CHAPTER III.

MR. DONNELLY’S CRYPTOGRAM.

I have waited until I had Mr. Donnelly’s book before me. The marvellous

industry, research and intelligence displayed is simply astounding. I

dare not express an opinion on the subject. But why or wherefore should

Bacon take such an interest in and spend so much ingenuity on Anne

Hathaway and her marriage? It is a strange tale. I have myself been

Commissary for Bishops and held Courts for them; have been for years a

Surrogate for Bishops and Archbishops, and have had now and then to

refuse a license; but I never had or heard of such a case as this, and

should certainly have refused to grant a license to allow “_once_”

publishing the banns to stand for “_thrice_” and to slur over “consent of

parents.” It most probably happened that the banns were published the

first time more or less surreptitiously, and taking the parents by

surprise were not objected to; but if it proceeded to a second “asking,”

they would be forbidden; it is clear there was an objection known to be

hanging up. Turn the bull’s-eye light of common sense unto what was too

common in parishes of old. Who, why, and wherefore did Farmers Sandells

and Rychardson appear upon the scene? They, it may be, held office in

the parish, and had caught hold of a lad who, to save the parish a burden

or one of themselves a scandal, would for a consideration make an “honest

woman of Ann Hathaway.” I myself recollect having a similar case to deal

with on all-fours—a farming lad of 19 or 20 and a woman of 29 or 30 near

her confinement, when I felt so strongly on the subject, that before the

marriage ceremony, I asked the intended bridegroom to come into the

vestry to question him as to his being in his sober senses, and if he

understood what was the position he was about to make for himself.

One error Mr. Donnelly has fallen into when he uses strong language

against William Shakespere for allowing “one quart of sack” (p. 51) to be

sent to his guest. It was a common compliment to send such gifts, and

the omission would have been thought an insult. In Ambrose Barnes’

Memoirs (p. 244) published by the Surtees Society, Appendix, 1592:—“The

Corporation of Newcastle-on-Tyne paid for 20 lb. of sugar in two loaves

at 18_d._ a lb., 6 bottles of sack, 10 pottles of white wine, 9 pottles

of claret wine, sent as a present to my Lord of Durham as he came

travelling to this town.” Again (p. 427), 1684:—“6_d._ for one pint of

sack when Mr. Shakespeare preached!” Also in Longstaff’s Darlington (p.

239), Churchwardens’ accounts, 1643:—“One quart off wine when Mr. Doughty

preached, 10_d._; one quart wine and one pinte sack when another

gentleman preached, which lay att George Stevenson’s, 1_s._ 8_d._;” 1650,

“six quarts of sacke to the minister that preached when we had not a

minister, 9_s._;” 1666, “one quart of sack bestowed on Mr. Jellett when

he preached, 2_s._ 4_d._; more bestowed on him at Ralph Collings’, when

Mr. Bell was there, 1_s._ 8_d._”

I know that my friends the public have a strong idea that this subject

has been thoroughly threshed out, and are apt to say and think—

Shakespere and Bacon are vexation,

Donnelly is as bad,

His Cryptogram it puzzles me,

His Cipher drives me mad.

Nevertheless, I have an opinion that I have been able to fling a few

novel hints upon the question, and so cast it upon the waters to sink or

swim.

SCOTT SURTEES.

DINSDALE-ON-TEES,

_May_ 14, 1888.

APPENDIX.

Banns.

Cripp’s Laws of the Church, p. 634.—“Before the time of Pope Innocent

III. there was no solemnization of marriage in the Church: but the man

came to the woman’s house and led her home to his own house, which was

all the ceremony then used. By the customs of the Anglo-Saxons the

marriage ceremony was commonly performed at the house of the bridegroom,

to which the bride had been previously taken.” (p. 638) “It was formerly

the law of this country that marriages celebrated by licence, when either

of the parties was under the age of twenty-one years (not being a widow

or widower), without the consent of the father, or if he were not living,

of the mother or guardians, should be absolutely void.” They must

proceed either by publication of banns or by license. The word banns is

of Saxon origin, and signifies publication or proclamation (Rogers, E. L.

509). This publication for three several Sundays or holidays, unless a

license or faculty had been obtained, was enjoined by Canon Law and by

the rubric “in the time of divine service” (p. 650). . . . For the

avoiding of all fraud and collusion, before such license shall be granted

it shall appear to the judge by the oaths of two sufficient witnesses . .

. that the express consent of the parents or parent is thereunto had and

obtained (Canon 103).” It is singular we find in Francis Bacon’s life,

that he tried to break off the match with Sir John Villiers and Lady

Hatton’s only daughter and heiress, because the mother opposed it, “he

strongly advises that the match be not proceeded in without the consent

of both parents required by religion and the law of God” (Campbell’s Life

of Lord Bacon, p. 138).

“Spurrings” they are still called in the North of England, where old

customs and our fore-elders’ language linger long. I myself in a parish

in Wensleydale, where they until recently “raced for the garter,” heard

the Clerk, to my astonishment, after I had finished the “spurring” for

the last time of asking, stand up and in broad accent and loud voice sing

out, “God speed them well!” and all the people answered, Amen! It was

not any way ludicrous, but really sounded solemn and a beautiful

benediction from their fellow-parishioners.—(See Atkinson’s Glossary of

Cleveland Dialect, “Spurrings, sb. The publication of banns of marriage:

the being ‘asked’ at Church, an immediate derivative from speer, speir,

even if not directly from Old Norse spyria.”)

The name of Shakespeare, Laborer, in the neighbourhood of Stratford is

spelt as above in George I.

“Walter Shakespeare, of Tachbrooke, in the county of Warwicke, laborer,

aged forty yeares or thereabouts, being sworne and examined, deposeth as

follows:

“To the fourth interrogatory this deponent saith that the cure of the

parish has been neglected by the complainant, and in particular this

deponent’s wife was put by being churched, there being no Divine Service

at Tachbrooke one Sunday since the complainant’s institucion and

induction; and this deponent further says that notice was given that his

wife was to be churched that Sunday, and that this deponent was then and

now is an inhabitant of the parish of Tachbrooke.”—Record Office, 41st

Report, p. 555, 7 George I. Warwick and Stafford Exchequer.

SUPPLEMENT.

See p. 22.—Ante “Anthony Sherley and no other was he who wrote these

plays.”

Since I wrote the first portion of this pamphlet so much matter has

turned up, showing beyond reasonable doubt that I am right in my

conjecture as to Anthony Sherley, that I am encouraged to bring it also

before the public. “Magna est veritas,” and in due time the leaven will

work its way.

I had called attention (p. 20) to the Sonnets 135, 136, 105.

SONNET CV.

Let not my love be called idolatry,

Nor my beloved as an idle show,

Since all alike my songs and praises be

To _one_, of _one_, still such and ever so.

Kind is my love to-day, to-morrow kind,

Still constant in a wondrous excellence;

Therefore my verse to constancy confin’d,

_One_ thing expressing, leaves out difference.

Fair, kind, and true, varying to other words;

And in this change is my invention spent,

Three themes in _one_, which wondrous scope affords.

Fair, kind, and true, have often liv’d alone

Which three, till now, never kept seat in _one_.

CXXXV.

Whoever hath her wish, thou hast thy _will_,

And _will_ to boot, and _will_ in over-plus;

More than enough am I that vex thee still,

To thy sweet _will_ making addition thus.

Wilt thou, whose _will_ is large and spacious,

Not once vouchsafe to hide my _will_ in thine?

Shall _will_ in others seem right gracious,

And in my _will_ no fair acceptance shine?

The sea, all water, yet receives rain still,

And in abundance addeth to his store;

So thou, being rich in _will_, add to thy _will_

One _will_ of mine, to make thy large _will_ more!

Let no unkind, no fair beseechers kill.

Think all but _one_, and me in that _one Will_.

and the enigmatical allusions in them to Sherley’s motto “only one.” He

could not write “only one,” as it would have betrayed the author of the

plays, but he shaves as near the wind as he dare, and as he says, Sonnet

lxxvi., which I mentioned (p. 19):

Why write I still all one, ever the same,

And keep invention in a noted weed,

That every word doth almost tell my name,

Showing their birth and where they did proceed?

And so it does, when we look behind the scenes. They were written in the

hope that some one like myself would arise, a light in a dark place, to

give honour to whom honour was due, and pluck the jay’s false feathers

from off the crow. The instant you begin to look for it, you will

observe how strangely any-how and oft, in all times and places, in season

and out of season, this word “_one_” is wrought into the text of the

plays, sometimes in connection with “_all’s one_”; (he would not write

“only one” straight off, else it would have led, as I said before, to

detection, and so he uses the plural “all” instead of singular “only,”

see Sonnet lxxvi.), and in a much more important position boldly puts it

forward (in Quarto 1608, with the name of Shakespeare) “_All’s one_ or

_one_ of the four plaies in _one_,” called “A Yorkshire Tragedy.” Now

this play with Anthony Sherley’s motto is nothing more nor less than the

story of the ruin of his house; it is hardly disguised under the flimsy

title of “A Yorkshire Tragedy.” It is important to note that of all the

plays this has no _stage names_ to it, simply “Husband and wife.”

Strange! passing strange! Why should Shakespeare care to represent on

the stage the history of the Sherley family and ruin? This same company,

mark, had played it under the name openly of “The Three English

Brothers,” prologue, “Clothing our truth within an argument, fitting the

stage and your attention, yet not so hid but that she may appear to be

herself, even Truth.” This would also fit the “Yorkshire Tragedy.” What

is the substance of the play? It tells the story in blank verse, which

we have almost word for word in prose in “The Sherley Brothers,” viz.

that of Sir Thomas Sherley the elder gambling away his extensive

property. “Elizabeth had seized and sold everything belonging to him

except (Wiston), his wife’s dowry.” “_Wife_: If you suspect a plot in me

to keep my dowry . . . you are a gentleman of many bloods; think on the

state of these _three_ lovely boys (the leash of brothers old Fuller

calls them) . . . Your lands mortgaged, yourself wound into

debts.”—“_Wife_: I see how ruin with a palsy hand begins to shake this

ancient seat to dust . . . beggary of the soul and of the body, as if

some vexed spirit had got his form upon him.” His wife had interest

enough to get him the offer of a place at Court, etc.

But the writer of Shakespeare’s plays was not content with this, an exact

account, even to _minute_ particulars, of the history of the three

Sherley brothers; just compare that history and this “Yorkshire Tragedy”

play, and then read the same story (Richard II. Act 2, scene 3).

KING RICHARD II. ACT 2, SCENE 3.

“O, then, my father,

Will you permit that I shall stand condemn’d,

A wand’ring vagabond; my rights and royalties

Pluck’d from my arms perforce, and given away

To upstart unthrifts? Wherefore was I born?

* * * * *

I am deny’d to sue my livery here,

And yet my letters-patent give me leave:

My father’s goods are _all distrained_ and sold;

And these, and _all_, are _all_ amiss employ’d.

What would you have me do? I am a subject

And challenge law: Attornies are deny’d me,

And therefore personally I lay my claim

To my inheritance of free descent.

ACT 3, SCENE 1.

_Boling_. “Myself, a prince by fortune of my birth;

Near to the king in blood; and near in love,

Till you did make him misinterpret me,

Have stoop’d my neck under your injuries,

And sigh’d my English breath in foreign clouds,

Eating the bitter bread of banishment:

Whilst you have fed upon my signories,

Dis_park’d_ my parks, and fell’d my forest woods;

From my own windows torn my household coat,

Raz’d out my _impress_, {32} leaving me no sign,

Save men’s opinions and my living blood,

To shew the world I am a gentleman.

This, and much more, much more than twice all this,

Condemns you to the death. See them deliver’d over

To execution and the hand of death.”

ACT 1, SCENE 3.

_Boling_. Your will be done: this must my comfort be,

That sun, that warms you here, shall shine on me;

And those his golden beams, to you here lent,

Shall point on me, and gild my banishment.

_North_. A dearer merit, not so deep a maim

As to be cast forth in the common air,

Have I deserved at your highness’ hand.

The language I have learn’d these forty years,

My native English, now I must forego, etc., etc.

What is my sentence then, but speechless death,

Which robs my native tongue from breathing native breath?

Does not every thoughtful reader pause over it and say to himself, why

does he bring forward Busby and Green and rate them and sentence them to

death? What for? treason? rebellion? murder? sedition? some rash crime?

No; but for having “disparked” his parks and pulled down “his impress”

(_only one_!), and his “household coat,” and tells us what he would like

to have done to his enemies at Court if he had had the chance, as they

had done when they cut off his patron and his kinsman Essex’s head. Now

to return to the reason why he should have written a play to unfold the

reasons of his family decay. To Cecil from Anthony Sherley, “The worst

sort of the world have taken advantage to lay upon _me_ all sorts of

defamation” (p. 37), and again, and therefore to clear himself, he shows

how it came to pass, and that his father was not in his right senses who

incurred “this great debt” (p. 37, Sherley Brothers). Elizabeth had

actually “_distrained_” upon his father’s goods, had carried off even his

blankets and sheets, chairs and arras hangings, feather beds, and silver

spoons, and left his mother scanty and beggarly supply for her dowry

house, not sufficient for the necessities of everyday life. She had

seized and sold the vast lands and possessions of his ancestors.

(Stemmata Shirleana, Roxburgh Club, p. 251.) “A description of the

Manors sold, all save Wiston dowry.” “In 1578 Sir T. Sherley served the

office of Sheriff for the counties of Surrey and Sussex. He afterwards

became Treasurer at War in the Low Countries, and having fallen under the

displeasure of Queen Elizabeth, and become indebted to the Crown, his

estates and personal effects, with the exception of the Manor of Wiston,

settled on his wife, were seized.” See Lansdowne MSS. Goods seized at

Wiston by Sheriff, 1588. Here again I earnestly request comparison with

the story in the “Yorkshire Tragedy.” Rowland Whyte, “he owed the Queen

more than he was worth; his own doings have undone him.”

SCENE IV.—HUSBAND—YORKSHIRE TRAGEDY.

“What is there in three dice to make a man draw thrice three thousand

acres into the compass of a little round table, and with the

gentleman’s palsy in the hand shake out his posterity thieves or

beggars? ’Tis done; I have don ’t i’ faith; terrible, horrible

misery!—How well was I left! Very well, very well. My lands show’d

like a full moon about me; but now the moon’s in the quarter—waning,

waning; and I am mad to think that moon was mine; mine and my

father’s, and my fore-fathers’; generations, generations.—Down goes

the house of us; down, down it sinks. Now is the name a beggar’s;

begs in me. That name, which hundreds of years has made this shire

famous in me and my posterity, runs out.”

To the Rt. Hon. Sir R. Cecil, Knight, from Anthony Sherley:

“Arkangell, 1600, June 10.

“Either the unfairness of the ways or messengers have kept my letters

from you. You have not vouchsafed me _one only_ answer . . . your

honour knoweth the fortunes of my house, and from how great

expectations our sins or disasters brought it both in estate and in

disgrace . . . my purpose was to satisfy the world in myself that I

was too worthy to have the decay of myself laid on me.”—The Sherley

Brothers, p. 28. S. P. O. From Sir R. Cecil, 1600. “Her Majesty

has increased her former displeasure towards him so far in respect of

this presumption as by no means she will suffer him to come into the

kingdome; but wholly rejected any such offer” (p. 31).

The truth is, Elizabeth had been stung in her sorest point. Sherley the

elder was paymaster to the forces in the Low Countries, and his accounts

were deficient. That was never to be passed over. She, who exercised

her ingenuity and talents in cheese-paring, who, whilst waiting for the

coming of the Armada, spent her time in trying whether, if she gave her

sailors fish and oil instead of salt beef, it would not save her a penny

or two a day from each separate mess; who never would victual her ships

or refit them, or give them shot or powder more than enough for the day.

It was owing to the pluck of the half-starved, half-victualled British

sailor in non-repaired ships, and in spite of every disadvantage, that

the victory was won; not with her help, not with her providence, but in

spite of it. Well was it expressed, “Her maddened grasp of passionate

avarice.” Give the devil his due, as we say in the proverb, but don’t

give one iota of credit to that stingiest, and vainest of womenkind.

Ray’s Glossary of words—“Stingy, pinching, sordid, narrow spirited.”

Read all these quotations from Shakespeare’s plays, and compare them line

with line and the lives of Sherley’s brothers, and conviction must

follow. I might just notice that Anthony Sherley’s knowledge of the

localities and people where most scenes of the plays are fixed was

unequalled. He told that which he had seen; he spoke of what he knew.

Whateley on Shakespeare, “The characters which he has drawn are masterly

copies from nature.”

Now to return to Sonnet 105, which has always been a stumbling block to

commentators, as it clearly was intended to explain some mystery or

enigma connected with the author of the plays. I have never yet noticed

any reasonably satisfactory explanation of this Sonnet. Why even the

person who wrote on the religion of Shakespeare claims it as a sort of

William Shakespeare’s Athanasian creed, and meant to express a belief in

the Trinity, “three in one!” “_All’s one_” I noticed may be met with

often; but as for “_one_,” it crops up everywhere. In a single scene in

a single page you may count in places six “_ones_” (“Henry V.” passim),

in many cases “lugged” in where the sense and context show it would be

far better otherwise, and commentators take trouble to emend it. This is

the key to his broad hint (Sonnet lxxvi.), “Why write I still all

‘_one_,’ ever the same . . . that every word doth almost tell my name.”

But, conjoined with his impress “_one_,” there is also a play upon his

“armories,” the Sherley Trinity of virtues. I find in Lansdowne MSS.,

No. 49, leaf 28, which I have verified, “That armories were antiently

introduced to distinguish noble and illustrious families. The house of

Shirley of great estimation, ‘Noble light,’ ‘Gold,’ it cannot be

corrupted, or the value diminished by earth, water, air, or fire. Gold

and sunbeams signifies in virtues, alluding to the Shirley family in

particular, ‘Field of gold,’ faith, charitie, wisdom, and fidelitie, and

many others, all of which their arms are the true emblems.” There are

several pages of this sort in MSS. of British Museum relating to the

Shirley family. May not this be the Trinity of virtues mentioned in that

puzzling Sonnet 105, “Three themes in _one_”? {36}

If Anthony Sherley did not write the plays and sonnets, why does the

writer chronicle his every movement? (_passim._) Why does he give an

exact account of his family history (Yorkshire Tragedy), their ruin and

his own banishment? Why again in Richard II. Act ii. sc. 3, transforming

it to himself in a figure, give an account of their harsh treatment by

Elizabeth? Why does that same company act the Brothers Sherley on the

stage as well as the Yorkshire Tragedy (quarto W. Shakespeare)? Why in

all other plays but that alone are there _stage_ names, but in this play

when acted (as he wishes it not so to be), a Sherley had interest enough

to get his way? Why are all the scenes of the plays laid at places where

Anthony Sherley tarries?

Why does Kemp (with “good new plaies”), one of this _same_ company, go to

meet him at places where he is then known to be, “over the Alpes,”

“Venice,” “Emperor of Germany” (Nine Daies’ Wonder).

Why is it that Shakesperians have been so sure that their claimant must

have had a classical education, that they have searched the records of

Oxford and find no entry? Why do I find “Aula Cervina” Antonius Sherlye,

1579—_equitis aurati_ fil. 14 ann. Hart Hall is thus described by a

contemporary, 1st Elizabeth: “By the advantage of the most famous and

learnedest of tutors he acquired a knowledge not common of the Greek and

Latin tongues, of philosophy, of history, of politicks and other liberal

sciences.”—Would not Shakesperians have been delighted if they could have

this said of the tutors W. Shakespere studied under!!

Why, as Clement’s Inn is mentioned, are they sure he must have had a

legal training, but can find no mention? Why, when I go to the Library

of the Inner Temple, do I find at once the name and record I want,

covering just the very date I need for my theory? “1583, November,

admitted Inner Temple Sir Anthony Shirley, Wiston, Sussex, the second of

the celebrated brothers, died 1630.” Extract from “Members admitted to

the Inner Temple 1547–1660.” Why is it the writer is so familiar with

the ins and outs, and changes, and intricate governments, and of Italian

states and cities, and their laws and ways? Why does he mention what

puzzles so many commentators, viz. that Bohemia had a sea-board? {38}

Why in everyday talk does he bring in Venetian proverbs and ways of

speech. “Fico,” Heylin, p. 124, “When they intend to scoff a man, are

wont to put their thumb between two of their fingers, saying, ‘Ecco le

Fico.’” This would answer to our “taking a sight.” Must not the

familiar use of this and similar proverbs point to residence? “Basta,”

what a useful word one finds in it when dwelling in Italy. “A Bergomask

dance” (Midsummer Night’s Dream). Who could know, unless resident, that

the Venetians looked down on them as coarse and vulgar? Notice also all

sorts of trifling incidents which prove the writer was a dweller at

Venice, and moved about among the Italian States. Why is he always

harping upon ancient families being ruined, and the hardship of

banishment? Why are all his provincialisms Sussex and south country?

“The many musits through which he goes” (Venus and Adonis). “A hare wee

found musing on her meaze” (Return from Pernassus). Surrey

Provincialisms, G. Leveson Gower, “Meuse, a hole in the hedge made by a

fox, hare, or rabbit, alias a run.” Musit occurs in Two Noble Kinsmen,

III. i. 97. Halliwell has muse and muset. “Maund, a basket” (Ray’s

South Country Glossary). Why does he so accurately, in smallest details,

describe the horrors of a battle-field, the sacking of a town, the

horrible scenes and impossibility of keeping in hand the soldiers? How,

if he had not been present, could he have imagined the meeting in

conclave and settling over night the lines of to-morrow’s battle? What

did either Shakespere or Bacon know of that phase of camp life, of battle

in retreat and advance, the field before and after, prisoners and their

ransom, all true to the letter, of one who had been with Philip Sidney

and knighted on the very field of battle in Brittany by the King of

France, and sent to the Fleet by Elizabeth’s jealousy because he was so

knighted?

“Have I not heard in my time lions roar?

Have I not heard the sea puffed up with winds

Rage like an angry boar, chafed with sweat?

Have I not heard great ordnance in the field,

And heavens artillery thunder in the skies?

Have I not in a pitched battle heard

Loud ’larums, neighing steeds, and trumpets clang?”

(Taming of the Shrew.)

All this had Anthony Sherley heard and seen. Had Bacon? Had John Bull’s

Stratford pet? Then, as for field sports, hunting in every form or

fashion, he describes as none but he and Jorrocks could. (R. S. Surtees,

of Hamsterley, I know, drew all his pictures from originals, and that is

why they hold their own.) The dying hare, “Venus and Adonis,” was there

ever anything more touching? The same repeated, “As You Like It,” Act

II. i. the dying deer, and Jacques weeping over it.

Unless at home he had had an early introduction to stable and kennel

management, that sort of learning could not be acquired in after-life;

his love for his “crop-eared roan,” the descriptions in so many places of

his devotion to horses and hounds, he knows them all by name. “Taming of

the Shrew,” scene 1, “Huntsman, tender well my hounds;” see also Henry

VI. scene 2. His description of deer and deer hunts shows that he had

watched their habits, couchant and in chase. What a fund of similar

knowledge is there in the Return from Pernassus, _not_ Parnassus,

distinguishing between the names at different seasons of their life, and

also the same of “Roa-bucke,” “rode on a roan gelding,” “the buck broke

gallantly,” and then comes a similar touching description to that of the

death of the hare in the Sonnets, “the hounds seized upon him, he

groaned, and wept, and dyed, in good faith it made me weep too.” The

truth is, when you compare the words and sentiments and expressions with

those in Shakespeare’s plays, {40} you feel that one and the same writer

was author of them both. Recollect that the modern Pernassus was in the

neighbourhood of Bergamo, from whence Kemp had just returned from his

visit to Anthony Sherley (see An Almond for a Parrot), and, as Heylyn

tells us, “Crema,” the inhabitants of, on the destruction “of Parnassus,

a town of Lombardy, where before they lived, were permitted to build

here.” Then it is evident that whoever wrote these plays was a Romanist,

he sneers at Churchmen and Puritans alike, whilst with regard to Friars

and Romanists, he mostly speaks of them with respect. Well, in S. P. O.

there is a letter from one Phillipp employed by Cecil “to intercept

letters and spy out secrets,” dated Rome, 1601: “He (Anthony Sherley)

denyeth himself to have been a Protestant ever since his first being at

Venice, and here also he hath used to frequent confession every seven or

eight days, and upon Easter Eve he did communicate here; upon Easter Day

he dined here in the English Colledge.”

This will account for the attack on Sir John Oldcastle, egged on by his

Jesuit friends, and his dropping the subject when he found that the wave

of public opinion ran high against him. Last, but not least, we have a

few landmarks of localities. “Burton” and “Wincot” stand out in

eminence. Far and near have they been sought after by Shakesperians, but

from Dan to Beersheba it is all barren; they locate poor Christopher Sly

here, there, and everywhere, or else declare there must be mis-spelling;

as follows is what one of the best and shrewdest of the commentators is

driven to: Steevens: “I suspect we should read Barton Heath. Barton and

Woodmancot, or as it is vulgarly pronounced, Woncot, are both of them in

Gloucestershire, near the residence of Shakespeare’s old enemy Justice

Shallow. Very probably also this fat ale wife might be a real

character.” Dr. Samuel Ireland, 1795: “From the similarity of the name

and the consideration that no such place as Barton Heath has been by any

inquiry of mine discovered in the neighbourhood, I am led to conceive

that Barton Heath, which lies in this county about 18 miles from

Stratford, must have been the spot to which Shakespeare refers. It is

worth hazarding a conjecture to have even a chance of tracing him in any

one of his haunts.” Well, I need not such subterfuges, but go down to

Stanford’s and buy an Ordnance Map of Sussex, and find _both_ places

within an easy reach of Wiston. Names thereabouts seem to be strangely

contracted, Wystoneston=Wiston, St. Botulph’s Bridge=Bootle Bridge, so

also Woodmancote and Edburton; but if that will not please for

Christopher Sly’s residence (when at home?), there is _another Burton

proper_, within a few miles of Wiston; Woodmancote and Edburton are next

parish to Wiston, aye, and joining on “Nightingale” Hill, how fond he was

of them, he gives us even their notes; his father’s woods were as full of

them as his park of deer. There is no question, it appears to me, I

cannot answer, no puzzled point I cannot explain, no stumbling-block to

commentators I cannot take out of their way. Why then not believe me?

“All the world against nothing,” Romeo, III. 5. Although I have run a

dark horse, he has run straight and true, and distanced Bacon, whilst

Shakespere has alike dropped out of both betting and running. {42}

Shakesperians have left their Dagon on the ground and hardly lift the

feather of a quill to raise him up. Their last resource in argument is

(fact) inspiration! in opposition ridicule! As to their other candidate,

that weakly youth never could have been physically equal to have taken

his share in youthful sports. Campbell’s Life of Bacon: “Francis was

sickly and unable to join in the rough sports suited for boys of robust

constitution,” if so he could not have described them so vividly and

true; his poetry, such specimens as we have, is hardly-third rate, his

prose on stilts, his history discredited. Preface to Bacon’s Essays,

1814: “His History of Henry VII. is in these days only consulted by a

few.” Can this be said of his contemporary’s Historical plays? Whilst I

have known those who have taken Bacon up and laid him down, I have hardly

ever known one who after he had put Shakepeare down with reluctance, but

longed for the time to take him up again,—the one interested and

enchanted, the other bored. Never both the product of the same brain, or

writings of the same man. I have told my tale and run my (paper) chase,

and now leave it to my umpires, the British and American readers, to

decide whether, as Stratford has been pulled up and Bacon distanced, I

may not claim from every unprejudiced mind that Sherley has been well

ridden and won in a canter. “De l’audace, de l’audace et encore de

l’audace!”

THE AUTHOR,

DINSDALE-ON-TEES,

DARLINGTON.

_August_ 13_th_, 1888.

* * * * *

* * * * *

STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS, PRINTERS, HERTFORD.

Footnotes

{20} See Sonnets, 135, 136, 105.

{32} Motto, “_only one_.”

{36} There is some meaning unknown in the play everywhere on the word

“_Will_,” also on frequent mention of _Sun_, _Sunbeams_, etc. See

Malone, vol. i. p. 271. In an Eclogue made long since on the death of

Sir Philip Sidney (Davidson’s Poetical Rhapsody, 1602), we find that

celebrated writer lamented in almost every stanza by the name of Willy!

“Willy is dead,” “of Willie’s pipe,” etc., etc., A. Sherley’s friend and

fellow in command at Zutphen = Suid-fen = South fen, or it may be his

brother-in-law, Lord Southampton, to whom he dedicated his early works.

{38} Freeman’s Geography of Europe—“Ottokar King of Bohemia, the power

of that King for a moment reached the Baltic as well as the

Adriatic.”—Vol. i. p. 319. See also Peter Heylin, 1682, Italy, p. 103.

{40} Love’s Labour Lost, scene 2, names of deer given same as in

Pernassus—death of the deer.

{42} See W. Howitt’s Visit to Remarkable Places, 1840, p. 84.

William Shakespere, of Stratford-on-Avon His Epitaph Unearthed, and the Author of the Plays run to Ground · 第 3 / 3 章