Perpenna, some
were brought to Pompeius, and put to death; and others, who fled to
Libya, were pierced by the Moorish spears. Not one escaped, except
Aufidius, the rival of Manlius, and this happened, either because he
escaped notice, or nobody took any trouble about him, and he lived to
old age, in some barbarian village, in poverty and contempt.