LIFE OF CRASSUS.

I. Marcus Crassus[5] was the son of a father who had been censor, and

enjoyed a triumph; but he was brought up with his two brothers in a

small house. His brothers were married in the lifetime of their

parents, and all had a common table, which seems to have been the

chief reason that Crassus was a temperate and moderate man in his way

of living. Upon the death of one of his brothers, Crassus married the

widow,[6] and she became the mother of his children; for in these

matters also he lived as regular a life as any Roman. However, as he

grew older, he was charged with criminal intercourse with Licinia,[7]

one of the Vestal Virgins, who was brought to trial; the prosecutor

was one Plotinus. Licinia had a pleasant estate in the suburbs, which

Crassus wished to get at a small price, and with this view he was

continually about the woman and paying his court to her, which brought

on him the suspicion of a criminal intercourse; but he was acquitted

by the judices, being indebted in some degree to his love of money for

his acquittal from the charge of debauching the vestal. But he never

remitted his attentions to Licinia till he got possession of the

property.

II. Now, the Romans say that the many good qualities of Crassus were

obscured by one vice, avarice; but the fact appears to be that one

vice, which was more predominant in his character than all the rest

hid his other vices. They allege, as the chief proof of his avarice,

the mode in which he got his money and the amount of his property.

Though he did not at first possess above three hundred talents, and

during his first consulship he dedicated the tenth part of his

property to Hercules,[8] and feasted the people, and gave every Roman

out of his own means enough to maintain him for three months; yet,

before the Parthian expedition, upon making an estimate of his

property, he found it amount to seven thousand one hundred talents.

The greatest part of this, if one must tell the truth, though it be a

scandalous story, he got together out of the fire and the war, making

the public misfortunes the source of his wealth; for, when Sulla took

the city, and sold the property of those whom he put to death,

considering it and calling it spoil, and wishing to attach the infamy

of the deed to as many of the most powerful men as he could, Crassus

was never tired of receiving or buying. Besides this, observing the

accidents that were indigenous and familiar at Rome, conflagrations,

and tumbling down of houses owing to their weight and crowded state,

he bought slaves, who were architects and builders. Having got these

slaves to the number of more than five hundred, it was his practice to

buy up houses on fire, and the houses which were adjoining to those on

fire; for the owners, owing to fear and uncertainty, would sell them

at a low price; and thus the greatest part of Rome fell into the hands

of Crassus: but, though he had so many artizans, he built no house

except his own; for he used to say that those who were fond of

building were ruined by themselves, without the aid of any opponent.

Though he had many silver mines, and much valuable land, and many

labourers on it, still one would suppose that all this was of little

value, compared with the value of his slaves: so many excellent slaves

he possessed,--readers, clerks, assayers of silver,[9] house-managers,

and table-servants; and he himself superintended their education, and

paid attention to it and taught them, and, in short, he considered

that a master was mainly concerned in looking after his slaves, who

were the living implements of domestic economy. And here Crassus was

right, if, as he used to say, it was his opinion that he ought to

effect everything by the instrumentality of slaves, and that he

himself should direct the slaves; for, we observe, that what is

economical with respect to things lifeless is political with respect

to men. But he was not right in thinking and saying that nobody was

rich who could not maintain an army out of his substance; for war

feeds not by a fixed allowance, according to Archidamus;[10] and,

consequently, the wealth that is required for war is unlimited; and

this opinion of Crassus was very different from the opinion of Marius;

for when Marius, after giving to each man fourteen jugera of land,

found that they wanted more, he said, "May there never be a Roman who

thinks that too little which is enough to maintain him."

III. Besides this, Crassus was hospitable to strangers, for his house

was open to all, and he used to lend money to his friends without

interest; but he would demand it back immediately on the expiration of

the time of the borrower, which made the gratuitous loan more

burdensome than heavy interest. In his entertainments the invitation

was usually to persons of the plebeian class, and general: and the

frugality of the banquet, which was accompanied with neatness and a

friendly welcome, made it more agreeable than a sumptuous feast. In

his literary pursuits he mainly studied oratory,[11] and that kind

which was of practical use; and, having attained an ability in

speaking equal to the first among the Romans, he surpassed in care and

labour those who had the greatest talents; for they say, there was no

case, however mean and contemptible, which he approached without

preparation; and often, when Pompeius, and Cæsar, and Cicero, were

unwilling to get up to speak, he would perform all the duties of an

advocate: and for this reason he became more popular, being considered

a careful man, and always ready to give his help. He pleased people,

also, by his friendly and affable manner in taking them by the hand,

and addressing them; for Crassus never met a Roman, however low and

humble his condition might be, without returning his salute,[12] and

addressing him by his name. He is also said to have been well versed

in history, and to have paid some attention to philosophy by studying

the writings of Aristoteles, in which he had for his teacher

Alexander, a man who gave a proof of his moderation and easy temper in

his intercourse with Crassus; for it was not easy to say whether he

was poorer when he became acquainted with Crassus, or after the

acquaintance was made. He was, indeed, the only friend of Crassus, who

always accompanied him when he travelled abroad; and he used to wear a

cloak,[13] lent him for the purpose, which on his return he was asked

to give back. Oh, the submission[14] of the man! for the poor fellow

did not consider poverty among the things that are indifferent. But

this belongs to a later period.

IV. When Marius and Cinna had got the upper hand, and it was soon

apparent that they would reinstate themselves in Rome, not for the

benefit of their country, but plainly for the destruction and ruin of

the nobles, those who were caught in the city were put to death: among

whom were the father and brother of Crassus. Crassus, being very

young, escaped immediate danger; but, seeing that he was hemmed in on

all sides, and hunted by the tyrants, he took with him three friends

and ten slaves; and, using wonderful expedition, made his escape to

Iberia, having been there before, when his father was Prætor,[15] and

having made himself friends. Finding all in great alarm and trembling

at the cruelty of Marius, as if he were close at hand, he did not

venture to make himself known, but sought refuge in a tract bordering

on the sea, belonging to Vibius Pacianus,[16] where he hid himself in

a large cave. He sent a slave to Vibius to sound his disposition; for

the provisions that Crassus brought with him were now exhausted. On

hearing the news, Vibius was pleased that Crassus had escaped; and

inquiring about the number of persons with him, and where the place

was, he did not go himself to see them, but he took his villicus near

the spot, and ordered him to have food daily prepared, and to carry it

and place it near the rock, and to go away without speaking a word,

and not to be curious about the matter, or make any inquiries; and he

gave him notice, that if he did meddle at all he should be put to

death, but if he faithfully helped in the matter he should have his

freedom. The cave is not far from the sea, and the precipices which

shut it in leave a small and hardly perceptible path[17] which leads

into the cave; but when you have entered, it opens to a wonderful

height, and spreads out wide, with recesses which open into one

another, and are of a large circuit. It is also neither without water

nor light: for a spring of the purest water oozes out at the base of

the precipice; and there are natural clefts about that part where the

rock closes, by which the external light is admitted, and in the

daytime the spot is fully illuminated. The air within is free from all

moisture caused by dropping, and is quite pure, owing to the

compactness of the rock, which diverts all the wet and droppings to

the spring.

V. While Crassus stayed in the cave, the slave came daily to bring

provisions; but he did not see the persons who were concealed, or know

who they were; though he was seen by them, inasmuch as they knew, and

watched the times of his coming. Now, the provision that was made for

their meals was ample enough even for luxury, and not merely

sufficient for their necessities. But Vibius determined to show

Crassus every kind of friendly attention; and it occurred to him to

consider the youth of Crassus, that he was a very young man, and that

provision should be made in some degree also for the pleasures

suitable to his age, and that merely to supply his wants would argue

that he was serving Crassus as little as he could, rather than with

hearty zeal; accordingly, he took with him two handsome female slaves,

and went down to the sea-coast. When he came to the place, he pointed

to the road that led up to it, and told them to go in boldly. Crassus,

seeing them approach, was afraid that the spot was known, and had been

discovered; and, accordingly, he asked them what they wanted, and who

they were. The women replied, as they had been instructed, that they

were looking for their master, who was concealed there; on which

Crassus perceived the joke which Vibius was playing off upon him, and

his kind attentions, and received the women; and they stayed with him

for the rest of the time, telling and reporting to Vibius what he

requested them. Fenestella[18] says, that he saw one of these slaves

when she was an old woman, and that he had often heard her mention

this, and tell the story with pleasure.

VI. In this way Crassus spent eight months in concealment; but as

soon as he heard of Cinna's end, he showed himself, and out of the

numbers that flocked to him he selected two thousand five hundred,

with whom he went round to the cities; and one city, Malaca,[19] he

plundered, according to the testimony of many authors, though they say

that he denied the fact, and contradicted those who affirmed it. After

this he got together some vessels, and crossed over to Libya, to

Metellus Pius,[20] a man of reputation who had collected a force by no

means contemptible. But he stayed no long time there; for he

quarrelled with Metellus, and then set out to join Sulla, by whom he

was treated with particular respect. When Sulla had passed over the

sea to Italy, he wished all the young men who were with him to aid him

actively, and he appointed them to different duties. Crassus, on being

sent into the country of the Marsi to raise troops, asked for a guard,

because the road lay through a tract which was occupied by the enemy;

Sulla replied to him in passion and with vehemence, "I give thee as

guards thy father, thy brother, thy friends, thy kinsmen, who were cut

off illegally and wrongfully, and whose murderers I am now pursuing."

Stung by these words, and pricked on to the undertaking, Crassus

immediately set out, and, vigorously making his way through the enemy,

he got together a strong force, and showed himself active in the

battles of Sulla. The events of that war, it is said, first excited

him to rivalry and competition with Pompeius for distinction. Pompeius

was younger than Crassus, and his father had a bad repute at Rome, and

had been bitterly hated by the citizens; but still Pompeius shone

conspicuous in the events of that period and proved himself to be a

great man, so that Sulla showed him marks of respect which he did not

very often show to others of more advanced years and of his own rank,

by rising from his seat when Pompeius approached, and uncovering his

head, and addressing him by the title of Imperator. All this set

Crassus in a flame, and goaded him, inasmuch as he was thus slighted

in comparison with Pompeius; and with good reason; Crassus was

deficient in experience, and the credit that he got by his military

exploits was lost by his innate vices,--love of gain and meanness;

for, upon taking Tudertia,[21] a city of the Umbri, it was suspected

that he appropriated to himself most of the spoil, and this was made a

matter of charge against him to Sulla. However, in the battle near

Rome,[22] which was the greatest in all the war, and the last, Sulla

was defeated, the soldiers under his command being put to flight, and

some of them trampled down in the pursuit: Crassus, who commanded the

right wing, was victorious, and, after continuing the pursuit till

nightfall, he sent to Sulla to ask for something for his soldiers to

eat, and to report his success. But, during the proscriptions and

confiscations, on the other hand, he got a bad name, by buying at low

prices large properties, and asking for grants. It is said that, in

the country of the Bruttii, he also proscribed a person, not pursuant

to Sulla's orders, but merely to enrich himself thereby, and that, on

this account, Sulla, who disapproved of his conduct, never employed

him again in any public business. However, Crassus was most expert in

gaining over everybody by flattery; and, on the other hand, he was

easily taken in by flattery from any person. It is further mentioned

as a peculiarity in his character, that, though very greedy of

gain,[23] he hated and abused those most who were like himself.

VII. But Crassus was most annoyed at the military success of Pompeius,

and his enjoying a triumph before he became a senator, and being

called by the citizens Magnus, which means Great. On one occasion,

when somebody observed that Pompeius the Great was approaching,

Crassus smiled, and asked, How great he was? But, as Crassus despaired

of equalling Pompeius in military reputation, he entered upon a

political career, and, by his activity, by pleading in the courts, and

lending money, and by canvassing for candidates, and subjecting

himself to all kinds of scrutiny in conjunction with those who wanted

anything of the people, he acquired a power and reputation equal to

what Pompeius had got by his many and great military services. And the

result to each of them was something unusual; for, when Pompeius was

absent from Rome, his name and his influence in the State, by reason

of his military exploits, was superior to that of Crassus; but when

Pompeius was at Rome, he often fell short of Crassus in influence, for

his haughty temper and habitual pride made him avoid crowds and retire

from the Forum, and seldom give his aid to those who sought it, and

then not readily; his object being to keep his power at a higher

pitch, by exercising it only on his own behalf. But Crassus was always

ready to make himself useful, and he did not keep himself retired, nor

was he difficult of access, but he was always busy in everything that

was going on, and by the general kindness of his behaviour he got the

advantage over the proud bearing of Pompeius. In personal dignity, in

persuasive speech, and attractive expression of countenance it is said

they were both equally fortunate. However, this rivalry did not hurry

Crassus into any personal enmity or ill-will, and though, he was

annoyed at Pompeius and Cæsar receiving greater honour than himself,

he never allowed this jealous feeling to be associated with any

hostility or ill disposition. It is true that when Cæsar was taken and

detained by the pirates, he cried out, "What pleasure you will have,

Crassus, when you hear of my capture!" But afterwards, at least, they

were on friendly terms, and, when Cæsar was going to Iberia, as

prætor,[24] and had no money in consequence of his creditors having

come upon him and seizing all his outfit, Crassus did not leave him in

this difficulty, but got him released, by becoming security for him to

the amount of eight hundred and thirty talents. When all Rome became

divided into three parties,--that of Pompeius, Cæsar and

Crassus,--(for Cato[25] had more reputation than power, and was more

admired than followed), the sober and conservative part of the

citizens adhered to Pompeius; the violent and those who were lightly

moved, were led by the hopes that they had from Cæsar; Crassus, by

keeping a middle position, used both parties for his purposes, and, as

he very often changed in his political views, he was neither a firm

friend nor an irreconcilable enemy, but he would readily give up

either his friendship or his enmity on calculation of interest; so

that within a short interval, he often came forward to speak both for

and against the same men and the same measures. He had also great

influence, both because he was liked and feared, but mainly because he

was feared. Accordingly Sicinius,[26] who was the most violent in his

attacks on the magistrates and popular leaders of the day, in reply to

one who asked, "Why Crassus was the only person whom he did not worry,

and why he let him alone?" said, "That he had hay on his horn:" now,

the Romans were accustomed to tie some hay round the horn of an ox

that butted, as a warning to those who might meet it.

VIII. The insurrection of the gladiators and their devastation of

Italy, which is generally called the war of Spartacus,[27] originated

as follows:--One Lentulus Batiates kept gladiators in Capua, of whom

the majority, who were Gauls and Thracians, had been closely confined,

not for any misbehaviour on their part, but through the villainy of

their purchaser, for the purpose of fighting in the games. Two hundred

of these resolved to make their escape; but their design being

betrayed, those who had notice of the discovery, and succeeded in

getting away, to the number of seventy-eight, took knives and spits

out of a cook's shop, and sallied out. Meeting on the way with some

waggons that were conveying gladiators' arms to another city, they

plundered the waggons, and armed themselves. Seizing on a strong

position, they chose three leaders, of whom the first was Spartacus, a

Thracian of nomadic race, a man not only of great courage and

strength, but, in judgment and mildness of character, superior to his

condition, and more like a Greek than one would expect from his

nation. They say that when Spartacus was first taken to Rome to be

sold, a snake was seen folded over his face while he was sleeping, and

a woman, of the same tribe with Spartacus, who was skilled in

divination, and possessed by the mysterious rites of Dionysus,

declared that this was a sign of a great and formidable power which

would attend him to a happy termination. This woman was at that time

cohabiting with Spartacus, and she made her escape with him.

IX. The gladiators began by repelling those who came against them from

Capua and getting a stock of military weapons, for which they gladly

exchanged their gladiators' arms, which they threw away as a badge of

dishonour, and as barbaric. Clodius[28] the prætor was next sent

against them from Rome, with three thousand men, and he blockaded them

on a mountain which had only one ascent, and that was difficult and

narrow, and Clodius had possession of it; on all other sides there

were steep smooth-faced precipices. On the top of the hill there grew

a great quantity of wild vines, and the men of Spartacus cutting off

all the shoots that were adapted to their purpose, and, intertwining

them, made strong and long ladders, so that when fastened above, they

reached along the face of the precipice to the level ground, and they

all safely descended by them except one man, who stayed to take care

of the arms; and, when all the rest had descended, he let the arms

down, and, having done this, he got down safe himself. The Romans did

not know what was going on; and accordingly, when the gladiators

surrounded them, they were put in alarm by the surprise, and fled, on

which the enemy took their camp. Many of the herdsmen and shepherds in

those parts also joined the gladiators, men ever ready for a quarrel,

and light of foot, some of whom the gladiators armed, and others they

employed as scouts and light troops. Publius Barinus[29] the prætor

was next sent against them, whose legatus, one Furius, at the head of

two thousand soldiers, the gladiators engaged and put to flight.

Cossinus was then despatched, with a large force, to advise with

Barinus, and to be associated in the command; but Spartacus, watching

his opportunity, while Cossinus was bathing at Salenæ,[30] was very

near seizing him. Cossinus made his escape with great difficulty, and

Spartacus, seizing the baggage, closely followed up the pursuit, with

great slaughter of the Romans, and he took the camp. Cossinus also

fell. Spartacus, after defeating the prætor himself in many other

battles, and at last seizing his lictors and his horse, now became

great and formidable: but still he formed a just judgment of the state

of affairs and, not expecting to get the advantage over the power of

the Romans, he designed to lead his forces to the Alps; thinking that

it was advisable for them to cross the mountains and to go to their

several homes, some to Thrace and some to Gaul. But the gladiators

being strong in numbers, and confident, would not listen to him, and

they went about ravaging Italy. The Senate were now no longer troubled

merely at the humiliation and disgrace that they suffered by the

revolt; but, moved by fear and the danger, they sent out both the

consuls[31] as to a war of the utmost difficulty and importance.

Gellius, suddenly falling on the Germans, who, by reason of their

arrogance and self-confidence, had separated from the troops of

Spartacus, destroyed the whole body; and after Lentulus had hemmed in

Spartacus with large armies, Spartacus, rushing upon them and joining

battle, defeated the legates and got all the baggage. Spartacus now

attempted to force his way towards the Alps; and Cassius[32] who "was

the governor of Gaul upon the Padus, met him with ten thousand men,

and a battle was fought, in which Cassius was defeated with great

lose, and with difficulty made his escape.

X. The Senate, on receiving this news, angrily bade the consuls keep

quiet, and they appointed Crassus to the command of the war, whose

reputation and popularity induced many of the nobles to serve under

him. Crassus took his station on the frontiers of Picenum, with the

view of waiting for Spartacus, who was moving in that direction; and

he sent Mummius, his legatus, at the head of two legions, to make a

circuit, and with orders to follow the enemy, but not to engage with

them, nor come to close quarters. But Mummius, as soon as he got what

he thought a favourable opportunity, fought a battle, and was

defeated; many of his men fell, and many, flying without their arms,

made their escape. Crassus received Mummius himself roughly, and

arming the soldiers again, he required of them security for their

arms, that they would keep them; and five hundred, who had been the

first to run, and had shown most cowardice, he distributed into fifty

decades,[33] and out of each decade he took one man, by lot, and put

him to death; thus inflicting on the soldiers this ancient mode of

punishment which had long fallen into disuse; for disgrace also is

added to the manner of death, and many things horrible and dreadful to

see accompany the punishment, in the presence of all the spectators.

After inflicting this punishment, he made his men again face about and

march against the enemy. Spartacus, however, avoided Crassus, and made

his way through Lucania to the sea, and, falling in with some Cilician

piratical vessels, in the Straits, he formed a design to seize Sicily,

and by throwing two thousand men into the island, to kindle again the

servile war there, the flames of which had not long since been

quenched, and required only a few sparks to set it again in a blaze.

The Cilicians[34] came to terms with Spartacus, and received his

presents; but they deceived him, and sailed off. Under these

circumstances, he marched back from the coast, and fixed his army in

the peninsula of the Rhegine territory. Crassus now came up, and

observing that the nature of the ground suggested what was to be done,

he resolved to build a wall across the isthmus, for the purpose of

keeping his soldiers employed, and cutting off the supplies of the

enemy. Though the undertaking was great and difficult, he accomplished

it, and completed the work, contrary to all expectation, in a short

time, by digging a ditch[35] from sea to sea, through the neck of

land, three hundred stadia in length, fifteen feet deep, and as many

wide; and above the ditch he raised a rampart of surprising height and

strength. At first Spartacus paid no attention to what was going on,

and treated it with contempt; but when forage began to fail, and he

wanted to advance further into the interior, he discovered the lines

of Crassus; and as there was nothing to be got in the peninsula,

taking advantage of a night when there was a fall of snow and a wintry

storm, he filled up a small part of the ditch with earth, and wood,

and the branches of trees, and so carried over a third part of his

army.

XI. Now Crassus was afraid that Spartacus might form a design to march

against Rome; but he was encouraged by many of the followers of

Spartacus quitting their leader, in consequence of some disputes, and

encamping by themselves upon the banks of the lake Lucanis,[36] which

they say is subject to changes, at certain intervals becoming sweet,

and then again salt, and not potable. Crassus coming upon this band,

drove them from the lake; but he was prevented from cutting them to

pieces and pursuing them, by the sudden appearance of Spartacus, who

checked the flight. Crassus had, before this, written to the Senate,

to say that they ought to summon Lucullus[37] from Thrace, and

Pompeius from Iberia; but he now changed his mind, and made every

effort to put an end to the war before they arrived, knowing that the

success would be attributed to him who came last, and brought help,

and not to himself. Accordingly, he determined to attack first those

who had separated from the main body, and were carrying on the

campaign by themselves, under the command of Caius Cannicius and

Castus; and he dispatched six thousand men, with orders to occupy a

certain hill, and keep themselves concealed. The men of Crassus

endeavoured to escape notice by covering their helmets; but, being

seen by two women, who were sacrificing for the enemy, they would have

been in danger, if Crassus had not quickly appeared, and fought a

battle, the most severely contested of all in this war, in which he

destroyed twelve thousand three hundred men, of whom he found only two

wounded in the back: all the rest died in the ranks, fighting against

the Romans. After the defeat of this body, Spartacus retired to the

mountains of Petilia,[38] followed by Quintius,[39] one of the

generals of Crassus, and Scrofas, his quæstor, who hung close on his

rear. But, upon Spartacus facing about, the Romans were thrown into

disorderly flight, and made their escape, after having with difficulty

rescued their quæstor, who was wounded. This success was the ruin of

Spartacus, in consequence of the self-confidence which it infused into

the slaves: they would not now consent to avoid a battle, nor yet

would they obey their commanders, whom they surrounded, with arms in

their hands, on the march, and compelled to lead them back through

Lucania against the Romans, wherein they did the very thing that

Crassus desired; for it was reported that Pompeius was now

approaching, and there were not a few who openly said that the victory

in this war belonged to him; for he would fight as soon as he arrived,

and put an end to the campaign. While Crassus, therefore, who was

eager to decide the affair by a battle, and to fix his camp near the

enemy, was engaged in digging his trenches, the slaves came up to

them and attacked the men who were at work. As fresh men from both

sides kept coming up to help their comrades, Spartacus, seeing that he

must fight, arranged all his army in order of battle. When his horse

was brought to him, he drew his sword and said, that if he won the

battle he should have plenty of fine horses from the enemy, and if he

was defeated he should not want one; upon which he killed his horse,

and then he made his way towards Crassus himself, through many men,

and inflicting many wounds; but he did not succeed in reaching

Crassus, though he engaged with and killed two centurions. At last,

after those about him had fled, he kept his ground, and, being

surrounded by a great number, he fought till he was cut down. But,

though Crassus had been successful, and had displayed the skill of a

great general, and had exposed his person to danger, yet the credit of

the victory did not escape being appropriated to Pompeius; for those

who fled from the battle were destroyed by him, and Pompeius wrote to

the Senate that Crassus had defeated the slaves in the open field, but

he had cut up the war by the roots.[40] Now Pompeius had a splendid

triumph for his victory over Sertorius and his exploits in Iberia; but

Crassus did not venture to ask for the greater triumph; and even as to

the foot triumph called the ovation, which he did enjoy, it was

considered but a mean thing, and below his dignity that he had a

triumph for a servile war. But how the ovation differs from the other

triumph, and about the name, I have spoken in the 'Life of

Marcellus.'[41] XII. After these events, Pompeius was forthwith

invited to the consulship,[42] and, though Crassus had hopes of

becoming his colleague, still he did not hesitate to solicit the

assistance of Pompeius. Pompeius gladly listened to his proposal, for

he was desirous in any way always to have Crassus his debtor for some

obligation, and he actively exerted himself on behalf of Crassus; and

finally he said, in his address to the public assembly, that he should

feel no less grateful for the return of Crassus as his colleague than

for his own election. They did not, however, continue in this harmony

after entering on their office, but they differed on almost every

subject, and quarrelled about everything, and by their disputes

rendered their consulship unfruitful in all political measures, and

ineffectual: however, Crassus made a great festival in honour of

Hercules, and feasted the people at ten thousand tables, and gave them

an allowance of corn for three months. It was at the close of their

consulship, when Pompeius and Crassus happened to be addressing the

public assembly, that a man, not of any distinction, a Roman eques, a

rustic in his mode of life, and one who did not meddle with public

affairs, Onatius Aurelius,[43] got up on the rostra, and, coming

forward, told a dream which he had had. "Jupiter," he said, "appeared

to me, and bade me tell the citizens not to let the consuls lay down

their office before they have become friends." Upon the man saying

this, and the assembly bidding the consuls be reconciled, Pompeius

stood silent; but Crassus offering his right hand first, said,

"Citizens, I do not consider that I am humbling myself or doing

anything unworthy of me when I make the advance towards good-will and

friendship to Pompeius, to whom you gave the name of Magnus before he

had a beard, and voted a triumph before he was a senator."

XIII. These were the things worthy of commemoration in the consulship

of Crassus. But his censorship[44] passed over altogether without

results, and without any active measures; for he neither revised the

senate, nor inspected the equites, nor made a census of the citizens,

though he had for his colleague Lutatius Catulus, the mildest of the

Romans. But it is said that Crassus designed a shameful and violent

measure, to make Egypt tributary to the Romans, and that Catulus

opposed him vigorously, on which a difference arising between them,

they voluntarily laid down their office. In the affair of

Catiline,[45] which was a serious matter, and one that came near

overthrowing Rome, some suspicion, it is true, attached to Crassus,

and a man came forward to name him as implicated in the conspiracy,

but nobody believed him. However, Cicero, in one of his orations,

evidently imputed to Crassus and Cæsar participation in the plot; but

this oration was not published till after the death of both of them.

But in the oration on his consulship, Cicero says that Crassus came to

him by night and brought a letter[46] which contained information on

the affair of Catiline, as if his object was to establish the truth of

the conspiracy. Now Crassus always hated Cicero for this, but his son

stood in the way of his doing Cicero any open injury. For

Publius,[47] who was fond of oratory and of improving himself, was

much attached to Cicero, and went so far as to change his dress when

Cicero did at the time of his trial, and he induced the other young

men to do the same. At last he prevailed upon his father, and

reconciled him to Cicero.

XIV. When Cæsar returned from his province,[48] he made preparations

to be a candidate for the consulship; but, observing that Crassus and

Pompeius were again at enmity, he did not choose by applying to one of

them for his help to have the other for his enemy, and he did not

think that he could succeed if neither of them assisted him.

Accordingly, he set about reconciling them, by continually urging upon

them, and showing that by their attempts to ruin one another they

would increase the power of the Ciceros, and Catuli, and Catos, who

would lose all their influence if they would unite their friends and

adherents, and so direct the administration with combined strength,

and one purpose. By persuasion and effecting a reconciliation, he

brought them together, and he formed out of the union of all three an

irresistible power by which he put down the Roman senate and the

people, though he did not make Pompeius and Crassus more powerful, one

through the other, but by means of the two he made himself most

powerful; for immediately on being supported by Pompeius and Crassus,

he was elected consul by a great majority. While Cæsar was ably

discharging the business of the consulship, Crassus and Pompeius, by

procuring for him the command of armies, and by delivering Gaul into

his hands, fixed him in a kind of acropolis, thinking that they should

administer the rest of the State as they mutually agreed, after

securing to Cæsar the authority which the lot had given him. Now

Pompeius did all this through unbounded love of power; but to the old

vice of Crassus, his avarice, there was now added a new passion,

ambition for trophies and triumphs excited by the great exploits of

Cæsar, since it was in this alone that he was Cæsar's inferior; for he

had the superiority in everything else; and his passion remitted not

nor diminished till it resulted in an inglorious death and public

misfortunes. Cæsar had come down from Gaul to the city of Luca, and

many of the Romans went to him there, and Pompeius and Crassus had

private conferences with him, in which they agreed to take affairs in

hand more vigorously, and to hold the whole power of the State at

their disposal, to which end Cæsar was to remain in his military

command, and Pompeius and Crassus were to have other provinces and

armies. To this object there was only one road, which was to ask for a

second consulship, and Cæsar was to assist them in their canvass by

writing to his friends and sending many of his soldiers to support

them at the comitia.

XV. As soon as Crassus and Pompeius[49] returned to Rome, suspicion

was excited, and there was much talk through the whole city that their

meeting had been held for no good. In the Senate Marcellinus and

Domitius asked Pompeius if he intended to be a candidate for the

consulship, to which Pompeius replied that perhaps he should, and

perhaps he should not; being asked again, he said that he was a

candidate for the votes of the good citizens, but not a candidate for

the votes of the bad. It was considered that Pompeius had made a

haughty and arrogant answer; but Crassus said, in a more modest tone,

that he would be a candidate, if it was for the interest of the State;

if it was not, he would decline. This encouraged certain persons to

become candidates, among whom was Domitius. However, when Pompeius

and Crassus had openly declared themselves candidates, the rest were

afraid and withdrew; but Domitius was encouraged by Cato, who was his

kinsman and friend, and stimulated and urged him to stick to his

hopes, with the view of defending the common liberties; he said "it

was not the consulship that Pompeius and Crassus wanted, but a

tyranny; that their conduct showed they were not asking for the

consulship, but aiming to seize on the provinces and the armies." By

such arguments, which were also his real opinions, Cato, all but by

force, brought Domitius to the Forum, and many sided with them. And

those who were surprised at the canvassing of Pompeius and Crassus

were no small number. "Why then do they want a second consulship? And

why do they wish to be colleagues again? And why will they not have

the consulship with other colleagues? There are many men among us who

are surely not unworthy to be colleagues with Crassus and Pompeius."

This alarmed the partizans of Pompeius, who now abstained from no

proceeding, however disorderly and violent; but, in addition to all

the rest, they placed a body of men to lie in wait and attack Domitius

as he was going down to the Forum, while it was still dark, with his

partizans, and they killed the man that held the light, and wounded

many, among whom was Cato. After putting the party of Domitius to

flight, and driving them back to the house,[50] Pompeius and Crassus

were proclaimed consuls. Shortly after, they again surrounded the

Senate-house with armed men, and, after driving Cato out of the Forum,

and killing some persons who opposed them, they procured another five

years[51] of administration to be added to Cæsar's term, and the two

provinces of Syria and Iberia to be given to them. When the lots were

cast, Crassus got Syria, and Pompeius had Iberia.

XVI. The result of the lot was not universally disliked; for the

majority wished Pompeius not to be far from the city, and Pompeius,

who was much attached to his wife,[52] intended to spend his time

chiefly in Rome. Crassus showed by his joy, immediately on the falling

out of the lot, that he considered no greater good fortune had ever

befallen him, and he could scarcely keep quiet before strangers and in

public; to his friends he uttered many foolish and puerile expressions

quite inconsistent with his years and temper, for he had never before

shown himself in the least degree a braggart or arrogant. But now,

being mightily elated, and his head completely turned, he was not for

making Syria or Palestine the limit of his victories; but, designing

to make the exploits of Lucullus against Tigranes, and those of

Pompeius against Mithridates appear mere child's play, he extended his

hopes as far as to the Bactrians, and the Indians, and the external

sea. And yet there was no mention of a Parthian war in the law[53]

that was drawn up on this occasion. But everybody knew that Crassus

was passionately bent on a Parthian war, and Cæsar wrote to him from

Gaul, approving of his design, and urging him to it. When it was known

that Ateius,[54] the tribune, intended to offer some opposition to his

leaving the city, and many persons joined him who complained that

Crassus was going to make war upon a people who were doing the Romans

no wrong, and had a treaty with them, Crassus in alarm prayed Pompeius

to accompany him, and escort him out of the city. Now, the reputation

of Pompeius with the multitude was great, and, by showing himself in

front of Crassus, with cheerful looks and countenance, he

tranquillized a numerous body of people who were prepared to obstruct

Crassus, and to raise a shout against him, so that they made way and

let him pass through them quietly. But Ateius met Crassus, and, first

of all, endeavoured to stop him by words, and he protested against his

marching out: in the next place, he ordered his attendant to lay hold

of Crassus, and to detain him; but, as the rest of the tribunes would

not allow this, the attendant quitted his hold of Crassus, and Ateius

running to the gate, placed there a burning brazier, and, as soon as

Crassus arrived, he threw incense and poured libations upon it, and,

at the same time, he denounced against Crassus curses, in themselves

dreadful and terrific, and, in addition thereto, he uttered the names

of certain awful and inauspicious deities. The Romans say that these

mysterious and ancient curses have great efficacy, that no man can

escape upon whom they are laid, and that he who utters them also has

an unlucky end, and, accordingly, they are not denounced either on

ordinary occasions, or by many persons. Ateius was blamed for letting

loose such imprecations and religious fears upon a State, on behalf of

which he was hostile to Crassus.

XVII. When Crassus arrived at Brundisium, though the sea was still

rough owing to the wintry weather, he would not wait, but he set sail,

and so lost many of his vessels. After getting together the remnant of

his forces, he marched through Galatia.[55] Finding King Deiotarus,

who was now a very old man, founding a new city, Crassus said

sarcastically, "King, you are beginning to build at the twelfth hour."

The Galatian, with a smile, replied, "You, too, Imperator, I observe,

are not very early with your Parthian expedition." Now Crassus was

past sixty, and he looked older than he was. On his arrival, matters

at first turned out fully equal to his expectation; for he easily

threw a bridge over the Euphrates, and got his army across safely, and

he also obtained possession of many cities in Mesopotamia which

surrendered. Before one of them, of which Apollonius was tyrant, he

lost a hundred men, upon which he brought his force against the place,

and, having got possession of it, he made plunder of all the property,

and sold the people: the Greeks called the city Zenodotia.[56] On the

capture of the city, Crassus allowed his soldiers to proclaim him

Imperator, wherein he greatly disgraced himself, and showed the

meanness of his spirit, and that he had no good hopes of greater

things, as he was content with so slight a success. Having put

garrisons in the cities that had surrendered, to the amount of seven

thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry, he retired to winter in

Syria, and there to await his son,[57] who was coming from Cæsar in

Gaul, with the decorations that he had gained by his valour, and with

a thousand picked horsemen. This seemed to be the first blunder of

Crassus, or at least, it was the greatest blunder that he committed

next to the expedition itself; for he ought to have advanced and to

have secured Babylon and Seleukeia,[58] two cities which were always

hostile to the Parthians; instead of which, he gave his enemies time

to make preparation. The next thing the people blamed was his waste of

time in Syria, which was employed more for purposes of money profit

than for military purposes; for he did not occupy himself in reviewing

the numbers of his troops, nor establishing games to keep the soldiers

in exercise, but he busied himself about estimating the revenues of

cities, and he was for many days with weights and scales in his hands

among the treasures of the goddess in Hierapolis,[59] and, after

requiring from the towns and princes contingents of men, he would

remit his requisitions for a sum of money; by all which he lost his

reputation, and fell into contempt. The first sign that happened to

him proceeded from this goddess herself, whom some consider to be

Aphrodite (Venus); and others Hera (Juno); others again believe her to

be the cause that has supplied from moisture the seeds for all things,

and nature, and the power that has pointed out the source of all good

things for men; for, as they were going out of the temple, young

Crassus first stumbled at the gate, and then his father fell upon him.

XVIII. While Crassus was getting together his forces out of the winter

quarter, there came ambassadors from Arsakes[60] with a short message.

They said, if the army was sent by the Romans, there was nothing but

war without truce, and without any terms; but if Crassus, contrary to

the wish of his country, as they heard, had brought arms against the

Parthians and occupied territory for his private profit, Arsakes would

act with moderation, and would take pity on the old age of Crassus,

and give up to the Romans the men whom he had in his power, and who

were rather under guard themselves than keeping guard over others.

Crassus haughtily replied, that he would give an answer in Seleukeia;

on which Vagises, the oldest of the ambassadors, smiled, and, showing

the palm of his hand, said, "From here, Crassus, hair will grow before

you see Seleukeia." The ambassadors now returned to Hyrodes, to inform

him that he must be ready for war. From the cities of Mesopotamia, in

which there were Roman garrisons, some soldiers, who made their escape

at great hazard, brought reports that caused much anxiety, having been

eye-witnesses of the numbers of the enemy, and of their mode of

attacking the cities; and, as is usual, they magnified everything

which they reported. "When the enemy pursued," they said, "no man

could escape from them, and when they fled, they could not be

overtaken; that strange missiles preceded the appearance of the enemy,

and before one could see who sent them, they pierced through

everything that they struck; and as to the arms of the mailed[61]

soldiers, some were made to push through every obstacle, and others to

give way to nothing." When the soldiers heard this their courage sank;

for they had been led to believe that the Parthians did not differ at

all from the Armenians and Cappadocians, whom Lucullus plundered and

robbed till he was weary, and they thought that the hardest part of

the war would be a long march, and the pursuit of men who would not

come to close quarters; but now, contrary to their hopes, they were in

expectation of a contest and great danger, so that some of the

officers thought that Crassus ought to stop, and again submit to their

deliberation the general state of affairs. Among these was Cassius[62]

the quæstor. The seers, also, in gentle terms showed that bad and

unfavourable signs were always prognosticated to Crassus by the

victims. But Crassus paid no attention to them, nor to those who

advised anything else except to move on.

XIX. But Crassus was in no small degree encouraged by Artabazes[63]

the king of the Armenians, who came to the camp with six thousand

horsemen. These were said to be the guards and attendants of the king;

and he promised ten thousand men clothed in mail and thirty thousand

infantry, who were to be maintained at his own cost. He attempted to

persuade Crassus to invade Parthia through Armenia; for, he said, the

army would not only have abundance of provision in its march through

the country by reason of him supplying them, but would also advance

safely, having in their front many mountains and continuous hills, and

ground unfavourable for cavalry, in which alone lay the strength of

the Parthians. Crassus was well enough satisfied with the zeal of the

king and the splendour of the proffered aid; but he said he would

march through Mesopotamia, where he had left many brave Romans; upon

this the Armenian went away. As Crassus was taking his army over at

the Zeugma,[64] many extraordinary claps of thunder broke around, and

many flashes of lightning came right in front of the army; and a wind,

mingled with cloud and hurricane,[65] falling on the raft, broke up

and crushed to pieces a large part of it. The spot also, on which

Crassus intended to encamp, was struck with two thunderbolts.[66] A

horse, belonging to the general, which was caparisoned in splendid

style, violently dragged along the man who held the reins, and

plunging into the stream, disappeared. It is said also, that the first

eagle which was raised, turned round spontaneously. Added to this, it

happened that, as they were giving out the rations to the soldiers

after crossing the river, lentils and salt were given first, which the

Romans consider to be symbols of lamentation, and are accustomed to

place before the dead; and, as Crassus was haranguing the soldiers, an

expression escaped him which greatly alarmed the army. He said he

would destroy the raft over the river, that no one among them might

return; and though he ought, upon seeing the imprudence of his words,

to have recalled what he had said and explained it to the soldiers, he

neglected to do so, through his arrogant temper. Finally, when he was

offering the usual expiatory sacrifice, and the priest had put the

viscera into his hands, he threw them away, on which, observing that

the standers-by were greatly disturbed, he said with a smile, "Such is

old age; but no arms at least shall drop from its hands."

XX. After this he advanced along the river, with seven legions and

nearly four thousand horsemen, and almost as many light-armed troops

as horsemen. Some of the scouts now returned from their exploration

and reported that the country was clear of men, and that they had

fallen in with the tracks of many horses, which indicated that they

had turned about and were retreating. This gave Crassus still better

hopes, and made the soldiers completely despise the Parthians, who, as

they supposed, would not come to close quarters. However, Cassius

again had some conversation with Crassus, and advised him at least to

give his troops rest in some of the garrisoned cities, till he should

get some certain information about the enemy; but if he would not do

this, to advance towards Seleukeia along the river. He urged that the

boats which carried the provisions would furnish them with supplies by

stopping at the places of encampment, and that, by having the river as

a protection against being hemmed in by the enemy, they would always

be able to fight them on fair terms.

XXI. While Crassus was considering and reflecting on these matters,

there comes an Arab chieftain, Ariamnes[67] by name, a cunning and

faithless man, and of all the misfortunes that were by chance combined

to ruin the Romans the chief and crowning mischief. Some of them who

had served with Pompeius knew him as one who had received favours from

Pompeius, and was supposed to be a friend to the Romans; but he now

came to Crassus with a treacherous intent, and with the privity of the

royal generals, to try if he could draw him far away from the river

and the foot of the hills, into a boundless plain, where he might be

surrounded by the enemy; for nothing was further from the intentions

of the Parthians than to attack the Romans right in front.

Accordingly, the barbarian coming to Crassus (and he was a plausible

talker), spake in high terms of Pompeius as his benefactor, and

praised the force of Crassus; but he blamed him for his tardiness,

inasmuch as he was delaying and making preparation, as if he would

have occasion to employ arms instead of hands and the most active

feet, against an enemy who had long been trying to get together, as

quick as they could, their most valuable property and their best

slaves, and to move off to the Scythians or Hyrkanians. "And yet," he

said, "if you intend to fight, you ought to press on before the king

recovers his courage and all his forces are concentrated; for now

Surena and Sillakes have been thrown in your way to stand the attack,

and the king is no where to be seen." But all this was false. For

Hyrodes had at first divided his forces into two parts, and he was

himself ravaging Armenia to take vengeance on Artavasdes; but he sent

Surena against the Romans, not because he despised them, as some say,

for it was not consistent for him to disdain Crassus as an antagonist,

the first of the Romans, and to war against Artavasdes and take the

villages of Armenia; but it seems that he really feared the danger,

and that he was on the watch to await the result, and that he put

Surena in the front to try the fortune of a battle, and so to divert

the enemy. For Surena was no person of mean estate: in wealth, birth,

and consideration, he was next to the king; but, in courage and

ability, the first of the Parthians of his time; and, besides all

this, in stature and beauty of person he had no equal. He used always

to travel, when he was on his own business, with a thousand camels to

carry his baggage, and he had following him two hundred carriages for

concubines; and a thousand mailed horsemen, with a larger number of

light cavalry, escorted him; and he had in all, horsemen, clients,[68]

and slaves, no less than ten thousand. Now by hereditary right he had

the privilege of first placing the diadem on the head of him who

became king of the Parthians;[69] and this very Hyrodes, who had been

driven out, he restored to the Parthian empire, and took for him

Seleukeia the Great, being the first to mount the wall and to put to

flight with his own hand those who opposed him. Though he was not yet

thirty years of age at that time, he had the first reputation for

prudent counsel and judgment, by which qualities particularly he

caused the ruin of Crassus, who through his confidence and pride in

the first place, and next through his fears and his misfortunes,

became a most easy victim to fraud.

XXII. The barbarian, after persuading Crassus, drew him away from the

river, and led him through the plains by a track at first convenient

and easy, but which soon became toilsome; for it was succeeded by deep

sand, and plains treeless and waterless, not bounded in any direction

by any object that the eye could reach, so that, not only through

thirst and the difficulty of the march, was the army exhausted, but

even the aspect of all around caused the soldiers to despond past all

comfort, seeing neither plant, nor stream, nor top of sloping hill,

nor blade of grass sprouting or rising through the earth, but a bare

sea-like wave of desert heaps of sand environing the army. Now this of

itself made the Romans suspect treachery. Messengers also came from

Artavasdes the Armenian, with a message that he was engaged in a heavy

struggle since Hyrodes had fallen upon him, and that he could not send

Crassus aid; but he advised Crassus above all things to change his

route immediately, and, by joining the Armenians, to bring the contest

with Hyrodes to a close: but, if he would not do this, he recommended

him to advance, and always to avoid encamping in such places as were

adapted for the movements of cavalry, and to keep close to the

mountainous parts: to all which Crassus sent no written answer, but,

under the influence of passion and perverse disposition, he answered,

that he had no leisure at present to deal with the Armenians, but he

would come at another time to punish Artavasdes for his treachery.

Cassius was again much dissatisfied: but he gave over advising

Crassus, who was out of humour with him, though Cassius himself abused

the barbarian. "What evil dæmon," he said, "vilest of men, brought you

to us, and by what drugs and witchcraft have you persuaded Crassus to

plunge his army into a boundless wilderness and an abyss, and to

pursue a path more fit for a nomadic chief of robbers than for a Roman

Imperator?" But the barbarian, who was a cunning follow, with abject

servility, prayed him to endure a little longer; and, while running

along with the soldiers and giving them his help, he would jeer at

them in a laughing mood, and say, "I suppose you think that you are

marching through Campania, and you long for the fountains, and

streams, and shades, and baths, and taverns? Have you forgotten that

you are crossing the confines of the Arabs and Assyrians?" Thus the

barbarian amused the Romans, and before his treachery was discovered

he rode off, not, however, without the knowledge of Crassus, after

making him believe that he would serve the Roman army, and put the

affairs of the enemy in confusion.

XXIII. It is said that on that day Crassus did not appear, as is the

custom of Roman generals, in a purple dress, but in black, which he

immediately changed on observing what he had done: and it is also said

that the men who carried the standards had much difficulty in raising

some of them up, for they stuck in the ground as if they were firmly

rooted there. Crassus ridiculed all these omens, and quickened his

march, urging the infantry to follow after the cavalry, till at last a

few of those who had been sent forward as scouts came up, and reported

that the rest of them had been cut off by the enemy, and they had

escaped with difficulty, and that the Parthians were advancing with a

large force, and full of confidence. This threw all the army into

confusion, and Crassus was completely confounded, and began to put his

men in order hastily, and with no great presence of mind: at first, as

Cassius recommended, he extended the line of the legionary soldiers as

far as possible in the plain, and making it of small depth, in order

to prevent the enemy from attacking them on the flank, he distributed

the cavalry on the wings; but he changed his plan and, drawing his men

together, formed them into a deep square of four fronts, with twelve

cohorts on each side. By the side of each cohort he placed a body of

horse, in order that no part of the army might be without the aid of

the cavalry, but might make the attack equally protected on all sides.

He gave one of the wings to Cassius, and the other to young Crassus;

he himself took his station in the centre. Thus advancing, they came

to a stream called Balissus,[70] which was neither large nor copious;

but it was a joyful sight to the soldiers in the midst of the drought

and heat, and by comparison with the rest of their laborious march

through a country without water. Now most of the commanders thought

that they ought to encamp and spend the night there, and learn what

was the number of the enemy, and the nature and disposition of their

force, and so advance against them at daybreak; but Crassus, being

prevailed upon by the importunity of his son, and the cavalry with

him, to advance immediately, and engage with the enemy, gave orders

for the men who required it to eat and drink in their ranks. And

before this could be well accomplished all through the ranks, he led

on his men, not slowly, nor halting at intervals, as is usual when men

are marching to battle, but he kept them up to a quick, unbroken pace,

until the enemy were in sight, who, contrary to expectation, did not

appear to the Romans to be either numerous or formidable; for Surena

disguised his numbers by placing the mass of his force behind the

front ranks, and he prevented their bright armour from being seen by

ordering his men to cover themselves with cloaks and skins. But when

they were near the Romans, and the standard was raised by the general,

first of all they filled the plain with a deep sound and a terrific

noise; for the Parthians do not excite themselves to battle with horns

or trumpets, but they have hollow instruments,[71] made of skin, and

furnished with brass bells, on which they strike at the same time in

various parts; and these instruments produce a kind of deep and dismal

sound, compounded of the roaring of wild beasts and the harsh crash

of thunder; for the Parthians rightly judge that of all the senses

the hearing is that which causes the greatest alarm in the mind, and

that, when this sense is affected, there is the speediest and greatest

disturbance in the judgment.

XXIV. The Romans were startled at the noise, when all of a sudden

throwing off the covering of their armour the Parthians appeared, with

their helmets and breastplates flashing like flame, the Margian

steel[72] glittering sharp and bright, and the horses equipped in mail

of brass and iron; but Surena was most conspicuous of all, being the

tallest and handsomest man among them, though his personal appearance,

owing to his feminine beauty, did not correspond to his reputation for

courage, for he was dressed more in the Median fashion, with his face

painted[73] and his hair parted, while the rest of the Parthians,

still keeping to the Scythian fashion, wore their hair long and bushy

to make themselves more formidable. At first the Parthians intended to

fall upon them with their long spears, and to drive the front ranks

from their ground; but when they saw the depth of their close-locked

ranks, and the firmness and stability of the men, they drew back; and

while they seemed to be at the same time dispersing themselves and

breaking their ranks, they threw themselves around the square before

the Romans were aware of it. Crassus ordered the light-armed troops to

spring forward; but they had not advanced far before they were met by

a shower of arrows, which galled them, and they ran back for shelter

among the legionary soldiers, and caused the beginning of disorder and

alarm among the Romans, who saw the vigour with which the arrows were

discharged and their strength, for they tore the armour and made their

way through everything alike, whether hard or soft defence. The

Parthians, dispersing themselves at considerable distances from one

another, began to discharge their arrows from all points at once, not

taking any very exact aim (for the close and compact ranks of the

Romans did not give a man the opportunity of missing if he wished it),

but sending their arrows with vigorous and forcible effect from bows

which were strong and large, and, owing to their great degree of

bending, discharged the missiles with violence. Now the condition of

the Romans was pitiable from the beginning: for, if they kept their

position, they were exposed to be wounded, and if they attempted to

close with the enemy, they were just as far from doing the enemy any

harm, and they suffered just as much; for the Parthians while

retreating[74] still discharged their arrows, and they do this most

effectually next to the Scythians: and it is a most subtle device to

make their escape from danger while they are still fighting, and to

take away the disgrace of flight.

XXV.[75] The Romans endured so long as they had hopes that the

Parthians would withdraw from the contest when they had discharged

their arrows, or would come to close quarters; but when they perceived

that there were many camels standing there, loaded with arrows, and

that the Parthians who had first shot all their arrows, turned round

to the camels for a fresh supply, Crassus, seeing no end to this,

began to lose heart, and he sent messengers to his son with orders to

force the enemy to engage before he was surrounded, for the Parthians

were mainly attacking and surrounding with their cavalry the wing

commanded by young Crassus, with the view of getting in his rear.

Accordingly, the young man taking thirteen hundred horsemen,--a

thousand of whom he had brought from Cæsar,--and five hundred

archers, and eight cohorts of the legionary soldiers, who were nearest

to him, wheeled about to attack the Parthians. But the Parthians, who

were manœuvring about Crassus, either because they fell in with some

marshes,[76] as some say, or because it was their design to attack

Crassus when they had drawn him as far as they could from his father,

turned round and fled. On this Crassus, calling out that the Parthians

did not stand their ground, advanced with Censorinus and

Megabacchus,[77] of whom Megabacchus was distinguished for courage and

strength, and Censorinus[78] was a senator and a powerful speaker,

both of them companions of Crassus, and about the same age. The

cavalry pursued the enemy, nor did the infantry allow themselves to be

left behind, being full of alacrity and hope of victory; for they

thought that they were victorious and in pursuit: but they had not

gone far before they perceived the stratagem; for the Parthians, who

were supposed to be flying, began to face about, and others, in

greater numbers, joined them. Upon this the Romans halted, thinking

that the enemy would come to close quarters with them, as they were

only few in number. But the Parthians placing their mailed horsemen in

the front, to oppose the Romans, rode about them with the rest of the

cavalry dispersed, and, by trampling the ground, they raised from the

bottom heaps of sand, which threw up such an immense cloud of dust

that the Romans could neither see clearly nor speak; and, being driven

into a narrow compass, and falling one on another, they were wounded

and died no easy nor yet a speedy death, for tortured with violent

convulsions and pain, and writhing with the arrows in them, they

broke them in the wounds, and, by trying to pull out by force the

barbed points, which had pierced through their veins and nerves, they

increased the evil by breaking the arrows, and thus injured

themselves. Many thus fell, and the survivors also were unable to

fight; for, when Publius encouraged them to attack the mailed

horsemen, they showed him that their hands were nailed to their

shields, and their feet fastened right through to the ground, so that

they were unable either to fly or to defend themselves. However,

Publius cheering the cavalry, made a vigorous attack with them, and

closed with the enemy; but the Romans were under a disadvantage, both

as to attack and defence, striking with small and feeble spears

against breastplates of raw hide and iron, and receiving the blows of

long spears on the lightly-equipped and bare bodies of the Gauls, for

Crassus trusted most to them, and with them indeed he did wonderful

feats; for the Gauls, laying hold of the long spears, and closing with

the Parthians, pushed them from their horses, the men, owing to the

weight of their armour, being unable to stir themselves; and many of

the Gauls, quitting their own horses, and slipping under those of the

enemy, wounded them in the belly, and the horses springing up through

pain, and, at the same time, trampling on their riders and the enemy,

fell dead. The Gauls were most oppressed by the heat and thirst, being

unaccustomed to both, and they had lost most of their horses by

driving them against the long spears. They were, therefore, compelled

to retreat to the legionary soldiers, taking with them Publius, who

was badly wounded. Seeing a sandy eminence near, they retreated to it,

and fastened their horses in the middle, and closing in their front by

close-locking their shields, they thought they could thus more easily

repel the enemy: but it turned out just the other way; for, while they

were on the level ground, the front ranks did, in some sort, give

relief to those who were behind; but on this spot, which raised the

men one above another, by reason of the inequality of the ground, and

placed every one who was in the rear above the man in front of him,

there was no one who could escape, and they were all alike exposed to

the missiles, lamenting their inglorious and unresisting death. There

were with Publius two Greeks, who belonged to the dwellers in those

parts in Carrhæ,[79] Hieronymus and Nikomachus, both of whom attempted

to persuade Publius to retire with them, and to make his escape to

Ichnæ[80] a city which had taken the side of the Romans, and was not

far off. But he replied that no death was so dreadful as to make

Publius, through fear of it, desert those who were losing their lives

for his sake, and bade them save themselves, and taking leave of them,

he allowed them to go: himself being unable to use his hand

effectually, for it was pierced by an arrow, presented his side to his

shield-bearer[81] and ordered him to despatch him with his sword. They

say that Censorinus perished in the same way, and that Megabacchus

killed himself, and all the rest of the most distinguished men. The

Parthians, ascending the hill, transfixed with their spears the

survivors; and it is said that not more than five hundred were taken

prisoners. The Parthians, cutting off the head of Publius, immediately

rode off to attack Crassus.

XXVI. With Crassus matters were thus. After ordering his son to make

an attack on the Parthians, and receiving intelligence that they were

routed to a great distance, and were hotly pursued; seeing also that

the enemy in front were no longer pressing on him so much as before,

for most of them had crowded to the place where young Crassus was, he

recovered his courage a little, and drawing his forces together,

posted them on a sloping ground, being in immediate expectation that

his son would return from the pursuit. Of those who were sent by

Publius to his father, when he began to be in danger, the first fell

into the hands of the enemy and were killed; and the next, after

escaping with great difficulty, reported that Publius was lost, if he

did not receive speedy and sufficient aid from his father. Now,

Crassus was affected by many contending feelings at once, and he no

longer viewed anything with sober judgment. Distracted by alarm for

the whole army, and love of his son at the same time, he was urged by

one motive to go to his aid, and by the other not to go: but finally

he began to move in advance. In the mean time the enemy came up,

making themselves more formidable by their shouts and pæans, and many

of the drums again bellowed around the Romans, who were in expectation

of a second attack. The Parthians, carrying the head of Publius fixed

on a spear, rode close up to the Romans, and, displaying it

insultingly, asked who were his parents and family, for it was not

decent to suppose that so noble and brave a youth was the son of so

cowardly and mean a man as Crassus. The sight of this broke and

unstrung the spirit of the Romans more than all the rest of their

dangers; and it did not fill them with a spirit for revenge, as one

might have supposed, but with shuddering and trembling. Yet they say

that the courage of Crassus on that dreadful occasion shone forth more

brightly than ever before; for he went along the ranks, crying out,

"Mine alone, Romans, is this misfortune: but the great fortune and

glory of Rome abide in you, if your lives are saved, unbroken and

unvanquishcd: and, if you have any pity on me, who have been deprived

of the noblest of sons, show this in your fury against the enemy. Take

from them their rejoicing, avenge their cruelty: be not cast down at

what has happened, for it is the law that those who aim at great

things must also endure. Neither did Lucullus vanquish Tigranes

without loss of blood, nor Scipio Antiochus; and our ancestors of old

lost a thousand ships on the coast of Sicily, and in Italy many

Imperatores and generals, not one of whom, by being first vanquished,

prevented them from vanquishing the victors; for it is not by good

fortune that the Roman state has advanced to such a height of power,

but by the endurance and courage of those who meet danger."

XXVII. Though Crassus used such words to encourage them, he did not

see many eager to follow his exhortations: but, by ordering them to

shout the battle cry, he discovered the dispirited condition of his

men, so weak, and feeble, and irregular a shout they made; while the

cries on the side of the enemy were clear and bold. When the Parthians

began the attack, their slaves and clients, riding about on the flanks

of the Romans, galled them with their arrows: and the horsemen in

front, using their long spears, kept driving the Romans into a narrow

compass, except those who, to avoid death from the arrows, made a

desperate attempt to rush upon the Parthians; wherein they did the

enemy little damage, but met with a speedy death by great and mortal

wounds; for the Parthians drove their spears, heavy with iron, against

the horsemen; and, from the force of the blow, they often went even

through two men. After thus fighting, as dark came on the Parthians

retired, saying, that they allowed Crassus a single night to lament

his son, unless he should take better counsel for himself, and choose

rather to come to King Arsakes than to be taken. The Parthians

encamped near the Romans, in high hopes. A painful night followed to

the Romans, who neither paid any attention to the interment of the

dead, nor care to the wounded, and those who were in the agonies of

death; but every man was severally lamenting his own fate; for it

appeared that they could not escape, either if they waited there till

daybreak, or if they plunged by night into a boundless plain. And the

wounded caused a great difficulty; for they would be an obstacle to

the quickness of their flight if they attempted to carry them off:

and, if they should leave them, their shouts would betray the attempt

to escape unobserved. Though they considered Crassus to be the cause

of all their sufferings, the soldiers still wished to see him and hear

his voice. But Crassus, wrapping himself up in his cloak, lay

concealed in the dark, an example to the many of fortune's reverses,

and to the wise of want of judgment and of ambition, which made him

dissatisfied unless he was the first and greatest among so many

thousands, and think that he lacked everything because he was judged

to be inferior to two men only. However, Octavius the legate, and

Cassius, endeavoured to rouse and comfort him; but, finding that he

had entirely given himself up to despair, they called together the

centurions and tribunes, and, after deliberating, they resolved not to

stay on the ground, and they made an attempt at first to put the army

in motion without the sound of the trumpet, and in silence. But when

the soldiers who were disabled, perceived that they were going to be

deserted, terrible disorder and confusion, mingled with groans and

shouts, filled the camp; and this was followed by disorder and panic

as they began to advance, for they thought that the enemy was coming

upon them. After frequently turning from their route, and frequently

putting themselves in order of battle, and taking up the wounded who

followed, and then laying them down again, they lost much time on the

march, with the exception of three hundred horsemen, with Ignatius[82]

at their head, who reached Carrhæ about midnight. Ignatius, calling

out in the Roman language to the watch upon the walls, and making them

hear, told them to tell Coponius, the commander, that there had been a

great battle between Crassus and the Parthians; and, without saying

more or who he was, he rode off to the Zeugma, and saved all his men;

but he got a bad name for deserting his general. However, the

information thus conveyed to Coponius was some advantage to Crassus;

for Coponius concluded that this hasty and confused message indicated

that he who brought it had no good news to report: and, accordingly,

he immediately ordered the soldiers to arm; and, as soon as he learned

that Crassus was on his march, he went out to meet him, and, taking

charge of him and his army, conducted them into the city.

XXVIII. Though the Parthians during the night discovered that the

Romans were making their escape, they did not pursue, but at daybreak

they came upon those who were left in the camp, to the number of four

thousand, and massacred them; and they rode about the plain and

overtook many who were there rambling about. Four complete cohorts,

while it was still dark, under the command of Varguntinus the legate,

got separated from the rest and lost their way, and, being surrounded

by the Parthians on an eminence, they fought till they were all

killed, with the exception of twenty men. The Parthians, admiring the

courage of these twenty men, who were endeavouring to push through

them with their bare swords, made way and allowed them a passage

through their ranks, and to march slowly to Carrhæ. A false report

reached Surena, that Crassus and all the men of rank had made their

escape, and that those who had fled to Carrhæ were a mingled rabble

not worth notice. Thinking, then, that he had lost the end of his

victory, but being still doubtful and wishing to know the truth, in

order that he might either stay there and besiege the town, or leave

the people of Carrhæ behind and pursue Crassus, he sends one of the

men with him, who could speak both languages, with instructions to

approach the walls, and in the Roman language to call out for Crassus

himself or Cassius, and to say that Surena wished to have a conference

with them. The man did as he was ordered; and when it was reported to

Crassus, he accepted the invitation, and soon after there came from

the barbarians some Arabs who well knew Crassus and Cassius by sight,

having been in the camp before the battle. The Arabs, observing

Cassius on the wall, said that Surena proposed a truce, and offered,

if they would become friends to the king, to let them go safe, if they

would leave Mesopotamia; for he considered this proposal advantageous

to both sides, rather than to let matters come to extremities. Cassius

accepted the proposal, and asked for a place and time to be fixed

where Surena and Crassus should meet: the men replied that this should

be done, and rode off.

XXIX. Now Surena was delighted at the Romans being besieged, and at

daybreak he led the Parthians against the city, who, with many

insulting expressions, bade the Romans, if they wished to have a

truce, deliver up to them Crassus and Cassius[83] in chains. The

Romans were vexed at being deceived; and, telling Crassus to give up

all hopes of aid from the Armenians as too remote and groundless, they

prepared to make their escape by stealth; and none of the people of

Carrhæ were to know this before the time came. But Andromachus, that

most faithless wretch, heard of it from Crassus, who confided to him

the secret, and also the guidance on the route. Accordingly, all was

known to the Parthians; for Andromachus reported to them every

particular. But as it is not the custom of the Parthians to fight in

the dark, and indeed they cannot easily do it, and Crassus had left

the city by night, Andromachus contrived that the Parthians should not

be far behind in the pursuit, by leading the Romans first by one route

and then by another, till at last he brought them out of their course

into deep marshes and ground full of ditches, and thus made the march

difficult and circuitous to all who followed him; for there were some

who suspected that Andromachus had no honest object in turning and

twisting about, and therefore did not follow. Cassius, indeed,

returned to Carrhæ; and when the guides, who were Arabs, advised him

to wait till the moon had passed the Scorpion, he replied, "I fear the

Archer more than the Scorpion," and, saying this, he rode off to

Syria, with five hundred horsemen. Others, who had faithful guides,

got into a mountainous country, called Sinnaca,[84] and were in a safe

position before daybreak: they were about five thousand in number, and

were commanded by a brave man, Octavius. But daybreak found Crassus

exposed to the treachery of Andromachus in the unfavourable ground and

the marshes. Crassus had with him four cohorts of the legionary

soldiers, and a very few horsemen, and five lictors, with whom he got

upon the road with great difficulty just as the enemy was falling upon

him; and now being about twelve stadia short of joining Octavius, he

fled to another hill not so difficult for cavalry nor yet so strong,

but one that lay below Sinnaca, and was connected with it by a long

ridge, which stretched through the middle of the plain. His danger was

apparent to Octavius, who ran before any one else with a few men, from

the higher ground to aid Crassus, upon which the rest of the men,

abusing themselves for cowards, rushed forward, and, falling on the

enemy, and repulsing them from the hill, put Crassus in the midst of

them, and threw their shields before him, proudly exclaiming that

there was no Parthian missile which should strike the Imperator until

all of them had fallen in defence of him.

XXX. Surena observing that the spirit of the Parthians was somewhat

dulled towards the contest, and, if the night should come on and the

Romans get among the mountains, they could not by any means be

overtaken, employed the following stratagem against Crassus. Some of

the captives were let loose, who, in the Parthian camp, had heard the

barbarians saying to one another, in pursuance of a concerted plan,

that the king did not wish the war with the Romans to be carried to

extremities, but desired to have their friendship again, by doing them

the favour of treating Crassus kindly. Accordingly the barbarians

stopped fighting; and Surena, with his chief officers, riding gently

up to the hill, unstrung his bow, and holding out his right hand,

invited Crassus to come to terms, saying, that Crassus had put the

king's courage and power to the test, though the king did not wish it,

and yet the king of his own free will made the Romans an offer of

mercy and friendship by being ready to make a truce with them if they

would retire, and by giving them the opportunity of a safe retreat.

Upon Surena saying this the Romans eagerly accepted his proposal, and

were overjoyed; though Crassus, having been always over-reached by

their fraud, and considering the suddenness of the change to be

inexplicable, would not listen to them and hesitated. But the soldiers

began to call out and urge him to accept the terms, and they fell to

abusing and reproaching him, for wishing to expose them to the risk of

fighting with those whom he did not venture to go to a conference

with, even when they laid aside their arms. Crassus at first attempted

to prevail on them by entreaty, and he said that, if they would hold

out for the rest of the day, they would be able to march by night

through the rough and mountain country, and he pointed out to them the

route, and entreated them not to throw away their hopes when safety

was so near; but, as the soldiers began to be exasperated and to

clatter their arms and threaten him, he was alarmed, and advanced

towards Surena, after first turning round and merely saying, "Octavius

and Petronius, and you Roman officers who are here, you see that I go

under compulsion, and you are witnesses that I am treated in a

shameful way and am under constraint; but, if you get safe home, tell

all the world, that Crassus lost his life through the treachery of the

enemy, and was not surrendered by his fellow-citizens."

XXXI. Yet Octavius and those about him did not stay behind, but

descended the hill with Crassus. However, Crassus made the lictors who

were following him turn back. The first who met them, on the part of

the barbarians, were two Greeks of half-breed, who, leaping down from

their horses, made their obeisance to Crassus, and, addressing him in

the Greek language, urged him to send forward some persons, who, as

they said, would see that Surena himself and those about him were

advancing without armour and without their weapons. Crassus replied,

that if he had the least concern about his life, he should not have

put himself into their hands; however, he sent two Roscii, brothers,

to inquire upon what terms they should meet, and how many of them.

Surena immediately seized and detained the two brothers, and he

himself advanced on horseback with the chief officers, and said, "What

is this? the Roman Imperator on foot while we are riding!" and he

ordered them to bring a horse to Crassus. Crassus observed that

neither himself nor Surena was acting wrong in coming to the

conference according to the fashion of their respective countries; on

which Surena said that from that moment there was a truce and peace

between king Hyrodes and the Romans; but that it was requisite to

advance to the river,[85] and there have the agreement put in writing;

"for you Romans," he said, "have not a very good memory about

contracts;" and he held out his right hand to Crassus. When Crassus

was going to send for a horse, Surena said there was no occasion; "for

the king gives you this." At the same time a horse with golden bits

stood close by Crassus, and the grooms raised him up and mounted him,

and then followed, quickening the horse's pace with blows. Octavius

first laid hold of the bridle of the horse, and, after him, Petronius,

one of the tribunes, and then the rest got round the horse of Crassus,

endeavouring to stop it, and dragging away those who pressed close

upon Crassus on each side. This led to a struggle and tumult, and

finally to blows; Octavius drew his sword and killed the groom of one

of the barbarians, and another struck Octavius from behind and killed

him. Petronius had no weapon, and, being struck on the breastplate, he

leapt down from the horse unwounded; and a Parthian, named

Pomaxathres, killed Crassus.[86] Some say that it was not Pomaxathres,

but another, who killed Crassus, and that Pomaxathres cut off the head

and right hand when Crassus was lying on the ground. But these are

rather matters of conjecture than of certain knowledge; for of those

who were present some fell there fighting about Crassus, and the rest

immediately fled back to the hill. Upon this the Parthians came and

said, that Crassus had been punished as he deserved, but Surena

invited the rest to come down and fear nothing: whereupon, some of the

Romans came down and surrendered, and the rest dispersed themselves

under cover of night, of whom a very few escaped; the rest the Arabs

hunted out, and put to death when they caught them. It is said that

twenty thousand perished in all, and ten thousand were taken alive.

XXXII. Surena sent the head[87] and hand of Crassus to Hyrodes in

Armenia; and, causing a report to be carried by messengers to

Seleukeia that he was bringing Crassus alive, he got ready a kind of

ridiculous procession which, in mockery, he called a triumph. One of

the Roman prisoners who bore the greatest resemblance to Crassus,

Caius Paccianus, putting on a barbarian female dress, and being

instructed to answer as Crassus and Imperator to those who addressed

him, was conducted, seated on a horse, and in front of him trumpeters,

and some lictors rode upon camels; and there were purses[88] suspended

from the fasces, and, by the side of the axes, heads of Romans newly

cut off. Behind these followed courtesans of Seleukeia, singing girls,

who chanted many obscene and ridiculous things about the effeminacy

and cowardice of Crassus. All this was public. But Surena assembling

the Senate of Seleukeia,[89] laid before them certain licentious books

of the Milesiaca of Aristeides,[90] and, in this matter, at least,

there was no invention on his part; for they were found among the

baggage of Rustius,[91] and they gave Surena the opportunity of

greatly insulting and ridiculing the Romans, because they could not,

even when going to war, abstain from such things and such books. To

the Senate of Seleukeia, however, Æsopus[92] appeared to be a wise

man, when they saw Surena with the wallet of Milesian obscenities in

front of him, and dragging behind him a Parthian Sybaris in so many

waggons full of concubines, in a manner forming a counterpart to those

vipers and skytalæ[93] so much talked of, by presenting the visible

and the front parts formidable and terrific, with spears, and bows,

and horses, but in the rear of the phalanx, terminating in harlots,

and rattling cymbals, and lute-playing, and nocturnal revels with

women. Rustius, indeed, merits blame, but the Parthians were shameless

in finding fault with the Milesian stories; for many of the kings who

have reigned over them, as Arsakidæ, have been the sons of Milesian

and Ionian concubines.

XXXIII. While this was going on, Hyrodes happened to have been

reconciled to Artavasdes the Armenian, and had agreed to receive the

sister of Artavasdes as wife to his son Pacorus: and there were

banquets and drinking-parties between them, and representations of

many Greek plays; for Hyrodes was not a stranger either to the Greek

language or the literature of the Greeks: and Artavasdes used to write

tragedies, and speeches, and histories, some of which are preserved.

When the head of Crassus was brought to the door, the tables were

taken away, and a tragedy actor Jason,[94] by name, a native of

Tralles, chanted that part of the Bacchæ[95] of Euripides which

relates to Agave. While he was receiving applause. Sillakes, standing

by the door of the apartment, and making a reverence, threw the head

of Crassus before the company. The Parthians clapped their hands with

shouts of joy and the attendants, at the command of the king, seated

Sillakes, while Jason handed over to one of the members of the chorus

the dress of Pentheus, and, laying hold of the head of Crassus, and,

putting on the air of a bacchant, he sung these verses with great

enthusiasm:--

We bring from a mountain

A young one new killed to the house,

A fortunate prey.

This delighted all the company; and, while the following verses were

being chanted, which are a dialogue with the chorus,

_A_. Who killed him?

_B_. Mine is the honour,

Pomaxathres, springing up (for he happened to be at the banquet), laid

hold of the head, as if it was more appropriate for him to say this

than for Jason. The king was pleased, and made Pomaxathres a present,

according to the fashion of the country, and he gave Jason a talent.

In such a farce[96] as this, it is said, that the expedition of

Crassus terminated just like a tragedy. However, just punishment

overtook Hyrodes for his cruelty, and Surena for his treachery. Not

long after, Hyrodes put Surena to death, being jealous of his

reputation. Hyrodes also lost his son Pacorus,[97] who was defeated

by the Romans in a battle; and having fallen into an illness which

turned out to be dropsy, his son, Phraates,[98] who had a design on

his life, gave him aconite.[99] But the poison only operated on the

disease, which was thrown off together with it, and Hyrodes thereby

relieved; whereupon Phraates took the shortest course and strangled

his father.