CHAPTER XI.

BLACKWOOD'S

EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

NO. CCCCXXXVIII. APRIL, 1852. VOL. LXXI.

CONTENTS.

THE EARL OF DERBY, 387

MY NOVEL; OR, VARIETIES IN ENGLISH LIFE. PART XX., 410

AMERICAN MILITARY RECONNOISSANCES, 448

OUR LONDON COMMISSIONER, 460

THE COMMERCIAL DISASTERS OF 1851, 473

THE MOTHER'S LEGACY TO HER UNBORN CHILD, 491

THE APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY, 498

* * * * *

EDINBURGH:

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, 45 GEORGE STREET;

AND 37 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.

_To whom all communications (post paid) must be addressed._

SOLD BY ALL THE BOOKSELLERS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS, EDINBURGH.

BLACKWOOD'S

EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

NO. CCCCXXXVIII. APRIL, 1852. VOL. LXXI.

THE EARL OF DERBY.

"----And marvelling went away

To muse on scene, and actor, each the other

Befitting gracefully. O, good my lord,

I would the Lieges had been there, to see

Such shining chivalry."--_The Royal Stranger._

On Friday evening, the 27th February 1852, the House of Lords presented

a magnificent and profoundly interesting spectacle. Vanishing daylight

was being succeeded by that artificial illumination which gradually gave

a new aspect to the gorgeous fabric, vivid with innumerable heraldic

emblazonments, within which was about to be enacted a scene of vital

concernment to the greatest empire upon earth. And the interest of that

scene was centred in one individual, not yet within the House, and whose

arrival all were awaiting with anxiety and expectation. A nobleman of

ancient lineage, of chivalrous honour, of uncompromising character and

commanding abilities, the acknowledged leader of the most powerful party

in the country, and fresh from the presence of his Royal Mistress, who

had cheerfully intrusted to him the direction of public affairs at a

momentous crisis, was about to indicate the principles on which his

policy would be based. He was to do this in the presence of fervent

friends and fierce opponents; of persons representing all the great

interests of the country, and professing to regard, and many sincerely,

the very existence of those interests as in jeopardy; exponents of every

shade of political opinion; the representatives of all the leading

civilised nations of the earth, between some of the greatest of whom and

ourselves, relations were at that moment delicate, and even precarious.

Every syllable, moreover, that he was to utter, would, as it fell from

his lips, be then and there exactly and irrevocably recorded, and within

an hour or two flying far and wide on the wings of the lightning! to be

instantly subjected to jealous scrutiny; exciting alike hopes and fears,

reasonable and unreasonable, calling forth admiration, or provoking

bitter censure; a single ambiguous or inconsiderate word destined to be

disingenuously misrepresented, and become a spark to kindle

revolutionary agitation. Everything, again, that he might utter, would

come quickly under the anxious eye of the Queen, who had confided so

implicitly in his discretion; and finally, what he was that evening to

say, would forthwith become matter of historical record and reference.

Is it unreasonable to suppose that some such reflections as the

foregoing might flit across the mind of an anxious statesman, on such an

eventful evening--thoughts calculated to dispirit and disturb one of

inferior mettle and capacity, but greatly to elevate and strengthen a

superior intellect, trained to the conduct of affairs, conscious of the

exigency, but also of being equal to it? We appeal, indeed, to all whose

fortune it has been to make public addresses on very critical occasions,

when miscarriage may not only be mischievous and dangerous, whether it

is possible to overstate the anxiety with which such occasions are

approached.

The Earl of Derby has just stepped into his carriage with a brother peer

high in his confidence; and while they are driving down to the House,

let us occupy the brief interval by glancing back at a somewhat similar

scene in which the Earl figured exactly twelve months before. The scene

is the same to which he is now hastening--in one respect the person is

changed--Baron Stanley has passed into the Earl of Derby; but are the

PRINCIPLES, and is the MAN the same? Let us look at--

LORD STANLEY IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS, ON FRIDAY, THE 28TH FEBRUARY

1851.

On that evening he made an elaborate statement in the presence of his

brother Peers, but spoke from another part of the House, and in a

capacity different from that in which he is now about to make his

appearance. He stood on the Opposition side of the House, and in the

character of a statesman come to announce, amidst the blank

disappointment of his friends and supporters, the failure of all his

efforts to comply with the wishes of his Sovereign, that he should form

a new Ministry. Two other Peers had also, on the same evening, made

statements in that House, and at the same moment two statesmen were

making corresponding statements in the other House; all of them

indicating a conjuncture of affairs, and a position of parties,

altogether unexampled in the history of the country. Who can appreciate

that week's anxiety to the Queen of this great country? A Queen, with an

exact knowledge of her own august and transcendant relations and

responsibilities to a free state, intimately acquainted with the

characters and position of public men, sending for one of them after the

other, to form a Ministry in accordance with their own political

principles, but in vain; and at length compelled to command her late

Ministers to resume, for a time, the reins which they had surrendered,

that the country might not be without any Government at all, and at a

moment fraught with very special national anxieties. Let us take the

opportunity of saying, with proud satisfaction, that all the noblemen

and gentlemen in question--Lord Stanley, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the

Earl of Aberdeen, Lord John Russell, and Sir James Graham--acquitted

themselves as became British statesmen, patriots, and loyal subjects; in

a manner which excited universal approbation both at home and abroad:

exhibiting a vivid and most instructive illustration of the strength and

elasticity of our institutions, and the courage and discretion of both

Queen and People. On that occasion, he with whom we have now to deal

played his part nobly, and the manner in which he played it has become a

matter of high importance; regard being had to his present position--to

which his conduct then now affords a key--and bearing in mind that which

is very dear to Englishmen, _the simplicity and truthfulness of his

personal character, and the consistency of his political career_. Let us

see, then, what were the precise circumstances under which he then made

so conspicuous and memorable an appearance on the scene of public

affairs; and what was the account which he thought proper to give of

himself, and the principles on which he should have constructed his

policy, had he succeeded in forming a Government. What he said in the

House of Lords in February 1851, will throw a flood of light on his

position in the House of Lords in February 1852.

We all recollect the special circumstances of anxiety and difficulty

with which the last Session of Parliament opened, arising out of the

newly balanced strength of parties in the House of Commons, the rickety

condition of the Government, and the apprehended consequences of a vast

influx of foreigners--many strongly tainted with revolutionary

principles--on occasion of the Great Exhibition. Thus, when a

Government ought to have been strongest, it was confessedly weakest! The

Queen's Speech, whether wisely or not is now no province of ours to

consider, contained matter calculated greatly to stimulate party

contentions. The Budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer excited

universal dissatisfaction; Lord John Russell's famous letter on the

Papal Aggression had excited a prodigious ferment in the public mind,

and a just demand for immediate and stringent legislation, which,

however, he immediately found almost insuperable difficulties in

satisfying. It is said that his Cabinet became the scene of violent

dissensions upon this subject, inevitably inducing feebleness and

vacillation in action. Again, the Queen's Speech having solemnly

recognised the existence of great distress among the agricultural

interest, in bitter contradistinction to the prosperity of all other

interests, as declared in the same Speech--Ministers, nevertheless, took

no steps whatever to remedy or alleviate that distress; on which Mr

Disraeli almost immediately brought forward his celebrated motion, "That

it was the duty of Ministers to introduce without delay such measures as

might be effectual for relieving the ADMITTED agricultural distress."

After a protracted debate, the whole strength of the Government being

brought to bear against the motion, aided by the Peel party, (with the

brilliant exception of Mr Gladstone, _who both spoke and voted in favour

of the motion_,) a House of five hundred and forty-eight members

negatived the motion, but by a majority of _fourteen_ only! Thus Lord

John Russell's Government, having volunteered an admission of great

agricultural distress, deliberately resolved to afford it no redress

whatever! This was on the 13th February 1851, only nine days after the

opening of the session. A week afterwards, viz., on the 20th February,

came on Mr Locke King's motion for an extension of the franchise. This

motion, also, the Government _professed_ to oppose; but here, in a House

of only one hundred and forty-eight members, Ministers were _defeated_

by a majority of forty-eight. Lord Stanley's friends in the House of

Commons abstained from attending to oppose the motion; but he told the

Queen, and in the House of Lords stated that he had done so,[A] that the

reason why they did so, was "because they saw that her Majesty's

Ministers were not honestly exercising their influence to defeat the

motion." The truth of this statement was tacitly acknowledged by

Ministers in both Houses! Immediately after their defeat, which they had

clearly invited, Ministers tendered their resignation; the Queen sent

for the Earl of Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Lord John Russell; then

for Lord Stanley; and on all declaring themselves unable to coalesce, or

form an Administration, her Majesty, in great anxiety, sent for her

venerable and illustrious adviser the Duke of Wellington; who wisely

counselled her to continue Lord John Russell's Government in office, at

all events for the present, and under the pressing circumstances of the

time. This decision having been arrived at, Parliament reassembled on

Friday the 28th February, anxious to hear an account of that busy and

critical week's doings in Downing Street, St James's Square, and

Buckingham Palace. We have here, however, to do with the House of Lords

only.--It was almost as greatly crowded as on the corresponding day in

the ensuing year; and though Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen had to

address the House, Lord Stanley was he whom all were naturally most

anxious to hear. He sate in his usual place, low down on the front seat

of the Opposition side of the House, surrounded by a goodly muster of

his friends; all of them exhibiting more or less anxiety. He was but

little interrupted, and sate with folded arms, his hat coming,

as usual, low down on his head, and almost entirely concealing a

powerfully-developed forehead. He listened with close attention to Lord

Lansdowne, who spoke briefly, temperately, and with extreme gravity of

manner. The following sentence, delivered with much energy, elicited

from Lord Stanley, unless we are mistaken, an emphatic "Hear, hear,

hear:"--

[A] HANSARD, (3d Series,) vol. cxiv., col. 1007.

"There is one sacrifice public men can never be called upon to make;

because it is not only a sacrifice of themselves, but a sacrifice of the

honour and dignity of the Crown; I mean, that involved in a prolonged

attempt, under any circumstances, to carry on the public business of the

country, without the promise of that amount of support, which is

indispensable to all Governments, for the purpose of enabling them to

maintain the honour of the Crown, and to maintain and promote the

efficient carrying on of the public service."[B] Lord Aberdeen followed,

and declared that it was the _Ecclesiastical Titles Bill_ which alone

had frustrated all efforts at combination between himself and his

friends, and Lord John Russell. Then rose Lord Stanley, amidst general

indications of increased interest, and spoke calmly and gravely. He gave

a lucid account of the abortive negotiations in which he had been

engaged, speaking with marked caution and exactness of phraseology, in

all those passages describing his interviews and communications with the

Queen. His speech consisted of two parts;--a narrative of what had

passed during the week; and a declaration of intended policy. In two

sentences, he disposed of two idle but sedulously disseminated

rumours--that he had been coldly received by the Queen, and that she had

withheld from him the power of dissolving Parliament. As to the former,

"Nothing, my lords, could exceed the condescension and graciousness of

manner, _and more than of manner_, with which any proposition from me

has been listened to, with which any communication and advice which I

felt it my duty to tender to her Majesty, has been received." As to the

latter, "There is not the shadow of a foundation for the statement that

her Majesty would not have given me the power of dissolving Parliament;

and I am authorised by the Queen to say, that no one could be justified

in saying, or holding out a belief, to the contrary." Such, then, was

her Majesty's confidence in Lord Stanley, that even in the critical

condition of the country at that time, she would have intrusted him with

the great power of dissolving Parliament. And now what did this faithful

and plain-speaking nobleman tell his Royal Mistress? Let him speak for

himself; and what he then said to the Queen, it is now of supreme

importance for us to know.

"My first statement to the Queen was, that, had I been a member of the

House of Commons, I should have certainly supported the motion of Mr

Disraeli.[C]... I stated that it would be impossible for me, as an

honest man, to take office without a full determination to deal with

that distress, and endeavour to apply to it, as a Minister, effective

measures of relief." And yet again, with an explicitness defying all

possibility of misapprehension--"I stated, that if I could so far forget

myself as to sacrifice my honest convictions, the loss of honour which

would be involved in such a course of procedure would make my services

worse than valueless; ... that I would not take office on any other

condition than that of endeavouring, _bonâ fide_, to give effect to my

own conviction, of the necessity of legislating for that class [the

agricultural] of her Majesty's subjects: _but I did not bind myself to

any specific measure._" So much for Lord Stanley's explanation of what

had passed between himself and the Queen. Now let us see the policy on

which he would have acted with his Ministry; and he explained it with

admirable straightforwardness, principally with reference to three great

topics--the _Income Tax_, _Agricultural Distress_, and _Papal

Aggression_. He began by saying, "I might, I think, have brought to a

satisfactory issue two or three important questions, which appear to be

the great stumbling-block of politicians at the present moment."

_First_, then, of the INCOME TAX. "Take it as you will, levy it as you

please, this is a tax which is full of anomalies and inconveniences,

pressing variously upon different classes of the community, with a

complicated injustice which no modification can altogether remove." He

declared his conviction in strong terms, that if the House of Commons

had not implicitly relied on Sir Robert Peel's pledge that the Income

Tax was to last for only three years, "it would not have consented to

the imposition of it for an hour; ... there was no man living who

believed that it would." And he added, "I hold it to be an object, not

only of vital importance, but one to which the faith of successive

Ministers has been pledged, that the Income Tax should not be permitted

to degenerate into a permanent tax."

[B] HANSARD, (3d Series,) vol. cxiv., col. 998-9.

[C] On Agricultural Distress, _ante_, p. 389.

_Secondly_, as to AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. "I hold it to be an admitted

and undisputed fact, that the land is, at this moment, the only

suffering interest; and that it is labouring under an amount of

taxation, of various descriptions, far exceeding the amount which falls

upon other classes of the community.... By imposing a moderate duty on

the imposition of foreign corn, you might raise a very considerable

revenue for the country, while you would not materially raise the price

to the consumer; but you would, by the acquisition of a duty of

£1,500,000, or £2,000,000, enable the Government more rapidly to effect

that object to which I have referred as of great advantage to the

community at large--_the extinction of the Income Tax_.... The relief of

the finances of the country, and the removal of that pressure of

taxation, would infinitely and immeasurably exceed in advantage any

possible trifling alteration in the price of food--and trifling indeed

it must be--which could touch the consumer."

We beg particular attention to the following passage:--

"I express my frank opinion, that the question of _Protection_, or, if

you please, the question of the unrestricted import of provisions, is

one which must be settled _by the country_, once, and for ever, whenever

it is appealed to for its decision. Should the next general election

prove that the sense of the country is in favour of a perfectly

unrestricted import of all provisions, unaccompanied by those duties

which in other countries are imposed for purposes of revenue, upon all

articles, and which in this country are imposed to a vast extent upon

articles of prime necessity for consumption hardly inferior to _bread_

itself, I, for one, and I believe the majority of your lordships and of

Parliament, would respectfully bow to that expression of the sense of

the country."

_Lastly_, As to PAPAL AGGRESSION. Lord Stanley treated this question,

which he solemnly pronounced to be "the most important of all important

questions," in a spirit of resolute and comprehensive statesmanship.

Sharing the universal indignation, at the impudent and dangerous attempt

of the Pope upon the liberties of this country and the Queen's supreme

authority, Lord Stanley denounced the petty legislation by which the

Government proposed to meet it, as beneath contempt, and predicted

precisely that which has come to pass. But what were his own views? And

how would he have _acted_ upon them? Let every Protestant in the Empire

give ear.

"The real danger is this: The GRADUAL growth and encroachment of the

power of the Pope, and of the prelates acting under his authority, in

interfering with matters not purely and strictly religious, and in

assuming to themselves powers, which if not in violation of the [letter

of the] law of the land, are at variance with [the spirit of] that law.

"I conceive that there are grave questions depending upon the position

of the Roman Catholics in this country, with regard to the rights of

their own church, to the disposition of property, and the manner in

which trust property is held for Roman Catholic purposes.

"I think it is a subject for inquiry, how religious houses of various

descriptions are carried on in this country; and it is a grave question

whether _all_ religious houses should not be subjected to the power of

visitation, in order that it may be ascertained that no persons are

retained within them contrary to the law of the land.

"I should have recommended that, in both Houses of Parliament, inquiries

should take place as to the actual relations in which the Roman Catholic

subjects of the Queen stand towards the State, towards any foreign

power, and towards their own priests and prelates. I would have advised

that this subject should be fully investigated; the present anomalies of

the law really exposed, and amendments suggested for the consideration

of Parliament."

Such is a faint sketch of the leading portions of Lord Stanley's

exposition of his views and intentions in February 1851; and whoever may

take the trouble to read it _in extenso_, as it appears in Hansard, will

heartily concur in an observation of the present Chancellor of the

Exchequer, made in the course of his address to the House of Commons on

the same evening: "At the moment I am speaking," said Mr Disraeli, "Lord

Stanley is explaining all the circumstances connected with that

transaction [the attempt to form a Ministry.] And I will express my

conviction, that when that statement shall have gone forth to the

public, the character of my noble friend will stand, if possible, higher

than ever."

Here, then, we have a sketch of Lord Stanley's political character on

the 28th February 1851, under his own hand, unconsciously delineating

features beaming with manly determination, noble frankness, and

sagacious intellect; of a man who, on a signal occasion, proved himself

true to his Queen, to his country, to himself, and to that Higher Power

_by whom actions are weighed_,[D] and who rules the destinies of

mankind. He must have foreseen, and known that everybody else foresaw,

that he would inevitably, and very speedily, be called to the head of

affairs. We do not think it possible to speak too highly of Lord

Stanley's frankness as to his political opinions, on that all-important

occasion. He might have wrapped himself up in what might have appeared a

discreet reserve, resolving to watch the chapter of accidents, the

progress of opinions and events, and _then_ adapt himself to any

position which he might be called by the Sovereign to occupy. He was

aware, moreover, that the country knew his straightforwardness, and that

he was a man of uncompromising determination. Why, then, did he

volunteer, in the capacity of a defeated candidate for the highest

office, so explicit a declaration of his political principles? Who

cannot _now_ give the answer? In order that both the Queen and the

country, both friends and opponents, might know exactly the course which

he would pursue if placed in power; and he was distinctest on questions

of the greatest moment, and on which it would have been easiest to raise

a cry against him. That the country might have the opportunity of

saying, whoever may come into power, _this_ man shall not; whatever

principles shall become dominant, _his_ shall not, for they are those

opposed to public opinion, and inconsistent with the common weal.

Therefore Lord Stanley deliberately afforded to his opponents, even his

most active and virulent, every opportunity they could desire for

forming powerful combinations of parties, and eliciting an overpowering

expression of the voice of the nation. His _trumpet_ gave _no uncertain

sound_. The enemy had ample notice, and might easily have baffled

apprehended intrigue, and guarded against suspected surprise. But there

has been, confessedly, neither intrigue nor surprise. Well, exactly

twelve months have elapsed, during which the weakness of the existing

Ministry became every month more apparent, and its speedy dissolution

inevitable. What is the result?

[D] 1 Samuel, ii. 3.

THE EARL OF DERBY IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS, ON FRIDAY THE 27TH FEBRUARY

1852.

He stood there with a very eventful year's better acquaintance between

himself and the country, than when he had presented himself on the

corresponding Friday of the preceding year. During that interval, the

importance of which all political parties appreciated, more than one

earnest effort was made, as privately as was practicable, to establish

a basis of conjoint political action between three classes of the

Liberal party, in opposition to a Protectionist policy; but it was found

impracticable. And unless our means of information have misled us, it

was plainly stated by a highly influential and clear-headed Liberal, to

some who sought his advice, that he much doubted whether Free-Trade

principles were making the way they ought to be making; and that the

probable results of a formal appeal to the country upon the question was

a matter requiring serious consideration, for that a great mass of

prejudice on the subject yet existed in the country. But the Earl of

Derby must by this time have reached the House of Lords.

It is just on the stroke of five o'clock, and we are standing at the bar

of the House of Lords, under a grievous pressure of members of the House

of Commons. What an exciting, what a splendid scene! The gentle strife

between natural and artificial light has ceased, and brilliant jets

reveal distinctly the spacious and noble proportions of the Lords'

House. Look wherever you will, all is rich and mellow! And see those

light graceful galleries half filled with fair female politicians, their

gentle hearts beating with quite as keen feelings of rivalry--hopes,

fears, and anxieties--as their noble lords, kinsmen, and friends beneath

them! The strangers' gallery was packed with a far greater number than

it could conveniently accommodate: and those highly important

functionaries, the Reporters, seemed to have mustered in almost double

strength. The throne end of the House was filled with peers' sons,

ambassadors, and others. On the woolsack sate Lord Redesdale, as

Deputy-Speaker, the new Lord Chancellor having not yet passed from Sir

Edward Sugden into Lord St Leonards; while the late one, Lord Truro,

sate, in plain clothes, on the Opposition side of the House, which was

considerably more crowded with the ex-Ministry and their supporters,

than the Ministerial side with their successors. There is the Marquis of

Lansdowne, white-haired, and somewhat feeble in his gait, walking slowly

down the House, till he takes his seat near that so recently occupied by

the Earl of Derby. He looks depressed and anxious, but is calm and

dignified, and apparently not disposed to conversation. Near to him are

the Earl of Carlisle and Earl Grey--just above, but in a line with them,

Lord Brougham and the Earl of Aberdeen: all these sit quietly enough,

with an expectant air, in their places; while the younger folk,

especially those just displaced from subordinate office, flit about

among their friends, apparently in a state of concern and bewilderment!

The cross benches are nearly filled. The Bishops' benches are occupied

by only four or five Prelates, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the

Bishop of London being of the number. Confronting the long line of the

Opposition, sit many of the new Ministry and their friends, a goodly

phalanx, generally wearing the appearance of excitement and resolution.

At the corner of the second back bench is to be seen the striking figure

of Lord Lyndhurst: with folded arms, his commanding countenance, now

exhibiting too many of the traces of age, shows that he is at this

moment in profound thought. He seems disinclined to speak to anybody. We

miss one great familiar figure, the white-haired Duke of Wellington; for

he is gone to Strathfieldsaye, giving, this evening, his customary

banquet to the Judges of Assize. The whole House is in a subdued buzz of

conversation. A slight commotion at the further end attracts all

eyes--and--enter the Earl of Derby, accompanied by a friend. He is

dressed in a plain black surtout, with crape round his hat; and walks

quietly to the place left vacant for him, on the front bench, and for

the last five or six years occupied by the Marquis of Lansdowne, who now

regards him with an expression of by no means eager hostility. On one

side of the new Prime Minister sits the Duke of Northumberland, on the

other are the Earls of Eglinton and Malmesbury. Lord Derby is in his

fifty-third year, but looks nearly ten years younger. He is tall and

well-proportioned; and his countenance displays dignity, frankness, and

determination. Its distinguishing feature is the bright and piercing eye

now glancing resolutely at the lowering array of the Opposition. On the

table before him stand a decanter of water and a glass. As far as we can

see, he has not brought with him a single note. He whispers for a moment

to the Earl of Malmesbury, then rises, steps to the table, removes his

hat, folds his arms, and a loud cry of "Hear! hear! hear!" issues from

every quarter of the House, instantly hushed into deep silence--amidst

which is heard a clear ringing voice speaking with beautiful

distinctness of articulation, and very deliberately.

On that day week, and at that hour, he was pacing the pleasant grounds

of Badminton, little dreaming that the electric wire, within a few

hours, would be charged with two or three potent syllables addressed to

himself, announcing the sudden fall of a Ministry, and summoning him to

town, to form a new one! On Saturday evening he received a command to

attend her Majesty on the ensuing day, when he presented to her Majesty

"an outline of his Administration,"--and, within three days' time, a

list of all "those friends whom he had selected to discharge the

principal offices of the Government." On the very day on which he was

speaking, he and they had kissed hands on receiving the seals of office;

and it is easy to imagine how every moment of the last five days must

have been occupied with the harassing anxieties of forming an

Administration. Yet there he stood, prepared to state, before that

brilliant and imposing audience--before the whole country, and

representatives of every civilised nation on earth, the policy on which

he proposed to govern this vast empire!--An exposition which he well

knew would require profound consideration to frame, so as to hit the

happy mean between candour and statesmanlike reserve; to satisfy just

expectation, and at the same time avoid alarming friends, or provoking

captious enemies. Such a speech as the Earl of Derby delivered during

the ensuing hour; so prudent in what was said, and omitted; so complete

and comprehensive in its scheme and scope; so exact and felicitous in

detail and expression--could not have been prepared, and delivered, as

it was, by any man but one of great and practised powers, and consummate

discretion. With no disposition whatever to flatter the Earl of Derby,

and uninfluenced by any consideration except a rigorous regard for truth

and justice, we declare our deliberate conviction that this speech alone

showed its speaker fit to conduct the affairs of this country, at the

grave crisis which undoubtedly exists. It is pervaded by an air of

modesty, simplicity, frankness, resolution, discretion, and dignity,

that is very lovely to the eyes of Englishmen. It is the speech of a

Christian gentleman and statesman, and delineates a policy based upon

Principle, as contradistinguished to Expediency. It exhibited a noble

spirit, at once conciliatory, and uncompromising; and, in a word,

immediately produced a prodigious effect upon the country. Had it been

less able and satisfactory than it was, the consequences, as the speaker

well knew, would have been immediately serious and prejudicial, to an

extent beyond present calculation. As it is, the country, though in a

very anxious and exacting humour, appeared to become at once assured and

calm; and its pulse--the Funds--has ever since beat, not with feverish

fluctuation, but with tranquil regularity. There is no gainsaying that

fact, and it is a very pregnant one.

Standing with folded arms, his countenance and demeanour exhibiting a

certain mixture of gravity and cheerfulness,--and speaking with the

utmost deliberation and distinctness, the Earl of Derby thus began: they

are his _ipsissima verba_:--

"My Lords, the place from which I have now the honour of addressing the

House, at once not only affords a justification for my rising upon this

occasion, but imposes upon me, as I conceive, the necessity of

endeavouring to state, as shortly and as distinctly as I can, with as

much frankness as may be in my power, and no more reserve than may be

imposed by a due sense of my position, not only the motives which

induced me to undertake the arduous duty which I thought myself bound

not to decline; but also, as far as I can, an outline of the course

which, having undertaken such a responsibility, I feel it incumbent on

me to pursue."

--"O," whispered, at this point, a leading Liberal member of the House

of Commons, to one beside him, "he's going to speak out;" and both

listened to Lord Derby from that moment with unbroken silence and

attention, and, when he had finished, looked at each other

significantly, and for a few moments without uttering a word.

The Earl of Derby paused for a second or two, and directing a look of

affectionate sincerity towards Lord Lansdowne, commenced that graceful,

eloquent, well-weighed eulogy, which must long live in his memory.[E]

The last sentence of it was as follows. It elicited universal cheering,

and evidently affected Lord Lansdowne.

[E] Lord Brougham said not long ago, in the hearing of the writer, "Lord

Lansdowne is the very best leader of a deliberative assembly that was

perhaps ever seen. In courtesy, temper, discretion, and business

ability, he is, in my opinion, unequalled."

"My Lords, it must be an encouragement to future statesmen, that they

should be able to point to his example; and see how, after a period of,

I believe, nearly fifty years spent in the public service, a statesman

can retire with the friendship, the warm and cordial friendship, of his

political associates, with the cordial and sincere esteem of his

political opponents, and with a character unblemished by a single stain

on his political virtue or private honour!"

After a lucid statement of the circumstances under which he had been so

suddenly and unexpectedly called to the helm of public affairs, the

steps which he had taken to form a Government, and a frank avowal that

he saw himself, for the present, environed with almost insuperable

difficulties, arising principally out of the confused condition of

parties in the House of Commons, he proceeded to indicate the principles

on which he proposed to conduct the Government of the country. He

commenced with his Foreign Policy, and there was perceptible a faint

stir in the quarter where stood several ambassadors, and other members

of the diplomatic body. As if anxious that all he said on this subject

should be well understood by persons not perfectly familiar with the

English language, he here spoke with even greater deliberation and

distinctness than in any other part of his speech. He doubtless felt no

little anxiety that his views of our foreign relations should be

thoroughly appreciated by the representatives of foreign states, who

would, of course, instantly, on quitting the House, forward accounts of

what they had heard to their respective governments. One or two might

have been seen taking a pencil note of particular expressions; and this

might well be done; for he handled these critical topics with exquisite

discretion and delicacy. His tone was cordially pacific, but also

dignified and resolute. How would the Funds have fallen the next

morning, had he here committed himself! The essence of what he said may

be thus expressed--would that we had space to give, throughout, the

speaker's own choice and nervous language!--The new Government cherished

a profound anxiety to preserve the blessings of universal peace; and,

said the Earl of Derby, "there is not one of my noble friends who will

not consider that every effort should be made by the Government, with a

view of averting _the remotest chance_," (the words in italics he

uttered with marked emphasis,) "of incurring the miseries of war." Our

demeanour towards foreign governments should be on all occasions frank

and conciliatory; we should treat all nations alike, whether great or

small, with due respect and consideration, equally in acts, in words, in

conduct. Treaties should be observed with punctual fidelity, both as to

letter and spirit. Every nation's independence should be held sacred,

and on no pretence should we interfere with their internal and

individual arrangements. Whatever form of government each thought proper

to adopt, we had no right to manifest either sympathy or prejudice in

respect of one more than another, "be it the most absolute despotism,

limited monarchy, constitutional republic, or--if such a thing can be

conceived to continue in existence--absolute Red Republicanism. That

which is the choice of a nation, is that which it is the duty of the

British Government to recognise." Whenever explanations, or redress,

become unfortunately requisite, they should be asked for with temper and

frankness, and offered in the same spirit.

Who sees not the significance of this, on adverting to various portions

of the foreign policy of the late Government? Then Lord Derby approached

very tender ground, treading cautiously, but firmly. It was the proud

and ancient characteristic of this country, to afford a home to the

homeless, inviolable shelter to the exile; but not to become a nursery

for foreign traitors. It not only would not countenance, but would not

tolerate, those whom it was hospitably sheltering from the storms of

political adversity, intriguing and plotting here against their own

governments. We should watch all such movements vigilantly, and apprise

foreign governments of what was here hatching against them. Nay, such

attempts constitute a high offence against our own laws, "to be visited

with exemplary and condign punishment;" but, at the same time, those

laws must never be strained, with a view of either conciliating the

friendship, or averting the hostility, of foreign powers. All this was

said in a noble spirit; and the opportune enunciation of such principles

was like shedding oil on the troubled waters. It afterwards elicited

from that discreet and experienced Foreign Minister, the Earl of

Aberdeen, the following strong expression of concurrence.--"In that

portion of my noble friend's speech in which he laid down the course of

policy which he means to pursue towards Foreign Powers, I entirely

concur. The noble Earl and myself have acted together for the last ten

or twelve years, both in and out of office, in full concert and

communication on that subject; and, so far as I am aware, there is not a

shade of difference between us. In all that he has said on that subject,

I fully concur." The Earl of Derby's sentiments on this subject have

been since communicated to all Foreign Powers; and we suspect that there

is not one of their representatives in this country that has not been

ordered to communicate to him the warm satisfaction with which his

pacific and honourable declarations have been received, and an increased

desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with Great Britain.

As regards our own safety, and our means of repelling foreign

aggression, and maintaining internal order and tranquillity, Lord Derby

made the important and gratifying announcement, that both our army and

navy are in a state of high efficiency, and adequate to all the

multifarious calls upon them, arising out of our universally-extended

empire. England herself dreams not of aggression in any quarter, or

extended dominion, abundantly satisfied with what she possesses. She

seeks only to protect her just rights and interests; and though in no

wise apprehensive of aggression upon herself, but rather feeling assured

of the continuance of peace, this latter consideration of itself

justified, and even suggested, the propriety of _deliberately_

organising our own energies, and making them so promptly and effectively

available as to place this country beyond the reach of aggression from

any quarter. There is, however, no necessity for any increased military

force, regular or irregular; and the Earl of Derby concluded this part

of his speech by one of the happiest strokes conceivable. Without saying

it in words, he invited foreign countries to contemplate our own

institutions, and the great strength and happiness which they confer

upon us; at the same time affording a faint and delicate intimation of

the strength which we can put forth on an adequate occasion! In a few

graceful sentences he alluded to the memorable demonstration in London

on the 10th of April 1848: "My lords, upon many memorable occasions, and

upon none more than in the course of the last three or four years, the

people of this country have shown, in a manner to excite the wonder and

admiration of foreign powers, that the peace and tranquillity of the

kingdom may be safely intrusted to the loyalty of the people of England.

I believe, my lords, that it is not the ability of her rulers--I am

sure that it is not the multitude of her forces--that keeps this country

in a state of tranquillity and contentment; but I must say that it is a

due and frank appreciation, on the part of every class of her Majesty's

subjects, of the inestimable value of those institutions under which

they live, and a conviction that not merely the just prerogatives of the

Crown, but the real liberties of the people, are best secured by these

institutions!" We know not which most to admire, the perfect good taste,

or the masterly tact and sagacity here displayed, in the expression of

that which will be--perhaps has been--appreciated abroad, with many a

royal sigh of acquiescence.

Such was Lord Derby's Foreign Policy. We have already stated that his

speech was equally striking in what it said, and in what it did not say.

Among other matters of this negative character, is one which seems to

have hitherto attracted no public attention--Lord Derby's silence on the

subject of our _Colonial_ policy. His sentiments on that subject are

perfectly well known, and he has himself, and recently, brought them

prominently before the very assembly whom he was addressing. He is

indeed peculiarly familiar with that great section of our national

interests, and will doubtless give them much personal attention. Why did

he, then, omit all allusion to our colonial policy on that memorable

evening? Did he forget it? _There sate before him Earl Grey_, with a

millstone of responsibility suspended from his neck, for a long series

of colonial exploits, every one of them familiar to the Earl of Derby;

who also knew, in common with everybody else, what was the last straw

which had broken the camel's back--what was the real reason of the late

Ministers' sudden retreat from office--to avoid the blighting exposure,

in the House of Commons, of Earl Grey's Kaffir misdoings. With high

judgment, and a generous forbearance, the Earl of Derby passed over the

legitimate and tempting topic in blank silence--a silence, however,

which may have been felt by the ex-colonial Minister as very ominous.

Let _us_, however, seize the opportunity of touching, for an instant,

only one part of this sore--we mean Earl Grey's last despatch to Sir

Harry Smith; one of the most cruel and impudent documents that ever

libelled the character of a state paper, or threatened to break a noble

heart; a document that ought to be burned at the head of every regiment

in the service; one which had been splendidly falsified by the

triumphant veteran before it had come into his gallant hands, or been

trodden into the dust under the foot of scornful and insulted soldier.

Gallant veteran! what a reception awaits you on your return home, from

your Queen and from your country, if indeed you live to tread the soil

of old England again! You will be welcomed in Downing Street, whence

your libeller has been expelled, and from which he is now for ever

excluded.

Thus much for Lord Derby's _temporary_ silence on Colonial policy.

Having concluded his observations on his Foreign, he approached our

Domestic policy. Here he paused for a few moments; his manner showing a

consciousness that he was entering on a topic of the last importance and

difficulty--one fraught with absorbing interest, in the eyes of every

one present, and with the fate of his newly-formed Administration.

"My Lords," he commenced, and in a very resolute manner, "I have now

stated to your lordships the principles on which I think that our

foreign policy should be regulated and conducted. I will not shrink, my

lords, from dealing with questions of far greater difficulty. I will not

shrink from speaking frankly upon the subject of our commercial and

financial policy." It is impossible to describe the sudden silent

manifestation of intense anxiety and interest excited by these words;

rendered the more striking, from the loud cheering which had accompanied

the preceding sentence, and which was suddenly succeeded by profound

silence. It was at that interesting and exciting moment that we

bethought ourselves of Lord Stanley in the House of Lords on that day

twelvemonth. Our recollection of what he had then said, on the question

which he was now approaching, was vividly distinct. We were certain

that he would thoroughly identify Earl Derby of February 1852 with Lord

Stanley of February 1851; but who could stifle a feeling of lively

anxiety to learn the precise manner in which he proposed to deal with

this great stumbling-block to the statesmen of this age? He began by

referring to Sir Robert Peel's commercial policy in 1842, stating that

he had cordially supported it.

But here let us pause; for this sudden ten years' retrospect awakens

painful memories, and suggests a very painful contrast. Let us speak of

the dead, the distinguished dead, in a spirit of forbearance and

charity. Nay, let us pay the homage due to a man of great political

capacity and knowledge, and unsullied purity of personal

character!--There is now lying before us, side by side with a reprint of

Lord Derby's speech, a fellow reprint[F] of that delivered by the late

Sir Robert Peel in 1841, and published, we believe, in a cheap form for

extensive circulation, with that late right honourable baronet's

sanction. It is the speech which he addressed to his constituents at

Tamworth, on the 28th of June 1841, and was a most able and elaborate

statement of his leading political opinions, on the occasion of the then

pending general election which returned a glorious majority of

ninety-one pledged to support the opinions so luminously expounded in

that memorable speech. How it reads, by the light of 1852! Alas! the

exultation with which he contemplated the great Conservative party,

which, he said, "has been pleased to intrust your representative with

its confidence! You may rely upon it that that party which has paid me

the compliment of taking my advice, and following my counsel, are a

united and compact party, among whom there does not exist the slightest

difference of opinion in respect of the principles they support, and the

cause they may desire to pursue. Gentlemen, _I hope I have not abused

the confidence of that great party!_" And the proud appeal evoked "loud

cheers." Alas! what is man? Again, how eloquently, and upon what grand

considerations of morality and religion, he deprecated England's

"running the risk of losing the benefit of its sacrifices for the

abolition of slavery, and tarnishing for ever that glory, by admitting

to the British markets, sugar, the produce of foreign slavery!" At

length, said he, "I now come to the most important question of all, the

introduction of foreign corn into this country." We beg earnest

attention to what follows, for it bears directly and powerfully upon the

same great question, and in the precise form in which it now stands

before the country, and with which the Earl of Derby has to deal.

[F] "Tamworth Election. Speech of Sir Robert Peel."--Ollivier, Pall

Mall, 1841.

"When I look at the burdens the land is subject to in this country, I do

not consider the fixed duty of eight shillings a quarter on corn from

Poland, Russia, and Prussia, where no such burdens exist, a sufficient

protection for it. (_Great cheering._) Gentlemen," continued the

eloquent and gifted speaker, warming with the enthusiasm which he had

elicited, "it is certainly a very tempting thing in theory, to buy your

corn at the cheapest market; but before you adopt that theory in

practice, you must, as a matter of common justice, compare the burdens

on the land in other countries, with the burdens on the land in this

country. (_Cheers._) The land in this country is most heavily

burdened--you cannot conceal _that_. Look at the amount of the poor-rate

levied, on land, as compared with that levied on the productive means of

manufacturing industry. (_Cheering._) Who pay the highway rates?--who

pay the church-rates?--who pay the poor-rate?--who pay the tithes? I

say, not perhaps altogether, but chiefly, the landed occupiers of this

country. And, gentlemen, if corn be the product of other land not

subject to those burdens, it surely would not be just to the land of

this country, which bears them all, to admit such corn at a low duty!"

Sir Robert Peel then quoted from a pamphlet which had just before been

published by Mr M'Culloch, the following striking passage:--"Considering

the vast importance of agriculture--that nearly half the population of

the empire is dependent upon it, directly or indirectly, for employment,

and the means of subsistence--a prudent statesman would pause before he

gave his sanction to any measures, however sound in principle, or

beneficial to the mercantile or manufacturing classes, which might

endanger the prosperity of agriculture, or check the rapid spread of

improvement." "Gentlemen," continued Sir Robert Peel, "I need not say

that I fully concur with this sentiment; and I certainly think that a

prudent statesman _would_ pause before he meddled with it.... I do think

that if you disturb agriculture, and divert the employment of capital

from the land, you may not increase your foreign trade, (for that is a

thing to doubt, under existing circumstances,) _but will assuredly

reduce the home trade, by reducing the means to meet the demand_, and

thus permanently injure yourselves also." Towards the close of that most

able address, he taunted Lord John Russell with having "made an appeal

to public feeling, on account of cheap sugar and cheap bread. My firm

belief is, that the people of this country have not at all responded to

this cry!" Sir Robert was right, and Lord John was wrong. The country

repudiated the "cry;" and, in spite of desperate exertions on the part

of the Government, returned an overwhelming majority, pledged to the

support of agricultural protection. Lord John was instantly swept away

by it, and Sir Robert floated proudly into his place.

Let us, however, with a sigh over the past--a sigh over the dead--turn

from the departed to the living statesman of 1852. Here again we lament

being unable to adopt, except occasionally, the felicitous language in

which the Earl of Derby expressed himself; but here follows the pith of

what he said.

He had cordially concurred with Sir Robert Peel's revision of the

customs duties in 1842, and in the policy of imposing duties on all the

principal articles of import, not only for purposes of revenue, but also

for that of levying duties, in a given proportion, to the extent to

which the articles subjected to such duties admitted, or did not admit,

of the expenditure of future British labour. "I thoroughly agreed in the

principle understood to be there laid down as to the freest possible

admission of all raw materials which formed the basis of our native

industry. My lords, that system has been, to a certain extent, adopted

since that period; and I cannot but think, that if we look to the whole

of our financial system, there is ground for believing that it is open,

in point of principle, and in point of practice, to considerable and

useful revisions." Our present policy contrasts disadvantageously with

that of America, which is lauded as a free-trade country,--"yet they

avowedly levy high duties on those articles which compete with the

produce of their own soil and industry; whereas we both admit such

articles with perfect freedom, and load with inordinate taxation a

certain small number of articles, entering, to an immense extent, into

the necessary consumption of the masses of the community!"

"In my individual opinion, I can see no grounds why the single article

of corn should be made a solitary exception to the general system of

imposing duties on foreign imports.... _I state this as my opinion_; but

I think the question one which can be satisfactorily solved only by

reference to the well-understood and clearly-expressed opinion of the

intelligent portion of the community." This appears tolerably distinct,

and is an echo of what the speaker had said in the same House twelve

months previously. It failed, however, to convey any distinct meaning to

the mind of Earl Grey, whose head was, doubtless, running on other

matters--and who succeeded in afterwards eliciting from the Premier a

still more explicit declaration. "What I meant to say was, that this was

a question which ought to be settled, and could not be settled, except

by the deliberate opinion of the large and intelligent communities in

the country. And I stated, that neither with regard to that question,

nor to the great and complicated question of finance, had I any

intention of making a proposition to Parliament, _until public opinion

should have been decidedly and emphatically expressed_.... Any scheme

for dealing with a system so vast and intricate as our financial policy,

including within its range not only duties on foreign imports, but also

the incidents and the pressure of local and domestic taxation, requires

to be dealt with by a government strong in the confidence, not only of

the country, but of Parliament, and able to carry, with the concurrence

of Parliament and the country, measures adopted and matured with great

deliberation, and with such care and foresight as it is impossible that

any Administration could give to such a subject, called suddenly to deal

with public affairs, at the commencement of a parliamentary session."

These statements met with a very cordial reception from the House, which

seemed to feel that nothing could be more just and reasonable, regard

being had to the trying position in which the Earl and his Ministry

found themselves, through no fault or procurement of their own. He

proceeded to say, that he owned they were in a decided minority in the

House of Commons; nay, further, that he was even by no means assured of

being in a majority in the House of Lords--circumstances surely

entitling them, he thought, to the forbearance of opponents, and even,

occasionally, to the indulgence of friends. In the mean time, and till

he was able to ascertain and act upon the decided opinion of the country

and Parliament on the cardinal question of the day, the new Government

had abundant work before it, and had prescribed to itself a temperate

and moderate course of action, devoting all its energies to measures for

improving the social condition and adding to the comforts of the people,

and especially simplifying and improving the administration of justice

in the courts of law and equity. "I believe," said the Earl of Derby,

with dignity, "that in acting thus, even as a minority in the House of

Commons, we shall not uselessly or dishonourably conduct the public

affairs; and, my lords, I must say, that if interrupted in such a course

by a merely factious opposition, I have that confidence in the good

sense of the country, that that faction will, at no distant period,

recoil upon its authors." This passage produced a loud burst of

cheering.

The new Government recognised the existence of a shameless system of

bribery and corruption at parliamentary elections, which had greatly

extended itself during the last twenty years, but which they were

fixedly resolved to deal with effectually, and visit every one proved to

be guilty of it with condign punishment. With reference to a measure

which Lord John Russell had introduced during the present session into

the House of Commons, "comprising a somewhat miscellaneous assortment of

topics, and containing, as a leading feature, a large and extensive

alteration of the elective system, and the electoral districts of the

country," it was not the intention of the Government to proceed with it.

He accompanied that intimation, however, with another, pointedly

contrasting with the "finality" declaration of Lord John Russell. The

Earl disclaimed altogether the opinion that the Reform Act of 1831 "was

a perfect system, incapable of improvement." "I do not, my lords, for a

moment pretend to say that the system of representation introduced in

1831 was a perfect system, or incapable of improvement. I think that

there may have arisen, and will arise in the course of time, abuses

requiring change, and evils demanding a remedy; but, my lords, I say,

before you seek to apply a remedy--at all events, before you pledge

yourself to a definite plan, and unsettle that which is, be quite sure

that you know the course which you are about to pursue. Be satisfied

that the evils which you mean to meet do exist; that the remedy which

you propose to apply is not calculated to aggravate existing evils. And,

my lords," continued the Earl of Derby, speaking with a kind of

deferential emphasis, "if I were speaking in the presence of members of

the other House of Parliament, I would entreat them seriously to

consider the incalculable injury, not only to the monarchy of this

country, but ultimately to the real and true liberties of the country,

which may arise from constantly--from time to time--unsettling

everything and settling nothing; rendering the country dissatisfied with

that which is, without in the slightest degree removing the

dissatisfaction of those who are prepared to go much further than any

of your lordships could desire!... If you will show or prove to us the

existence of any substantial grievances, no men will be more ready than

my colleagues and myself to endeavour to remove those grievances in the

manner which we consider best calculated to insure that end, without

endangering the constitution or the internal peace of the country." When

the Earl of Derby uttered these weighty sentences, which were received

with loud and earnest cries of "Hear! hear! hear!" many of which issued

from the cross-benches, he was doubtless aware that Lord John Russell's

absurd but mischievous new Reform Bill had alienated from him the

countenance of some of his staunchest and most powerful, though silent

supporters, whom the Earl of Derby's moderation and firmness of tone

upon that topic had commensurately conciliated--a fact of which he

received a decisive intimation that very evening.

The last topic of the Earl of Derby's speech was one of transcendent

importance--the education of the people; and he dealt with it in a noble

and exalted spirit. Our own convictions on this subject are profound and

unalterable, and we are satisfied that they are shared with a very great

majority of the people of England. This is a matter lying at the very

root of the national safety and prosperity; and it is with unspeakable

satisfaction that we transcribe the passage, that it may stand recorded

in our own columns. It is worthy of being written in letters of gold, as

the glory of Christian statesmanship.

"My Lords,[G] I believe, and I rejoice to believe, that the feelings of

the community at large--that the convictions of all classes, high and

low, rich and poor, have now come to this conclusion, that the greater

the amount of education which you are able to give, and the more widely

it is spread among all classes of the community, the greater prospect

there is of the tranquillity, the happiness, and well-being of the

community. But, my lords, when I use the term _education_, let me not be

misunderstood. By _education_, I do not mean the mere development of the

mental faculties--the mere acquisition of temporal knowledge--the mere

instruction--useful as, no doubt, that may be--which enables a man

simply to improve his condition in life, gives him fresh tastes and

fresh habits, and also the means of gratifying such improved tastes.

Valuable as that instruction may be, when I speak of _education_, I

speak of this, and of this alone, an education involving culture of the

mind and culture of THE SOUL; laying the basis and foundation upon a

knowledge of the Scripture, and revealed religion. My lords, I desire to

look upon all those who are engaged in the work of spreading knowledge,

even though they be of communions different from that of which I am a

sincere and attached member, rather as fellow soldiers than as rivals,

in the warfare against vice and ignorance. But I trust, my lords, I

shall say nothing which can be offensive to those who differ with me,

and belong to other communions, when I say that for the promotion of

education and of religious knowledge, I rest mainly and chiefly upon the

exertions, the able, the indefatigable and enlightened exertions, of the

parochial clergy of the United Church of England and Ireland. My lords,

I look upon that Church as the depository of what I believe to be the

truth, and as an instrument of incalculable good here, and leading to

still more incalculable good hereafter. I say, my lords, that it is not

only the interest, but the duty of her Majesty's Government to uphold

and maintain that Church in its integrity, not by penal enactments

against those who dissent from her communion, or by violent abuse and

invective against the religious faith of those whose errors we may

deplore, but to whose consciences we have no right to dictate; but by

steadfastly resisting all attempts at aggression against that Church,

come from what quarter, and backed by what authority it may, and by

lending every power of the Government to support and extend the

influence of that Church, in its high and holy calling, with the view of

diffusing throughout the length and breadth of the empire (and I speak

not of this country alone) that knowledge which can be derived only from

the diffusion of the Holy Scriptures."

[G] Almost every other sentence of this paragraph was followed by loud

cheering; but the Earl of Derby continued to speak with calmness and

solemnity.

By this passage of his speech, even had it stood alone, the Earl of

Derby established a claim to the hearty confidence, the zealous and

enthusiastic support, of every sincere member, lay and clerical, of the

Church of England--nay, we go fearlessly much further, and say, of every

sincere Christian in the empire, in the portentous times in which we

live. And, indeed, we entertain no doubt whatever that this noble

declaration has already produced great, though silent, effect, which

will be made manifest when the time _for action_ shall have arrived.

While breathing a spirit of pure and ardent affection for the Church of

England, this declaration is not disfigured by the faintest trace of

bigotry, intolerance, or uncharitableness; and we thank God that such

words are now going forth all over the world, as having been spoken, and

on so great an occasion, by the Prime Minister of the Queen of England.

The concluding passage of Lord Derby's memorable exposition was very

finely delivered; not with oratorical art, but in a manner which exactly

befitted the affecting simplicity and solemnity of the matter. He spoke

with a dignified manliness, which went to the heart of every one who

heard him, friend or opponent, who had a heart that could be reached and

influenced by anything worthy and great.

"My Lords, for my own part, when I look to the difficulties which

surround my friends and myself, when I look to the various circumstances

which must combine to give us a chance of successfully encountering the

various difficulties which beset our path, I confess that I am, myself,

appalled by the magnitude of the task which I have undertaken. But I

believe, and know, that the destinies of nations are in the hands of an

overruling Providence! I know that it is often the pleasure of that

great Being to work out His own objects by weak and unworthy means. In

His presence, I can solemnly aver,[H] that no motives of personal

ambition have led me to aspire to that dangerous eminence on which the

favour of my Sovereign has placed me. In the course of my duties, no

considerations will sway me, except those which have led me to that

eminence--the paramount considerations of public duty. And with this

feeling in my mind, and with a deep conviction of the sincerity of my

own motives, and trusting to the guidance and blessing of higher powers

than my own, I venture to undertake a task from which I should otherwise

have shrunk with apprehension of its dangers. And, my lords, be the

period of my Administration longer or shorter, not only shall I have

obtained the highest object of my personal ambition, but I shall have

fulfilled one of the highest ends of human being, if, in the course of

that Administration, I can in the slightest degree advance the great

object of peace on earth, and good-will among men--if I can advance the

social, moral, and religious improvement of my country, and at the same

time contribute to the safety, honour, and welfare of our Sovereign and

her dominions!" For nearly a minute after Lord Derby had resumed his

seat, the House echoed with hearty cheering, which then subsided into a

loud hum of conversation; amidst which--suddenly up jumped Earl Grey!

and, apparently much to the surprise of the House, proceeded to address

it. Without wishing to say or to insinuate anything offensive or

discourteous, we cannot help observing that there is a great contrast

between the two Earls, in countenance, demeanour, and style of speaking;

and the advantage is not on the side of Earl Grey. On the present

occasion, he was heated and querulous. He did not rise for the purpose

of noticing Lord Derby's marked silence as to colonial policy, and

eliciting some indication of his views on a subject in which the late

Colonial Secretary might have been presumed to take special interest;

but he rose exactly in the spirit of a Manchester Corn-law-Exchange

agitator--for the purpose of endeavouring to entangle the new Minister

in a corn-law discussion! He declared that he had been filled with

'_consternation_' on hearing that which Lord Derby instantly rose to

assure him had not been said! Notwithstanding Lord Derby explicitly

repeated what he had said, Lord Grey proceeded to argue on his own

repudiated version, though professing, amidst the laughter of the House,

to have been "greatly relieved by the explanation!" Conceiving this to

be rather too bad, the Earl of Derby rose a second time, and, in a tone

of calm sarcasm, thus indicated to the House the course which his eager

opponent seemed bent upon pursuing. "I have already, with the view of

correcting the misapprehension of the noble Earl, stated what I believe

I _did_ say, and what I know I _meant_ to say, and the noble Earl

thereupon says he is relieved by my explanation. And then he gives a

version of what he says he had understood me to say!--but what, I hope,

I have satisfactorily explained to your lordships that I did _not_ say;

and upon that misunderstanding he is proceeding to argue, as if I had

not already corrected his misapprehension!" Notwithstanding even this

rebuke, delivered with a singularly expressive smile, Earl Grey returned

to the charge, manifestly bent upon kindling, at the earliest possible

moment, popular excitement, and "consternation" in sympathy with his

own. Had he foreseen, however, what was to happen, he would probably not

have risen that evening; for he called up a Peer sitting on one of the

cross benches--no less a person than Earl Fitzwilliam, a powerful patron

of the late Government. His appearance seemed to be welcomed with great

complacency by Earl Grey and his friends; for who could doubt what Earl

Fitzwilliam was about to say on the subject of a Protectionist Ministry?

Of course he was going to denounce, as absurd and impracticable, their

attempt to govern the country, and to predict, in comfortable terms, the

immediate resumption of office by their predecessors. But alas! what

blank surprise and mortification overspread their countenances--with the

exception of the Marquis of Lansdowne--when the liberal Earl proceeded

to administer a stern and forcible rebuke to Earl Grey for having risen

to make such a speech as his, "after the ample, frank, and honourable

manner in which the noble lord at the head of the Government had stated

to the House the position in which he stood, and the circumstances under

which he had been induced to undertake the great task of forming an

Administration!... I lament also, my lords, that the noble Earl, instead

of taking a comprehensive view of the speech of the noble Earl [Derby,]

had chosen to single out one particular topic, and that the most

exciting of all.... I do not think the noble Earl was entitled to

animadvert as he has done, upon the speech of my noble friend." After

briefly expressing his own well-known views on the subject of corn-laws,

and charging both the contending parties with entertaining and fostering

delusions on the subject, he proceeded to declare "the great

satisfaction with which he had heard one part of the speech of the noble

Earl at the head of the Government--that in which he announced that he

should not carry on the bill of the late Government for altering the

Parliamentary representation, because, I believe," continued Earl

Fitzwilliam, "it will not do for the Government to be continually

tampering with constitutional rights. And with respect to the new

Government, generally, I hope there will be no factious opposition to

the measures which they intend to propose; and I think that the noble

Earl has been unfairly called upon to make, within so very short a

period, a farther declaration of the principles on which he intends to

carry on the Government. I shall regret to see any sort of opposition

which many persons out of doors will be disposed to characterise with

the epithet--_factious_." The Marquis of Clanricarde upon this rushed to

the rescue of his discomfited friend--to "protest against the censure

which my noble friend has thought fit to pronounce upon the noble Earl

near me;" but the feeling of the House was manifestly with Earl

Fitzwilliam, who had suddenly given utterance, with admirable candour,

to a great amount of that public opinion, which _has_ so decisively

pronounced, for itself, "out of doors." When Lord Clanricarde sate down,

two grey-haired peers rose together, at the opposite end of the

Opposition side of the House--the Earl of Aberdeen and Lord Brougham,

but the latter readily gave way; on which Lord Aberdeen, who spoke with

unusual earnestness, and very impressively, declared his determined

adherence to the corn-law policy of the late Sir Robert Peel, and that

he should oppose any attempt to re-impose duties, under the name of

either protection or revenue. He proceeded then to say, and with

emphatic cordiality of manner, that he entirely concurred in every other

part of the Earl of Derby's speech, especially, as we have already seen,

that relating to foreign policy. "I can assure my noble friend," said

Lord Aberdeen, in conclusion, "that I am fully aware of the difficulties

which he has to encounter; and he may rely on receiving from me,

whenever it is in my power, a cordial and most sincere support"--an

announcement giving evident satisfaction to the House. Lord Brougham

then rose again, evidently in a very friendly spirit towards the Earl of

Derby, to express his great gratification at finding that the

multifarious public and private business before Parliament was not to be

interrupted by "an early dissolution, which was out of the question;"

and that the subject of the corn-laws must be postponed till after the

general election. He had risen, however, to ask only one

question--whether the measures for law amendment could not be at once

proceeded with? The Earl of Derby rose with alacrity, to answer in the

affirmative; adding, "I am sure that my noble and learned friend will

agree with me, that when the Lord Chancellor [Lord St Leonards] takes

his seat in this House, he will apply his vigorous powers of mind to the

careful consideration of all those measures which have been recommended

by the commissioners." How satisfactorily that pledge was redeemed on

the very first night that Lord St Leonards presided in the House of

Lords, viz., on the 12th March, our readers must be well aware. A more

important speech than that which the new Lord Chancellor then delivered,

has rarely been heard from any one of his predecessors; assuring the

country that his vast practical knowledge of the subject should be

forthwith honestly and zealously applied to the effecting a thorough

radical reform in the courts, not only of Chancery, but of common law.

[H] We shall never forget the tone and the look with which this solemn

asseveration was uttered.

With the Earl of Derby's answer to Lord Brougham, the two hours' sitting

of that eventful evening terminated, exactly one of those two hours

having been occupied by the Earl of Derby.

No candid person who was present when the Earl delivered his speech,

will hesitate to acknowledge that it produced a deep and most favourable

impression. We ourselves know that the case was such with several able

and determined members of the Liberal party in the House of Commons who

stood at the Bar of the House of Lords; one of whom observed, "It is

certainly a great speech, and likely to do Lord Derby service with the

country." Mr Villiers, however, was also an auditor of the noble Earl;

and might have been seen rushing from the House of Lords, and by-and-by

in eager and excited conversation with that great statesman Mr Cobden;

the result of which was that absurd notice of motion which, the crude

product of their joint sagacity, the former gave that evening in the

House of Commons, doubtless expecting that it would produce a sensation.

Such, however, was not the case: it was received with but faint

indications of satisfaction by his own friends; has ludicrously failed

to excite attention out of doors; and is already discarded by its astute

originators! It bore upon it the glaring brand of Faction; and the

country is in far too serious and stern a humour, knowing what it has at

stake, to tolerate either trifling or trickery on the part of those who

have too long falsified public opinion, and inflicted serious injury on

several of the greatest public interests.

Lord Derby's speech was characterised throughout by consummate

discretion, and displayed a profound appreciation of the sense and

spirit of the country. That great country has received him cordially,

and in the spirit in which he had advanced to it. His most sanguine

opponents must acknowledge that matters have not hitherto gone as could

have been desired, and seems certainly to have been expected, by

themselves. The Funds _will_ not go down! and yet Lord Derby has stood

on the heights, with flag unfurled, ever since the 27th February

1852--nay, ever since the 28th February 1851! He is pledged to nothing

but Principles, and has wisely abstained from gratifying his factious

enemies, by precipitately pledging himself to specific measures. But

such he will in due time bring forward; and that they will be in strict

accordance with his principles, the whole country is sure of, for it

knows the firmness, honour, and consistency of his character and

conduct. It also knows, and his enemies also well know, that they have

to deal, in him, with a man not easily to be daunted, by even the

loudest squeaks of the penny trumpets of the Manchester Anti-Corn-Law

League gentry. They may rely upon it that they cannot terrify the Earl

of Derby, however otherwise it may have been with one of his

predecessors. They may depend upon it that he has had ample time and

opportunity during the last year to ascertain the true sources of his

strength and of his weakness; to mature a policy, based on settled

principles; and select able men to carry it out. He has looked his

dangers steadily in the face; and without affecting to underrate them,

has declared his determination to encounter them with patient

resolution. Our own belief is, that he possesses more extensive

resources than his adversaries are at present aware of, and will use

them prudently. One of these resources consists of the conviction

prevalent among the vast majority of moderate men of intelligence, that

if the Earl of Derby's Administration should fail to keep its place, the

inevitable alternative is a fearful revolutionary struggle, which would

shake our strongest institutions to their very foundations, and convulse

society. We lament feeling constrained to express our strong belief,

that Lord John Russell, conscious of having forfeited the confidence of

some of his most important supporters, is prepared to throw himself

unreservedly into the arms of those who, he knows, and cannot but know,

will force him infinitely farther than in his own recently _declared_

opinion he asserted, and in his conscience he believes to be consistent

with the safety of the throne, and the preservation of the liberties of

the country. We believe that hundreds of thousands in this country take

this justly alarming view of his position and purposes; and are prepared

to encounter with a resolute "no!" the inquiry, whether he shall return

again to power with _seven spirits more wicked than himself_.[I]

[I] If Lord John Russell should contrive to resume power, his cabinet

would unquestionably include Messrs Villiers, Bright, Cobden, Hume, Fox,

and probably Wilson. What would be the figure of the _Funds_ the next

morning?

We are writing far on in the first month of the new Administration,

anxiously watching the signs of the times; and are totally at a loss to

discover a single symptom of national dissatisfaction or disquietude, at

the establishment of a thoroughly Conservative Administration. We have

noticed, on the contrary, indications of a cheerful acquiescence in the

new arrangements, a contemptuous indifference to the worn-out machinery

of agitation, and a quiet determination to see fair play. How foolish,

indeed, and dangerous would it be to act otherwise! The late

Administration crumbled gradually to pieces before the eyes of the

contemptuous country, which then looked about it, and deliberately

substituted the present: and do Lord John Russell and his friends really

suppose that this great enlightened country is going to blow down that

new Administration like a child's house built of cards?

We see, however, plainly one part of the tactics which are to be

resorted to. They are based on a very natural, a perfectly intelligible,

dread lest the new Ministry should be able to show the country that they

understand, and can manage its affairs better than their rivals; and a

suspicion that they have it in their power to go to the country, when

the proper time arrives, with immense advantages, and a repetition of

the result of the general election of 1841. The country, for instance,

is groaning under the back-breaking pressure of the Tax upon Incomes,

precariously derived from trades and professions; we know--the country

knows, what is the Earl of Derby's present view of that iniquitous, that

cruel, that abominable tax, which has broken many an honourable heart,

and filled many a house with bitter privation, anxiety, and

mortification. And why was it imposed? With what declared purpose? And

has the solemnly-plighted faith been kept with the public? We have shown

how Lord Derby would now answer these questions, because we have shown

how he answered them in 1851. A glimpse of daylight lately broke in upon

a clear-headed Liberal, as appears by the columns of that very

consistent, but candid, advocate of Free Trade, the _Spectator_.[J] On

the day after Lord Derby had delivered his speech in the House of Lords,

there appeared conspicuously in that journal an ably-written letter,

"_From a vigilant politician of the Liberal school_," who evidently

stands high in the confidence of the editor. Let us hear this

gentleman.--"Let us imagine that Lord Derby proposes a 5s. duty,

together with a repeal of the Income Tax, as respects professions and

trades. _The whole pill, so compounded, would be swallowed by a vast

number of Free-Traders_, as well as by the bulk of the agricultural

interest, glad to get anything at all in the shape of protection. There

_is_[K] some little reaction of opinion about Free Trade.... A 5s. duty

would _not_ make bread 'dear.'... I think it probable that a general

election on the proposal of a 5s. duty, combined with the aforesaid

modification of the Income Tax, would yield Lord Derby a majority in the

House Of Commons." We are ourselves of this opinion; and believe that

Lord John Russell and his friends are desperately apprehensive of the

effect which may attend some such appeal to the country, and the

substantial popularity which it may earn an honest and firm Government.

We verily believe that great numbers of Lord John's friends, and he

himself, would see with secret satisfaction the imposition of a fixed

duty on foreign corn; but Lord Derby is assuredly not pledged to that

particular measure; and in the most honourable manner has declared that

nothing shall prevent him from submitting the great question _fairly_ to

the country itself, and carrying out its deliberate decision faithfully.

What can mortal man--the most scrupulously conscientious of

mankind--say, or do, more? That justice must be done to the suffering

interests of agriculture, in some way or other, only the most blind and

bigoted faction will deny, or those _whose craft is in danger_, and who

are unconsciously exhibiting the extent of their selfish interest in

upholding the existing system, by the large sums which they profess to

have subscribed in order to stir up and keep alive agitation. The

disgusting effrontery of a handful of Manchester manufacturers, in thus

presuming to dictate to the country at large, is already widely

appreciated, and will be more so; and Lord Derby can afford to despise

it, while keeping a calm, a vigilant, a comprehensive superintendence

over all the great national interests intrusted to his keeping by the

Sovereign and the country.

It would be foolish to predict with confidence the result of the next

general election; but if anything, appears tolerably clear, it is

this--that those who are resolved to take the opinion of the country on

a great national question, _deliberately_, are, _ipso facto_, infinitely

better entitled to its confidence than those who would precipitate such

an appeal. Very little that is said by a paid agitator, like Mr Cobden,

is entitled to respect; but he involuntarily spoke the truth, and

disclosed his inward quaking for the result, when the other day he

publicly acknowledged the great difficulty of "keeping up the enthusiasm

of the people beyond a few weeks!" Does this voluble declaimer suppose

that such an admission of the truth is lost upon the great statesman now

at the head of affairs?

[J] February 28, 1852.

[K] The Italics are those of the writer in the _Spectator_.

The Earl of Derby's Ministry may stand--the Earl of Derby's Ministry may

fall; but the country feels that it will do either with honour, and that

there will be no "paltering with it in a double sense." We believe that

it will stand, numerous and serious as are the obstacles with which it

has to contend; and we also believe, that the opinion is gaining ground

among even the more clear-headed of its miscellaneous enemies, that it

will not be so very easy to dislodge it from the position which it has

now thoroughly occupied. All its honourable opponents recognise the fair

spirit in which the Earl of Derby asserted his claims to the forbearance

of foes, and the indulgence of friends, while endeavouring honestly to

conduct public affairs at a moment when no one else offered, or seemed

able, to do so. That forbearance, that indulgence, he is justly entitled

to, and, to a great extent, will receive. We feel that we cannot go far

wrong in trusting freely one who has never deceived or betrayed us, and

whose whole personal and political character and conduct show that it is

impossible he should ever do so. Let, then, both friends and enemies be

at their ease for a while; an honourable country trusting implicitly, in

a great conjuncture, to one of the most honourable of her sons. As long

as he can retain the reins with safety and advantage to his gracious

Mistress and the country, he will do so firmly and steadily, and not one

moment longer. _But to whom will they have to be surrendered?_ It is a

fearful question. He is now nobly doing his duty to the country--towards

the great party which is proud to see him, standing at the helm of the

vessel of the State. Let them, in turn, do their duty towards him who

has come forward so chivalrously at their bidding; and we say, with a

swelling heart,--_On, Stanley! on!_

Every line of the foregoing pages was in type, before the length and

breadth of the land was thrilling with delight inspired by the Earl of

Derby's splendid reappearance on the scene of the two former triumphs

celebrated in those pages; and if we had written after perusing the

report of the noble Earl's speech on Monday evening the 15th of March,

we should not have modified a single expression, or varied a

hair's-breadth from the course which we had taken, after much

deliberation concerning the position and prospects of the new

Administration, except perhaps in two respects:--First, to note the

rapidity with which the noble Earl is visibly satisfying all the

conditions, moral and intellectual, of the highest responsible

statesmanship; while his noble but unhappy predecessor is dwindling down

into a mere baffled tactician and partisan. At the very moment that mere

petty spite and virulence were exuding from the leader of an Opposition

consisting of a suddenly-fused aggregate of incompatibilities, his noble

successor was ascending to a still higher vantage-ground, and calmly

unfurling afresh the glittering standard of conservative statesmanship.

Calm, resolute, circumspect, the higher the altitude he has reached, and

the more comprehensive the view he has taken, the stronger appears his

position, the distincter his enemies' real weakness under the guise of

apparent strength. It is now clear to our minds that Lord John Russell

and his friends had calculated on prodigious effects springing from

causes deemed by himself adequate to produce them, namely, an array of

untried officials; and that confusion and "_consternation_" throughout

the country which his friend Lord Grey had, to the very utmost of his

little power, striven to excite, under the prospect of a

suddenly-reversed commercial policy. _But it will not do._ Faction

already "'gins pale its ineffectual fires" before patriotism; and the

star of Stanley is unquestionably at this moment in the ascendant.

Passing over Lord Derby's overpowering _ad hominem_ argument to Lord

John Russell, reminding him of the day when he was in Lord Derby's

position, and held the language which he now denounces in his successor;

and the quiet contempt with which the noble Earl disposes of the little

worn-out tricks of agitators and demagogues, unable to do more than

develop virulent pustules of local irritation in divers parts, without

hurrying the pulse or corrupting the circulation of the general body

politic, we come to the Premier's appeal to the state of the public

Funds--a topic of confident congratulation in the preceding pages.[L]

Lord Beaumont had made a piteous appeal to the new minister, on behalf

of certain petitioners, complaining of the fearful consequences,

apparent and apprehended, of the recent changes, and of uncertain

policy. "Where," asks the cheerful Earl, speaking upwards of a fortnight

after the delivery of his great speech--which we are more than ever

satisfied ought to remain prominently under the eye of the country, for

the guidance alike of candidates and electors in the approaching great

struggle--"where are _the indications_ of alarm, anxiety, and

uncertainty? The public mind seems to be peaceable and content! Is there

a more accurate barometer of public feeling than the public funds? Yet,

will the noble lord point out a single moment, during the whole time the

late Government was in office, when the Funds were so high, were so

steady, and had a more decided tendency to advance, than they have at

this moment, when, according to the noble Baron, the whole country is in

a state of suspense and excitement?" _The Premier's bold challenge

remained unanswered_--though Earl Grey, Lord Beaumont, and several other

Peers, attempted to reply to other portions of his brilliant,

overpowering, and spontaneous speech. But what said, on the ensuing

afternoon, the City Article of that able, honourable, but truthful

opponent of Protection, the _Sun_ newspaper, which has done itself

honour by its manly course during the recent crisis? While its leading

article vied with the _Times_ of that morning in splendid eulogy of Lord

Derby's speech, and stern denunciation of the factiousness against which

it had been fulminated, the dry money aspect of the question was thus

faithfully indicated: "The English Funds have been very buoyant [Tuesday

16th March, 1852,] and the speech of Lord Derby has given pretty general

satisfaction. _Consols have been 98⅛ for transfer, and 98⅛ to ¼

for account!_" And they have since steadily risen higher! Well might

Lord Derby appeal to the beating of this "pulse," and well might

discarded state doctors abstain from gainsaying the declaration of their

rival!

[L] _Ante_, p. 405.

The mention of Earl Grey's name reminds us of another coincidence

between our own foregoing speculations, and the subsequent speech of

Earl Derby. We noted pointedly his silence on the Colonial

question--though in the provoking presence of Earl Grey. On the evening

to which we are now referring, Earl Derby showed how nearly we had

groped towards the truth of the case, by letting fall one or two

sentences, like ominous drops of a coming storm, against which it would

be prudent for Earl Grey to be looking out for shelter. Earl Derby was

speaking of the presumed causes of the late Ministry's fall. "When the

division on the Militia Bill had taken place, it was the ostensible

cause; _the real cause may be different--and perhaps the noble Earl

[Grey] whom I see taking notes, may be cognisant of the real cause!_"

Let us hope that when the day of reckoning shall have arrived, that

insulted and outraged veteran, Sir Harry Smith, will, amidst the

indignant sympathy of the whole country, be alive and present, to

witness Lord Derby's squaring of accounts with the late Colonial

Secretary.

The whole of Earl Derby's second manifesto is pervaded by a mingled tone

of moderation and resolution, eminently calculated to win the favour of

those on whose _fiat_ all ministers must depend--the enlightened public.

Some days have elapsed since we penned the preceding pages of this

article; and during that interval, having carefully watched the current

of events, we declare that all our previous conclusions, not hastily

arrived at, are confirmed--that the Earl of Derby will surmount his

difficulties, and baffle his desperate, and, we regret being forced to

say it, unscrupulous parliamentary opponents. His spirit is thoroughly

English. As a people, we love courage, hate injustice, and despise

trickery; and every day, every hour's experience shows that it is a

vile combination of trickery and injustice with which the noble Premier

has to deal. With one topic more, we close our article. The tactics of

the Opposition, as far as developed on the evening of Monday the 15th

March--especially in the House of Commons, where Sir James Graham, was

to be seen publicly and eagerly bidding for revolutionary support--to

our eye clearly indicate that their trump card is--a premature

dissolution, and on one particular question, selected by themselves--and

framed so as to admit of their war-cry being, as of old,

"bread-tax--cheap bread!" It is evident, however, that here is a little

reckoning without the host; who has a few words of serious import to say

upon the matter. Earl Derby was at that precise moment announcing

elsewhere, in resolute and well-weighed terms, that he will "go to the

country," in his own way--and bring out broadly, for the decision of the

country, two distinct entire systems of general policy, domestic and

foreign, and the conduct and pretensions of the two classes of

men--himself and his opponents--concerned in working them out. We invite

earnest attention to every word of the ensuing three paragraphs. As to

the question concerning a _Duty on Foreign corn_, nothing can be more

assuring to his friends, more decisive of waverers, and more

embarrassing to enemies, than the following single sentence:--

"I shall leave it to the general concurrence of the country, without

which I shall not bring forward that proposition (_loud and general

cheering_); and I will not, by a bare majority, force on the country a

measure against which a great proportion of the country shall have

expressed an opinion." (_Here the cheering was renewed._) That

declaration alone takes the wind out of the sails of the enemy. As to

being goaded into an immediate dissolution:--

"I say that the appeal to the country ought to be made as early as the

great interests of the country will permit; but I say further--that, so

far as I am individually concerned, no taunt, no challenge, no

difficulties to which I may be subjected, no mortification to which I

may be exposed, shall induce me to recommend to my Sovereign that the

dissolution of Parliament, however anxious I may be for a decision,

shall take place AN HOUR SOONER than those great and paramount interests

render necessary." We wish that every member of the House of Commons had

been bodily transported into the House of Lords, to observe, and

meditate upon, the tone and air, indicative of inflexible purpose, with

which this sentence was delivered.

It was, however, the last paragraph of his address, which, weightily

worded, and magnificently delivered, carried away the whole House, and

has produced a commensurate effect upon the public mind. "We are

threatened with far more serious difficulties than opposition to the

imposition of a five shilling, six shilling, or seven shilling duty on

corn. It is a question whether the government of this country can be

carried on, and on what principles, and through what medium; and when I

shall appeal to the country, I shall do so on this ground--Will you, who

desire well to all the interests of the country, place your confidence

in, and give your support to a Government which, in the House of Lords,

did not hesitate to take the post of danger, when the helmsman had left

the helm? (_Great cheering._) Will you support a Government which is

against hostile attacks; which will maintain the peace of the world;

which will uphold the Protestant institutions of the country; which will

give strength, and increased power, to religious and moral education

throughout the land; and which will exert itself, moreover, I will not

hesitate to say, to oppose some barrier against the current, continually

encroaching, of democratic influence, which would throw power

_nominally_, into the hands of the masses, _practically_, into those of

the demagogues who lead them? Will you resist a Government which desires

to oppose that noxious and dangerous influence, and to maintain the

prerogative of the Crown, the rights of your lordships' House, and the

privileges of the other freely-elected and fairly-represented House of

Parliament?

"THESE are the principles on which I shall make my appeal, on behalf of

myself and colleagues; and in words which are placed in the mouths of

the meanest felons in the dock, and which are not unworthy of the lips

of a First Minister of the Crown, 'I elect that we shall be tried by

God, and our country!'"

It is recorded by some of the Journals, that this noble appeal, with

which the Earl of Derby sate down, was received "with tremendous

cheering"--a reception it richly deserved: and a similar one it

deserves, and will receive, and is receiving already, in every loyal and

patriotic assemblage which may have an opportunity of considering it,

throughout the nation. It contains the exact issue to be ere long

decided by the country. A very solemn issue it is, fraught with

momentous consequences, alike to Sovereign and subject--an issue of

enormously larger proportions than those to which Lord Derby's enemies

seek so eagerly to reduce it. This pregnant paragraph ought to be a kind

of watchword during the coming fight. It shows a distinct perception by

the speaker of a fact indicated by ourselves in the preceding

pages--that Lord Derby's Government is separated from its predecessors,

and its present newly-combined opponents, by a GREAT GULF. That gulf is

REVOLUTION; and every moderate politician and staunch lover of his

country, without respect to Whig or Tory, Protectionist or Free-Trader,

at this moment has that gulf yawning before his eyes.

We see a signal beauty and force in the Earl of Derby's concluding

reference to a formula of our ancient criminal jurisprudence: and

completing that reference, we fervently add--"_God send thee_ A GOOD

DELIVERANCE!"

MY NOVEL; OR, VARIETIES IN ENGLISH LIFE.

BY PISISTRATUS CAXTON.

BOOK X. CONTINUED.--CHAPTER X.

The next morning Harley appeared at breakfast. He was in gay spirits,

and conversed more freely with Violante than he had yet done. He seemed

to amuse himself by attacking all she said, and provoking her to

argument. Violante was naturally a very earnest person; whether grave or

gay, she spoke with her heart on her lips, and her soul in her eyes. She

did not yet comprehend the light vein of Harley's irony; so she grew

picqued and chafed; and she was so lovely in anger; it so brightened her

beauty and animated her words, that no wonder Harley thus maliciously

teased her. But what, perhaps, she liked still less than the

teasing--though she could not tell why--was the kind of familiarity that

Harley assumed with her--a familiarity as if he had known her all her

life--that of a good-humoured elder brother, or a bachelor uncle. To

Helen, on the contrary, when he did not address her apart, his manner

was more respectful. He did not call _her_ by her Christian name, as he

did Violante, but "Miss Digby," and softened his tone and inclined his

head when he spoke to her. Nor did he presume to jest at the very few

and brief sentences he drew from Helen; but rather listened to them with

deference, and invariably honoured them with approval. After breakfast

he asked Violante to play or sing; and when she frankly owned how little

she had cultivated those accomplishments, he persuaded Helen to sit down

to the piano, and stood by her side while she did so, turning over the

leaves of her music-book with the ready devotion of an admiring amateur.

Helen always played well, but less well than usual that day, for her

generous nature felt abashed. It was as if she was showing off to

mortify Violante. But Violante, on the other hand, was so passionately

fond of music that she had no feeling left for the sense of her own

inferiority. Yet she sighed when Helen rose, and Harley thanked her for

the delight she had given him.

The day was fine. Lady Lansmere proposed to walk in the garden. While

the ladies went up-stairs for their shawls and bonnets, Harley lighted

his cigar, and stept from the window upon the lawn. Lady Lansmere joined

him before the girls came out.

"Harley," said she, taking his arm, "what a charming companion you have

introduced to us! I never met with any that both pleased and delighted

me like this dear Violante. Most girls who possess some power of

conversation, and who have dared to think for themselves, are so

pedantic, or so masculine; but _she_ is always so simple, and always

still the girl. Ah, Harley!"

"Why that sigh, my dear mother?"

"I was thinking how exactly she would have suited you--how proud I

should have been of such a daughter-in-law--and how happy you would have

been with such a wife."

Harley started. "Tut," said he, peevishly, "she is a mere child; you

forget my years."

"Why," said Lady Lansmere, surprised, "Helen is quite as young as

Violante."

"In dates--yes. But Helen's character is so staid;--what it is now it

will be ever; and Helen, from gratitude, respect, or pity, condescends

to accept the ruins of my heart;--while this bright Italian has the soul

of a Juliet, and would expect in a husband all the passion of a Romeo.

Nay, mother, hush. Do you forget that I am engaged--and of my own free

will and choice? Poor dear Helen! Apropos, have you spoken to my father,

as you undertook to do?"

"Not yet. I must seize the right moment. You know that my lord requires

management."

"My dear mother, that female notion of managing us, men, costs you,

ladies, a great waste of time, and occasions us a great deal of sorrow.

Men are easily managed by plain truth. _We_ are brought up to respect

it, strange as it may seem to you!"

Lady Lansmere smiled with the air of superior wisdom, and the experience

of an accomplished wife. "Leave it to me, Harley; and rely on my lord's

consent."

Harley knew that Lady Lansmere always succeeded in obtaining her way

with his father; and he felt that the Earl might naturally be

disappointed in such an alliance, and, without due propitiation, evince

that disappointment in his manner to Helen. Harley was bound to save her

from all chance of such humiliation. He did not wish her to think that

she was not welcomed into his family; therefore he said, "I resign

myself to your promise and your diplomacy. Meanwhile, as you love me, be

kind to my betrothed."

"Am I not so?"

"Hem. Are you as kind as if she were the great heiress you believe

Violante to be?"

"Is it," answered Lady Lansmere, evading the question--"is it because

one is an heiress and the other is not that you make so marked a

difference in your own manner to the two; treating Violante as a spoiled

child, and Miss Digby as"--

"The destined wife of Lord L'Estrange, and the daughter-in-law of Lady

Lansmere--yes."

The Countess suppressed an impatient exclamation that rose to her lips,

for Harley's brow wore that serious aspect which it rarely assumed save

when he was in those moods in which men must be soothed, not resisted.

And after a pause he went on--"I am going to leave you to-day. I have

engaged apartments at the Clarendon. I intend to gratify your wish, so

often expressed, that I should enjoy what are called the pleasures of my

rank, and the privileges of single-blessedness--celebrate my adieu to

celibacy, and blaze once more, with the splendour of a setting sun, upon

Hyde Park and May Fair."

"You are a positive enigma. Leave our house, just when you are betrothed

to its inmate! Is that the natural conduct of a lover?"

"How can your woman eyes be so dull, and your woman heart so obtuse?"

answered Harley, half-laughing, half-scolding. "Can you not guess that I

wish that Helen and myself should both lose the association of mere ward

and guardian; that the very familiarity of our intercourse under the

same roof almost forbids us to be lovers; that we lose the joy to meet,

and the pang to part. Don't you remember the story of the Frenchman, who

for twenty years loved a lady, and never missed passing his evenings at

her house. She became a widow. 'I wish you joy,' cried his friend; 'you

may now marry the woman you have so long adored.' 'Alas,' said the poor

Frenchman, profoundly dejected; 'and if so, where shall I spend my

evenings?'"

Here Violante and Helen were seen in the garden, walking affectionately,

arm in arm.

"I don't perceive the point of your witty, heartless anecdote," said

Lady Lansmere, obstinately. "Settle that, however, with Miss Digby. But,

to leave the very day after your friend's daughter comes as a

guest!--what will _she_ think of it?"

Lord L'Estrange looked steadfastly at his mother. "Does it matter much

what she thinks of me?--of a man engaged to another; and old enough to

be--"

"I wish to Heaven you would not talk of your age, Harley; it is a

reflection upon mine; and I never saw you look so well nor so handsome."

With that, she drew him on towards the young ladies; and, taking Helen's

arm, asked her, aside, "if she knew that Lord L'Estrange had engaged

rooms at the Clarendon; and if she understood why?" As, while she said

this she moved on, Harley was left by Violante's side.

"You will be very dull here, I fear, my poor child," said he.

"Dull! But why _will_ you call me child? Am I so very--very childlike?"

"Certainly, you are to me--a mere infant. Have I not seen you one; have

I not held you in my arms?"

VIOLANTE.--"But that was a long time ago!"

HARLEY.--"True. But if years have not stood still for you, they have not

been stationary for me. There is the same difference between us now that

there was then. And, therefore, permit me still to call you child, and

as child to treat you!"

VIOLANTE.--"I will do no such thing. Do you know that I always thought I

was good-tempered till this morning."

HARLEY.--"And what undeceived you? Did you break your doll?"

VIOLANTE, (with an indignant flash from her dark

eyes).--"There!--again!--you delight in provoking me!"

HARLEY.--"It _was_ the doll, then. Don't cry; I will get you another."

Violante plucked her arm from him, and walked away towards the Countess

in speechless scorn. Harley's brow contracted, in thought and in gloom.

He stood still for a moment or so, and then joined the ladies.

"I am trespassing sadly on your morning; but I wait for a visiter whom I

sent to before you were up. He is to be here at twelve. With your

permission, I will dine with you to-morrow, and you will invite him to

meet me."

"Certainly. And who is your friend? I guess--the young author?"

"Leonard Fairfield," cried Violante, who had conquered, or felt ashamed,

of her short-lived anger.

"Fairfield!" repeated Lady Lansmere. "I thought, Harley, you said the

name was Oran."

"He has assumed the latter name. He is the son of Mark Fairfield, who

married an Avenel. Did you recognise no family likeness?--none in those

eyes,--mother?" said Harley, sinking his voice into a whisper.

"No," answered the Countess, falteringly.

Harley, observing that Violante was now speaking to Helen about Leonard,

and that neither was listening to him, resumed in the same low tone,

"And his mother--Nora's sister--shrank from seeing me! That is the

reason why I wished you not to call. She has not told the young man

_why_ she shrank from seeing me; nor have I explained it to him, as yet.

Perhaps I never shall."

"Indeed, dearest Harley," said the Countess, with great gentleness, "I

wish you too much to forget the folly--well, I will not say that

word--the sorrows, of your boyhood, not to hope that you will rather

strive against such painful memories than renew them by unnecessary

confidence to any one; least of all to the relation of--"

"Enough!--don't name her; the very name pains me. And as to confidence,

there are but two persons in the world to whom I ever bare the old

wounds--yourself and Egerton. Let this pass. Ha!--a ring at the

bell--that is he!"

CHAPTER XI.

Leonard entered on the scene, and joined the party in the garden. The

Countess, perhaps to please her son, was more than civil--she was

markedly kind to him. She noticed him more attentively than she had

hitherto done; and, with all her prejudices of birth, was struck to find

the son of Mark Fairfield the carpenter so thoroughly the gentleman. He

might not have the exact tone and phrase by which Convention stereotypes

those born and schooled in a certain world; but the aristocrats of

Nature can dispense with such trite minutiæ. And Leonard had lived, of

late at least, in the best society that exists, for the polish of

language and the refinement of manners,--the society in which the most

graceful ideas are clothed in the most graceful forms--the society which

really, though indirectly, gives the law to courts--the society of the

most classic authors, in the various ages in which literature has

flowered forth from civilisation. And if there was something in the

exquisite sweetness of Leonard's voice, look, and manner, which the

Countess acknowledged to attain that perfection in high breeding, which,

under the name of "suavity," steals its way into the heart, so her

interest in him was aroused by a certain subdued melancholy which is

rarely without distinction, and never without charm. He and Helen

exchanged but few words. There was but one occasion in which they could

have spoken apart, and Helen herself contrived to elude it. His face

brightened at Lady Lansmere's cordial invitation, and he glanced at

Helen as he accepted it; but her eye did not meet his own.

"And now," said Harley, whistling to Nero, whom his ward was silently

caressing, "I must take Leonard away. Adieu! all of you, till to-morrow

at dinner. Miss Violante, is the doll to have blue eyes or black?"

Violante turned her own black eyes in mute appeal to Lady Lansmere, and

nestled to that lady's side as if in refuge from unworthy insult.