FALL OF ADMINISTRATION
JUNE TO JULY, 1885
On June 8th, as has been seen, the Government were defeated by a
majority of 12.
'On June 9th there was a further Cabinet. We had been beaten on the
Budget, but in the meantime Spencer had yielded, and Mr. Gladstone
was very anxious to be able to say that we were all agreed.
Therefore we discussed a Coercion Bill in the first place, but the
four of us at once refused to agree to Spencer's concession as
sufficient.' [Footnote: Namely, that the Coercion Bill should only
have effect after a special proclamation had been issued. Sir
Charles Dilke notes, September 20th, 1891, the receipt of a letter
from Mr. Chamberlain, thanking him for extracts from his Memoir of
1884-85 on Irish affairs, and saying that where it dealt with the
same points it tallied exactly with his recollections.] 'It passes
my understanding, therefore, how Mr. Gladstone is able to pronounce,
as he has done, "unfounded" the statement that the Cabinet was at
odds upon the Irish question at the moment of its defeat. Three of
us had resigned on it, and our letters were in his pocket. The next
matter discussed was resignation, which did not take a minute; and
then the question of what Customs dues should be levied....
'After the Cabinet there was a levee, at which I had some
conversation with Lord Salisbury as to the Redistribution Bill in
the Lords, and his reply showed that he meant to form a Government.'
'On June 10th my discussions with Lord Salisbury as to the
Redistribution Bill were continued, and it was decided that the Bill
was to go forward in spite of the Ministerial crisis, although this
was resisted by the Fourth Party in the House of Commons.'
On the previous evening Sir Charles Dilke addressed an audience at the
City Liberal Club in a speech of unwonted passion. Confidently
anticipating that the Redistribution Bill would go through in spite of
any change of Ministry and the resistance of the Fourth Party, he dwelt
on the magnitude of the change for which he had so long wrought. But the
central point of the speech was a eulogy of Mr Gladstone, which
reflected the temper of a scene that had passed in the House of Commons
the same day, and he demanded in the name of Liberalism that the battle
should be won, 'not only with his great name, but under his actual
leadership.'
This was the declaration of the Radicals against all thought of a
Hartington Administration. Referring to the speech, he writes:
'I was greatly congratulated on this day on a speech which I had
made at a house dinner of the City Liberal Club on the 9th.
Chamberlain wrote: "Your speech was admirable, and I have heard from
one who was present that the effect was electrical. You never did
better in your life." He went on to agree with me in my wish that
Herbert Gladstone should be appointed Chief Whip for the Opposition,
and then to say that we must be very careful what we did, or "we
shall destroy the Tory Government before it has done our work." I
had asked him to sit to Holl for a portrait for me, and he said that
he would do so, but that he was going to speak all over the country
in support of the unauthorized programme. He did sit, and a very
fine picture was the result.' [Footnote: Now at the National
Portrait Gallery, to which Sir Charles bequeathed it.]
'On Saturday, June 13th, I presided at the Cobden Club dinner, at
which Chamberlain was also present, and our speeches attracted some
attention.' [Footnote: Sir Charles from the chair advocated
'destroying the monopoly in land,' and 'establishing an Irish
control of Irish affairs.' Chamberlain advocated 'some great measure
of devolution by which the Imperial Parliament shall retain its
supremacy, but shall nevertheless relegate to subordinate
authorities the control and administration of their local business,'
and added: 'I think it is a consolation to my right hon. friend as
well as to myself that our hands are free, and that our voices may
now be lifted up in the cause of freedom and justice.']
'On Tuesday, the 16th, we had a meeting of the leaders, at which
were present Lords Selborne, Northbrook, Carlingford, Derby,
Kimberley, Mr. Gladstone, Harcourt, Childers, Chamberlain, Lefevre,
and myself. Salisbury, through Arthur Balfour, had verbally asked
for (1) priority for Supply; (2) if we would, supposing that we
opposed their Budget, support them in borrowing by Exchequer Bills.
We decided to make as little reply as possible. In Winston
Churchill's Life of his father he says we promised "facilities," but
we refused.'
'Randolph Churchill sounded me to know if in the event of his taking
office he could sit for Birmingham, and Chamberlain answered: "If R.
C. takes office _without_ coercion, we should not oppose him. If
_with_, I should certainly fight to accentuate the betrayal."
'On the afternoon of June 16th I had a serious talk with Chamberlain
about manhood suffrage, which he had advocated in a speech, pointing
out to him that this question of manhood as against adult suffrage
(i.e., including women) was the only one on which we differed, and
the only question which seemed likely to divide us. The outcome of
our talk was that we should postpone as long as possible the
inevitable difference, and make it last as short a time as possible
by postponing it till the very moment when the thing was likely to
be carried. When the time came that our people should be raving for
manhood suffrage, and that I should have to join the Tories in
carrying adult suffrage as against it, I might, if in office, have
to go out by myself, but this could not be avoided.' [Footnote: A
memorandum on this subject by Sir Charles, published by the Society
for Promoting Adult Suffrage, in the last years of his life, is
quoted on p. 409 of this volume.]
'On the 16th, also, I wrote to Grant Duff that there was "no liking
for Ireland or the Irish," but "an almost universal feeling now in
both parties that some form of Home Rule must be tried. My own
belief is that it will be tried too late, as all our remedies have
been."
'I told him how I had written to solicit a peerage for him, and that
the Liberals would be in office again in "January," and when his
term of office was to expire--a true prophecy.'
'On June 18th there was another Cabinet of the outgoing Ministers,
although Hartington and Lord Granville were not present. There were
present Mr. Gladstone, Lord Selborne, Carlingford, Northbrook,
Kimberley, Derby, Rosebery, Harcourt, Childers, Trevelyan, Lefevre,
Chamberlain, and myself. Mr. Gladstone had heard on the previous
night from the Queen, enclosing a letter from Lord Salisbury to her,
asking for an undertaking that we would support him on his Budget
and in Supply, as he could not now dissolve. We again refused to
give any but very general assurances.
'On June 19th, Randolph Churchill having blown up Northcote' (who
had been removed to the Upper House), 'and shown his power by making
himself Dictator, now wished for freedom and some excuse for
preventing the formation of a Government, and a curious letter from
him was forwarded to me by Chamberlain. In Chamberlain's covering
letter there is the first allusion to our proposed tour in Ireland.
'On Saturday, June 20th, there was a last Cabinet or "full meeting"
of outgoing Ministers, all being present except Spencer and our two
racing men--Hartington and Rosebery. We further considered the
question of "assurances," at the renewed suggestion of the Queen,
and finally declined to give them. Though this was called as a
Cabinet, Mrs. Gladstone was in the room. Saturday to Monday I spent
in a last visit to the smallpox camp at Darenth. On Monday, the
22nd, I made a fighting speech at a meeting at the Welsh chapel in
Radnor Street at Chelsea; [Footnote: The speech advocated not merely
Home Rule, but Home Rule all round. Sir Charles expressed a wish to
"study in Ireland a plan for the devolution to Welsh, Scottish, and
Irish bodies of much business which Parliament is incompetent to
discharge, and which at the present time is badly done or not done
at all."
"The principles of decentralization which ought to be applied are
clear to those who know the two kingdoms and the Principality, but
the details must be studied on the spot. As regards Wales and
Scotland, no great controversial questions are likely to arise. But
as regards the Irish details, it is the intention of Mr. Chamberlain
and myself to inquire in Ireland of those who know Ireland best.
Officials in Ireland, contrary to public belief, are many of them in
favour of decentralization, but still more are the Bishops and
clergy of various denominations, legal authorities, and the like.
Some writers who have recently attacked a proposal which has been
made to abolish in Ireland what is known as 'Dublin Castle' are
unaware, apparently, of the fact that not only officials of the
highest experience, and many statesmen on both sides who know
Ireland well, are agreed on the necessity for the abolition, but
that those who have had the most recent experience in the office of
Viceroy are themselves sharers in the decentralization view which
now prevails."] and on Wednesday, June 24th, I left my office.
'My successor was Arthur Balfour, and I initiated him into the
business of the Local Government Board at his request, after a first
interview at Sloane Street. As late as June 21st Harcourt had made
up his mind that the Tories would be unable to form a Government,
and that it was his painful duty to come back; and he wrote to me
that he had informed Mr. Gladstone that "I would stand by him if he
agreed to come back _whatever might happen_." Chamberlain wrote on
this that it was impossible if Spencer remained. "It will be bad for
us and for the settlement of the Irish question."
'Chamberlain and I were now intending to visit Ireland, but Manning
declined to give us letters, and wrote on June 25th: "What am I to
do? I am afraid of your Midlothian in Ireland. How can I be
godfather to Hengist and Horsa?" I replied:
'"Dear Cardinal Manning,
'"I fear I have made myself far from clear. You speak of a
Midlothian. I should not for a moment have dreamt of asking you for
letters had not that been most carefully guarded against. We are not
going to make a single speech or to attend any dinner, meeting, or
reception, in any part of Ireland. Our journey is private, and our
wish is to visit the Catholic Archbishops and Bishops and to find
out what they want. It has sprung from your own suggestion, and from
my conversation, held also at your suggestion, with Dr. Walsh. It
would not conduce to any possibility of settlement and of future
peace if, after proposing, at your suggestion, to go to men like the
Archbishops Croke and Walsh, we should have to state that we
renounce our visit because they refuse to receive us. You know what
passed as to Dr. Walsh, and you know that if Mr. Gladstone had
reformed his Government we had made that matter one of our
conditions. Surely that was pretty clear evidence of our desire to
act with you in a matter which is certainly above all party. But it
is 'now or never.'"
'On the same day Chamberlain wrote proposing that we should meet
Trevelyan and Lefevre at fixed and short intervals to produce
concerted action, and consulting me as to whether we should include
Morley. The first consultation took place at my Royal Commission
office at noon on July 4th, and Morley was present as well as
Trevelyan, and I think Lefevre.'
'On June 27th I had a last fight with Mr. Gladstone. The outgoing
Government had given a baronetcy to Errington, personally my friend,
but a baronetcy given under circumstances which I thought
politically discreditable, and I protested strongly. I told Mr.
Gladstone that it had long been my opinion that there is
insufficient consultation of the opinion of the party, as well as of
Cabinets and ex-Cabinets, on questions of the deepest moment. "For
example, since I have been a member of the 'Inner Circle,' many
decisions of the gravest moment as to Irish affairs have been taken
without reference to the general opinion of the leaders or of the
party. When Mr. Forster first induced Lord Granville to give letters
to Mr. Errington, I stated my own view in favour of the appointment
of an official representative of this country to the Roman Church,
if there was work which must be done between the Government and that
Church. I always protested against the secret arrangement, and the
last straw has been the resistance to Walsh." Such was my private
note.'
'Chamberlain wrote: "Mr. G. has yielded to Lord G., and has done an
act unfair to us and without notice. I have seen O'Shea. I think the
'visit' may yet be all right." I wrote to Mr. Gladstone:
'"I feel bound to express my dismay at seeing this day that honours
have been conferred on that excellent fellow Errington at a moment
when it will be felt by the great majority of people who do not see
round corners that he is rewarded for the fight made by him on
behalf of the defeated policy of resistance to the selection as
Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin of the accomplished gentleman on
whom the whole Irish Roman Catholic clergy and people had set their
hearts. I have already described to Lord Granville in your presence
what I thought the fatal results of this policy of interference
against a unanimous Irish sentiment in the choice of the great Roman
Catholic dignitaries in Ireland--a policy which has, in the belief
of the thoughtful men of all parties, among whom I may name
privately the new Lord Chancellor of Ireland, [Footnote: Mr. Gibson,
afterwards created Lord Ashbourne.] undone the effects of your Land
Acts of 1871 and 1881, and made the resistance to the Union stronger
and more unanimous than it ever was before. Surely such an intention
as that to specially honour Mr. Errington at such a moment might
have been named to me when I so strongly expressed before you and
Lord Granville my opinion of the policy. Mr. Forster, the initiator
of the Errington policy, has returned to the Liberal front bench,
and sat next to me there. I fear I must take the opportunity of
leaving it, as I do not see how I can fail to express the opinion I
hold of the conferring of special honour at such a moment on Mr.
Errington." [Footnote: A letter from Mr. Gladstone to Mr, Errington,
dated June 30th, 1885, is given in the _Life of Granville_, vol.
ii., p. 292.]
'Mr. Gladstone replied:
'"1, Richmond Terrace,
'"_June 27th_, 1885.
'"My Dear Dilke,
'"I feel that the coincidence of the Walsh appointment with the
Errington baronetcy is unfortunate, but I think that the grant of
the baronetcy or of something in that sense is unavoidable. I regard
Gibson's confidential disclosure to you as an absurd exaggeration
indulged in for party purposes. The policy, and any ingratitude to
an agent of it, are wholly different matters; and your disapproval
of the first never conveyed to my mind the idea of speaking to you
about the second. You are aware of the immense stress laid by
Spencer on the Errington mission, which Granville more traditionally
(as I think) supported. For my part, I never did more than acquiesce
in it, and I think it highly probable that no such thing will be
renewed. As to 'diplomatic relations' with the Pope, I am entirely
opposed to them.
'"Sincerely yours,
'"W. E. Gladstone."
'I was not opposed to diplomatic relations with the Pope, but to the
extraordinary anomalies involved in the Mission that was no Mission.
My conversation with Gibson had been at a party at Lady Ridley's,
where I congratulated him upon his high office. He began with a
laugh: "I am popular with all parties. Whose congratulations do you
think were the first that I received?" A happy inspiration struck
me, and I at once answered "Walsh"--a lucky guess which completely
puzzled him, for he said, "Who told you?"
'Chamberlain wrote the next day: "Reflection confirms me in the
opinion that Mr. Gladstone has not treated us well. I cannot resist
the conclusion that on both occasions he concealed his intentions,
knowing that we disapproved of them, and in order to force our
hands. I would cordially join in a protest against this, although,
as I have already told you, I do not think the last proceeding--in
the matter of Errington--will justify a formal secession. People
generally, especially in the country, cannot understand the
importance of the matter, and would not back up our quarrel."
'Chamberlain, writing on June 27th or 28th, [Footnote: It was on
June 17th that Mr. Chamberlain had delivered his famous denunciation
of Dublin Castle, and had declared that "the pacification of Ireland
depends, I believe, on the concession to Ireland of the right to
govern itself in the matter of its purely domestic government." He
went on to speak of an Irishman being at every step controlled by
"an English official, appointed by a foreign Government."] said: "On
the greatest issue between us and the Whigs Mr. G. is on our side,
and has told Harcourt that if he stands at the General Election he
will make this a prominent feature in his platform, and will adopt
in principle our scheme--Local Government and devolution. This will
immensely strengthen our position if we finally decide to press the
matter. I say 'if' because I wait to have more positive assurances
as to Parnell's present attitude. If he throws us over, I do not
believe that we can go farther at present, but O'Shea remains
confident that matters will come right."'
On June 29th, Sir Charles replied to Mr. Gladstone:
'My Dear Sir,
'Harcourt, Chamberlain, and Lefevre, have all lectured me, and the
former tells me that you have accepted a proposal to stand again for
Midlothian. This is so great a thing that smaller ones must not be
allowed to make even small discords, so please put my letter of
Saturday in the fire, and forgive me for having put you to the
trouble of reading and replying to it. I fancy that overwork and
long-continued loss of all holidays except Sundays have told upon
me, and that I must be inclined to take too serious a view of
things.
'Sincerely yours,
'Charles W. Dilke.'
'On June 30th Chamberlain wrote: "Ireland. I heard some days ago
from the Duchess of St. Albans, and replied that we would certainly
call if anywhere in her neighbourhood" (near Clonmel). "Next time I
see you we may make some progress with our plans. I have a most
satisfactory letter from Davitt--voluntary on his part, and assuring
us that _United Ireland_ [Footnote: _United Ireland_, then edited by
Mr. William O'Brien and Mr. T. M. Healy, discouraged the visit.]
does not represent the views of the Nationalist party. See also an
article in the _Nation_, and Davitt's own speech at Hyde Park.
[Footnote: Davitt's leanings were always much stronger towards
English Radicalism than those of most among his colleagues. But the
decisive attitude was that of Mr. Parnell, whose power was then
paramount, not only in Cork, but throughout all Ireland. He
discussed the project with one of his colleagues, Mr. John O'Connor,
to whom he expressed the view that Mr. Chamberlain was aspiring to
replace Mr. Gladstone in the leadership, and that he would do
nothing which could assist him in this purpose, because he thought
that he "could squeeze more out of Gladstone than he could out of
Chamberlain."] I shall reply rather effusively. I cannot altogether
acquit Parnell of duplicity. I think he fears our visit, and that we
may cut him out. I am sure that neither he nor anyone else will
succeed in boycotting us. Parnell does not admit this feeling, but I
am losing confidence in his honesty. We can go to Ashley's and
decline Cork."' [Footnote: Mr. Evelyn Ashley, who had been Under-
Secretary of the Colonies in the Gladstone Government, had a house
and property at Classiebawn in Sligo, which had once belonged to
Lord Palmerston.]
'I hear very encouraging accounts of the feeling in the country. I
am assured that we (the Radicals) never held so strong a position--
that the counties will be swept for the Liberals, and that the whole
atmosphere of the House of Commons will be changed after November. I
firmly believe that this is true. A little patience, and we shall
secure all we have fought for.'
'On June 30th I wrote fully to Mrs. Pattison, who was ill of typhoid
in the Madras hills, but without my yet knowing it. "I've been
thinking over grave words I would say to you about politics." I went
on to say that politics were not to me amusement. "I could not have
heart to live such a life at all if the religion of life did not
surround my politics. I chat the chatter about persons and ambitions
that others chat, and, in my perpetual brain fatigue, shirk the
trouble of trying to put into words thoughts which I fancy you must
exactly share. How can you share them if you are never shown they're
there? Dear Lady, please to try and feel, however unable I am to
express it, that my life is now one, and that there are not things
to pick among, and things to be cast aside, but duties only, which
are pleasures in the doing of them well, and which you must help me
do. It is in old age that power comes. An old man in English
politics may exert enormous power without effort, and with no drain
at all upon his health and vital force. The work of thirty or forty
years of political life goes in England to the building-up of
political reputation and position. During that long period no power
is exercised except by irregular means, such as the use of threats
of resignation. It is in old age only that power comes that can be
used legitimately and peacefully by the once-strong man. I'm still
young enough, and have of illusions yearly crops sufficient to
believe that it can be used for good, and that it is a plain duty so
to use it, and I would not remain in political life did I not think
so."'