Of the whole number of Indians vaccinated, I have either watched the

progress of the disease, or examined the cicatrices of about seven

hundred. An average of one in three of those vaccinated from crusts has

failed, while of those vaccinated directly from the arm of a person

labouring under the disease, not more than one in twenty has failed

to take effect—when the disease did not make its appearance after

vaccination, I have invariably, as the cases came under my examination,

revaccinated until a favourable result has been obtained.

Of the different bands of Indians vaccinated, a large proportion of

the following have, as an actual examination has shown, undergone

thoroughly the effects of the disease: viz. Sault Ste. Marie, Keweena

Bay, La Pointe, and Cass Lake, being seven hundred and fifty-one in

number; while of the remaining thirteen hundred and seventy-eight,

of other bands, I think it may safely be calculated that more than

three-fourths have passed effectually under the influence of the

vaccine disease: and as directions to revaccinate all those in whom

the disease failed, together with instructions as to time and manner

of vaccination, were given to the chiefs of the different bands, it is

more than probable that, where the bands remained together a sufficient

length of time, the operation of revaccination has been performed by

themselves.

Upon our return to Lake Superior I had reason to suspect, on

examining several cicatrices, that two of the crusts furnished by

the surgeon-general in consequence of a partial decomposition, gave

rise to a spurious disease, and these suspicions were confirmed when

revaccinating with genuine vaccine matter, when the true disease was

communicated. Nearly all those Indians vaccinated with those two

crusts, have been vaccinated, and passed regularly through the vaccine

disease.

The answers to my repeated inquiries respecting the introduction,

progress, and fatality of the small-pox, would lead me to infer that

the disease has made its appearance, at least five times, among

the bands of Chippewa Indians noticed in the accompanying table of

vaccination.

The small-pox appears to have been wholly unknown to the Chippewas

of Lake Superior until about 1750; when a war-party, of more than one

hundred young men, from the bands resident near the head of the lake,

having visited Montreal for the purpose of assisting the French in

their then existing troubles with the English, became infected with

the disease, and but few of the party survived to reach their homes—It

does not appear, although they made a precipitate retreat to their own

country, that the disease was at this time communicated to any others

of the tribe.

About the year 1770, the disease appeared a second time among the

Chippewas, but unlike that which preceded it, it was communicated to

the more northern bands.

The circumstances connected with its introduction are related nearly as

follows.

Some time in the fall of 1767 or 8, a trader, who had ascended the

Mississippi and established himself near Leech Lake, was robbed of his

goods by the Indians residing at that lake; and, in consequence of his

exertions in defending his property, he died soon after.

These facts became known to the directors of the Fur Company, at

Mackinac, and each successive year after, requests were sent to

the Leech Lake Indians, that they should visit Mackinac, and make

reparation for the goods they had taken, by a payment of furs, at

the same time threatening punishment in case of a refusal. In the

spring of 1770 the Indians saw fit to comply with this request; and a

deputation from the band visited Mackinac, with a quantity of furs,

which they considered an equivalent for the goods which had been taken.

The deputation was received with politeness by the directors of the

company, and the difficulties readily adjusted. When this was effected,

a cask of liquor and a flag closely rolled were presented to the

Indians as a token of friendship. They were at the same time strictly

enjoined neither to break the seal of the cask nor to unroll the flag,

until they had reached the heart of their own country. This they

promised to observe; but while returning, and after having travelled

many days, the chief of the deputation made a feast for the Indians of

the band at Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, upon which occasion he unsealed

the cask and unrolled the flag for the gratification of his guests. The

Indians drank of the liquor, and remained in a state of inebriation

during several days. The rioting was over, and they were fast

recovering from its effects, when several of the party were seized with

violent pain. This was attributed to the liquor they had drunk; but the

pain increasing, they were induced to drink deeper of the poisonous

drug, and in this inebriated state several of the party died, before

the real cause was suspected. Other like cases occurred; and it was not

long before one of the war-party which had visited Montreal in 1750,

and who had narrowly escaped with his life, recognised the disease as

the same which had attacked their party at that time. It proved to be

so; and of those Indians then at Fond du Lac, about three hundred in

number, nearly the whole were swept off by it. Nor did it stop here,

for numbers of those at Fond du Lac, at the time the disease made its

appearance, took refuge among the neighbouring bands, and although it

did not extend easterly on Lake Superior, it is believed that not a

single band of Chippewas north or west from Fond du Lac escaped its

ravages. Of a large band then resident at Cass Lake, near the source of

the Mississippi River, only one person, a child, escaped. The others

having been attacked by the disease, died before any opportunity for

dispersing was offered. The Indians at this day are firmly of the

opinion that the small-pox was, at this time, communicated through the

articles presented to their brethren, by the agent of the Fur Company

at Mackinac; and that it was done for the purpose of punishing them

more severely for their offences.

The most western bands of Chippewas relate a singular allegory of

the introduction of the small-pox into their country by a war-party,

returning from the plains of the Missouri, as nearly as information

will enable me to judge, in the year 1784. It does not appear that, at

this time, the disease extended to the bands east of Fond du Lac; but

it is represented to have been extremely fatal to those bands north and

west from there.

In 1802 or 3, the small-pox made its appearance among the Indians

residing at the Sault Ste. Marie, but did not extend to the bands west

from that place. The disease was introduced by a voyager, in the employ

of the North West Fur Company, who had just returned from Montreal;

and although all communication with him was prohibited, an Indian

imprudently having made him a visit, was infected with and transmitted

the disease to others of the band. When once communicated, it raged

with great violence, and of a large band scarcely one of those then at

the village survived, and the unburied bones still remain marking the

situation they occupied. From this band the infection was communicated

to a band residing upon St. Joseph’s Island, and many died of it; but

the surgeon of the military post then there succeeded, by judicious and

early measures, in checking it, before the infection became general.

In 1824 the small-pox again made its appearance among the Indians at

the Sault Ste. Marie. It was communicated by a voyager to Indians upon

Drummond’s Island, Lake Huron; and through them several families at

Sault Ste. Marie became infected. Of those belonging to the latter

place, more than twenty in number, only two escaped. The disease is

represented to have been extremely fatal to the Indians at Drummond’s

Island.

Since 1824, the small-pox is not known to have appeared among the

Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie, nor among the Chippewas north or

west from that place. But the Indians of these bands still tremble at

the bare name of a disease which (next to the compounds of alcohol)

has been one of the greatest scourges that has ever overtaken them

since their first communication with the whites. The disease, when

once communicated to a band of Indians, rages with a violence wholly

unknown to the civilized man. The Indian, guided by present feeling,

adopts a course of treatment (if indeed it deserves that appellation),

which not unfrequently arms the disease with new power. An attack is

but a warning to the poor and helpless patient to prepare for death,

which will almost assuredly soon follow. His situation under these

circumstances is truly deplorable; for while in a state that even,

with proper advice, he would of himself recover, he adds fresh fuel

to the flame which is already consuming him, under the delusive hope

of gaining relief. The intoxicating draught (when it is within his

reach) is not among the last remedies to which he resorts, to produce

a lethargy from which he is never to recover. Were the friends of the

sick man, even under these circumstances, enabled to attend him, his

sufferings might be, at least, somewhat mitigated; but they too are,

perhaps, in a similar situation, and themselves without even a single

person to minister to their wants. Death comes to the poor invalid, and

perhaps even as a welcome guest, to rid him of his suffering.

By a comparison of the number of Indians vaccinated upon the borders

of Lake Superior, with the actual population, it will be seen that the

proportion who have passed through the vaccine disease is so great as

to secure them against any general prevalence of the small-pox; and

perhaps it is sufficient to prevent the introduction of the disease to

the bands beyond, through this channel. But in the Folle Avoine country

it is not so. Of the large bands of Indians residing in that section

of country, only a small fraction have been vaccinated; while of other

bands not a single person has passed through the disease.

Their local situation undoubtedly renders it of the first importance

that the benefits of vaccination should be extended to them. Their

situation may be said to render them a connecting link between the

southern and north-western bands of Chippewas; and while on the south

they are liable to receive the virus of the small-pox from the whites

and Indians, the passage of the disease through them to their more

northern brethren would only be prevented by their remaining, at that

time, completely separated. Every motive of humanity towards the

suffering Indian, would lead to extend to him this protection against

a disease he holds in constant dread, and of which he knows, by sad

experience, the fatal effects. The protection he will prize highly, and

will give in return the only boon a destitute man is capable of giving;

the deep-felt gratitude of an overflowing heart.

I have the honour to be,

Very respectfully, sir,

Your obedient servant,

(Signed,) DOUGLASS HOUGHTON.

ADDENDA—I.

OFFICE OF INDIAN AGENCY, }

_Sault Ste. Marie, February 13, 1832_. }

ELBERT HERRING, ESQ., }

Office of Indian Affairs, Washington. }

SIR,

Events growing out of the political condition of the Indian tribes

on the head waters of the Mississippi, call for the continued

interposition of the friendly influence of the government on that

remote part of our north-western frontier. It has been long known

that desperate and deep-rooted feuds continue to harass the tribes

whose local position brings them into frequent contact. These contests

operate to divert their attention from hunting, and to abstract their

minds from objects essential to their well-being. They embarrass every

effort to better their condition. They repel the advance of teachers.

They deaden the effect of counsel. And by keeping the Indian mind in a

state of perpetual alarm, destroy its capacities of healthful action.

Every year is giving new proofs of the inveteracy of their hatred for

each other, and the deteriorating effects of cultivating, as they do,

the passion for warlike achievement. It is destructive to the industry

of the young, and paralyzing to the counsels of the old.

The effect of the expedition ordered by the government last year, into

the country of the Chippewas, is believed to have been efficacious in

checking this spirit of predatory warfare, and impressing upon their

minds the true character of our government, its benevolent intentions

towards them, and its watchfulness, power, and resources. It was not

practicable, however, to go over the whole area proposed to be visited,

the effect of the expedition having been directed exclusively to the

bands located south of the latitude of St. Anthony’s Falls. It is

believed that a similar mission to the tribes of the Upper Mississippi,

living north of that point in our geography, would result in effects

equally useful to them and to the government. And I therefore submit to

the Department the propriety of authorizing it.

Additional weight is given to the reasons applicable to this subject,

by the increased hazards at which the trade of our citizens is

conducted in that quarter, and the influence they have to contend with,

from the proximity of a foreign and a rival frontier. The agents of

the Hudson’s Bay Company are wakeful and active opponents, and there

is reason to believe that the measure of control which they exercise

over the Indian population, is irrespective of an imaginary territorial

line. At any rate, our traders complain loudly of infractions and

losses from this source. Merely to visit the Indians and the traders at

their posts, will be to encourage and to sustain them.

It is proposed to perform the journey in a single canoe, manned by

_engages_, accompanied with an escort of soldiers, and with such

auxiliary aid from the native population as may be necessary. It would

give additional utility to the effort, if the Engineer Department

should judge proper to subjoin an officer to take observations

for latitude, and to collect the materials for a correct map. The

moral condition of the native population is such as to render it an

interesting field for evangelical observation, and I propose to offer

to a clergyman in the service of the A. B. F. Missions, now on the

frontier, the opportunity of exploring it.

The route from the head of Lake Superior will extend, through the River

St. Louis and its connecting waters, to the Mississippi at Sandy Lake,

and by the way of Leech Lake to the sources of the Mississippi. From

the point where navigation is checked a portage is proposed to be made

into Red Lake (a remote tributary of Hudson’s Bay). And the route by

Ottertail Lake, and the river De Corbeau, will be pursued so as to

re-enter the Mississippi at the confluence of the latter. Thence by

the Falls of St. Anthony to St. Peters, and through the St. Croix, the

Chippewa, or the Wisconsin, to the lakes. Circumstances may require

changes in this programme.

The extent of the country to be traversed requires an early departure

from this place, and the toil of interior transportation makes it

desirable that as little baggage, and as few men, should be taken,

as may suffice for the certain accomplishment of the object. Under

this view of the subject, I have prepared a detailed estimate of

expenditures, on an economical scale, which is herewith submitted.

I have the honour, &c.

II.

DEPARTMENT OF WAR, }

_Office Indian Affairs, May 3, 1832_. }

SIR,

Your letter of February 13th has been received, and its general

views are approved. The Secretary of War deems it important that you

should proceed to the country upon the heads of the Mississippi, and

visit as many of the Indians in that, and the intermediate region, as

circumstances will permit. Reports have reached the Department from

various quarters, that the Indians upon our frontiers are in an unquiet

state, and that there is a prospect of extensive hostilities among

themselves. It is no less the dictate of humanity than of policy, to

repress this feeling, and to establish permanent peace among these

tribes. It is also important to inspect the condition of the trade

in that remote country, and the conduct of the traders. To ascertain

whether the laws and regulations are complied with, and to suggest

such alterations as may be required. And generally to inquire into the

numbers, situations, dispositions, and prospects of the Indians, and

to report all the statistical facts you can procure, and which will be

useful to the government in its operations, or to the community in the

investigation of these subjects.

In addition to these objects, you will direct your attention to

the vaccination of the Indians. An act for that purpose has passed

Congress, and you are authorized to take a surgeon with you. The

compensation fixed by law is six dollars per day, but this includes all

the expenses. As the surgeon with you must necessarily be transported

and subsisted at the public expense, the whole sum of six dollars

per day will be allowed for this service, but of that sum only three

dollars per day will be paid to the surgeon, and the residue will be

applied to the expenses of the expedition.

Vaccine matter, prepared and put up by the surgeon-general, is herewith

transmitted to you; and you will, upon your whole route, explain to

the Indians the advantages of vaccination, and endeavour to persuade

them to submit to the process. You will keep and report an account of

the number, ages, sex, tribe, and local situation of the Indians who

may be vaccinated, and also of the prevalence, from time to time, of

the small-pox among them, and of its effects as far as these can be

ascertained.

The following sums will be allowed for the expenses of the expedition,

&c.

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

ELBERT HERRING.

HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT, Esq., }

Indian Agent, Sault Ste. Marie. }

III.

_St. Peters, July 25, 1832._

GEN. JOSEPH M. STREET, }

Indian Agent, Prairie du Chien. }

SIR,

I arrived at this place yesterday from the sources of the Mississippi,

having visited the Chippewa bands and trading-posts in that quarter.

Much complaint is made respecting the conduct of the persons licensed

by you last year, who located themselves at the Granite Rocks, and

on the St. Croix. No doubt can exist that each of them took in, and

used in their trade, a considerable quantity of whiskey. And I am now

enabled to say, that they each located themselves at points within the

limits of my agency, where there are no trading-posts established.

My lowest trading-post on the Mississippi, is the Pierced Prairie,

eighteen miles below the mouth of the De Corbeau. It embraces one mile

square, upon which traders are required to be located. On the St.

Croix, the posts established and confirmed by the Department are Snake

River and Yellow River, and embrace each, as the permanent place of

location, one mile square. I report these facts for your information,

and not to enable you to grant licenses for these posts, as the

instructions of the Department give to each agent the exclusive control

of the subject of granting licenses for the respective agencies.

Much solicitude is felt by me to exclude ardent spirits wholly from

the Chippewas and Ottowas, the latter of whom have, by a recent order,

been placed under my charge. I am fully satisfied that ardent spirits

are not necessary to the successful prosecution of the trade, that

they are deeply pernicious to the Indians, and that both their use and

abuse is derogatory to the character of a wise and sober government.

Their exclusion in every shape, and every quantity, is an object of

primary moment; and it is an object which I feel it a duty to persevere

in the attainment of, however traders may bluster. I feel a reasonable

confidence in stating, that no whiskey has been used in my agency

during the last two years, except the limited quantity taken by special

permission of the Secretary of War, for the trade of the Hudson’s Bay

lines; and saving also the quantity clandestinely introduced from

Prairie du Chien and St. Peters.

I know, sir, that an appeal to you on this subject cannot be lost, and

that your feelings and judgment fully approve of temperance measures.

But it requires active, persevering, unyielding efforts. And in all

such efforts, judiciously urged, I am satisfied that the government

will sustain the agents in a dignified discharge of their duties. Let

us proceed in the accomplishment of this object with firmness, and

with a determination never to relinquish it, until ardent spirits are

entirely excluded from the Indian country.

I am sir,

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT.

P.S. Capt. Jouett, commanding at this post, has recently seized

sixteen kegs of high-wines. His prompt, decisive, and correct conduct

in this, and other transactions relating to Indian affairs, merit the

approbation of government.

The Petite Corbeau has requested that no trader may be located at the

month of the St. Croix.

IV.

_Letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, in obedience to

a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th ultimo,

information in relation to an expedition of Henry R. Schoolcraft

into the Indian country._

DEPARTMENT OF WAR, }

_March 7, 1832._ }

SIR,

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of

the 24th ultimo, directing the Secretary of War to furnish that House

with “copies of any reports which may have been received at the War

Department, communicating an account of the recent expedition of Henry

R. Schoolcraft into the Indian country,” I have the honor to transmit,

herewith, the documents required.

I have the honor to be,

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

LEW. CASS.

Hon. ANDREW STEPHENSON, }

_Speaker of the House of Representatives_. }

_Documents transmitted to the House of Representatives, in compliance

with a resolution of February 24, 1832._

No. 1.

_Sault Ste. Marie, October 1, 1831._

His Excellency GEORGE B. PORTER, _Governor of_ }

_Michigan, and Superintendent of Indian Affairs_.}

SIR,

I have now the honor, through your intervention, to forward to the

Department my report of the late tour through the Huron Territory.

It has not been possible to prepare the map referred to in season to

accompany the report, but it will be forwarded as soon as it can be

completed. In the mean time, I send a sketch of portions of the country

intermediate between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, from which you

will be enabled to trace my particular route, and the location of the

principal streams, lakes, and villages. The imperfect state of public

information respecting the geography of this region, and the numerous

errors which still continue to characterize our maps, render something

of this kind essential.

With the limited means assigned for the accomplishment of the object,

it became necessary that every moment of time should be used in

pushing forward. This will account for the great space travelled in a

comparatively short time. I am of the opinion, however, that little

or nothing has been lost from the efficacy of the movement by its

celerity. Lakes, rivers, and villages succeeded each other, with short

intervals. But, in ascending each river, in crossing each lake and

portage, the object of the expedition was definitely impressed upon the

natives who witnessed our progress; and it was acquiesced in by the

chiefs and warriors, at the several councils which I held with them.

For a general detail of these councils, the report may be consulted.

It will be perceived that new topics for discussion arose from a

recent misunderstanding between the Chippewas and Menomonies; and from

the uncertainty as to the spot where the boundary line between the

Chippewas and Sioux strikes the falls on the Red Cedar fork, agreeably

to a just construction of the treaty of Prairie du Chien of 1825. With

respect to the first, I am of opinion that time will only serve to

increase the difficulty of restoring a perfect understanding.

The line on the Red Cedar is important, as opposing an obstacle to a

firm peace between the Sioux and Chippewas; and I doubt whether any

steps could be taken by the government to induce them to live peaceably

near each other, with so little cost of time and money as the taking

post, with a small military force, on the frontier in dispute, at some

suitable point between Prairie du Chien and St. Peters. With this

impression, I have brought the subject to the consideration of the

Secretary of War; and I shall be gratified, if, on a review of it, you

shall concur in opinion with,

Sir, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

H. R. SCHOOLCRAFT.

No. 2.

_Sault Ste. Marie, Sept. 21, 1831._

To ELBERT HERRING, ESQ. }

_Office of Indian Affairs, War Department_. }

SIR,

In compliance with instructions to endeavour to terminate the

hostilities between the Chippewas and Sioux, I proceeded into the

Chippewa country with thirteen men in two canoes, having the necessary

provisions and presents for the Indians, an interpreter, a physician

to attend the sick, and a person in charge of the provisions and other

public property. The commanding officer of Fort Brady furnished me

with an escort of ten soldiers, under the command of a lieutenant;

and I took with me a few Chippewas, in a canoe provided with oars, to

convey a part of the provisions. A flag was procured for each canoe. I

joined the expedition at the head of the portage, at this place, on the

25th of June; and, after visiting the Chippewa villages in the belt of

country between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, in latitudes 44° to

70°, returned on the 4th of September, having been absent seventy-two

days, and travelled a line of country estimated to be two thousand

three hundred and eight miles. I have now the honor to report to you

the route pursued, the means employed to accomplish the object, and

such further measures as appear to me to be necessary to give effect

to what has been done, and to ensure a lasting peace between the two

tribes.

Reasons existed for not extending the visit to the Chippewa bands

on the extreme Upper Mississippi, on Red Lake, and Red River, and

the river De Corbeau. After entering Lake Superior, and traversing

its southern shores to Point Chegoimegon and the adjacent cluster

of islands, I ascended the Mauvaise River to a portage of 8¾ miles

into the Kaginogumac or Long Water Lake. This lake is about eight

miles long, and of very irregular width. Thence, by a portage of 280

yards, into Turtle Lake; thence, by a portage of 1,075 yards, into

Clary’s Lake, so called; thence, by a portage of 425 yards, into Lake

Polyganum; and thence, by a portage of 1,050 yards, into the Namakagon

River, a branch of the river St. Croix of the Upper Mississippi. The

distance from Lake Superior to this spot is, by estimation, 124 miles.

We descended the Namakagon to the Pukwaewa, a rice lake, and a

Chippewa village of eight permanent lodges, containing a population

of 53 persons, under a local chief called Odabossa. We found here

gardens of corn, potatoes, and pumpkins, in a very neat state of

cultivation. The low state of the water, and the consequent difficulty

of the navigation, induced me to leave the provisions and stores at

this place, in charge of Mr. Woolsey, with directions to proceed (with

part of the men, and the aid of the Indians) to _Lac Courtorielle_ or

Ottowa Lake, and there await my arrival. I then descended the Namakagon

in a light canoe, to its discharge into the St. Croix, and down the

latter to Yellow River, the site of a trading-post and an Indian

village, where I had, by runners, appointed a council. In this trip

I was accompanied by Mr. Johnson, sub-agent, acting as interpreter,

and by Dr. Houghton, adjunct professor of the Rensselaer school. We

reached Yellow River on the 1st of August, and found the Indians

assembled. After terminating the business of the council (of which I

shall presently mention the results), I re-ascended the St. Croix and

the Namakagon to the portage which intervenes between the latter and

Lac Courtorielle. The first of the series of carrying-places is about

three miles in length, and terminates at the Lake of the Isles (_Lac

des Isles_); after crossing which, a portage of 750 yards leads to _Lac

du Gres_. This lake has a navigable outlet into Ottowa Lake, where I

rejoined the advanced party (including Lieutenant Clary’s detachment)

on the 5th of August.

Ottowa Lake is a considerable expanse of water, being about twelve

miles long, with irregular but elevated shores. A populous Chippewa

village and a trading-post are located at its outlet, and a numerous

Indian population subsists in the vicinity. It is situated in a

district of country which abounds in rice lakes, has a proportion of

prairie or burnt land, caused by the ravages of fire, and, in addition

to the small fur-bearing animals, has several of the deer species. It

occupies, geographically, a central situation, being intermediate,

and commanding the communications between the St. Croix and Chippewa

Rivers, and between Lake Superior and the Upper Mississippi. It is

on the great slope of land descending towards the latter, enjoys a

climate of comparative mildness, and yields, with fewer and shorter

intervals of extreme want, the means of subsistence to a population

which is still essentially erratic. These remarks apply, with some

modifications, to the entire range of country (within the latitudes

mentioned) situated west and south of the high lands circumscribing the

waters of Lake Superior. The outlet of this Lake (Ottowa) is a fork of

Chippewa River, called Ottowa River.

I had intended to proceed from this lake, either by following down

the Ottowa branch to its junction with the main Chippewa, and then

ascending the latter into _Lac du Flambeau_, or by descending the

Ottowa branch only to its junction with the North-West fork, called

the Ochasowa River; and, ascending the latter to a portage of sixty

_pauses_, into the Chippewa River. By the latter route time and

distance would have been saved, and I should, in either way, have

been enabled to proceed from _Lac du Flambeau_ to Green Bay by an

easy communication into the Upper Ouisconsin, and from the latter

into the Menomonie River, or by Plover Portage into Wolf River. This

was the route I had designed to go on quitting Lake Superior; but, on

consulting my Indian maps, and obtaining at Ottowa Lake the best and

most recent information of the distance and the actual state of the

water, I found neither of the foregoing routes practicable, without

extending my time so far as to exhaust my supplies. I was finally

determined to relinquish the _Lac du Flambeau_ route, by learning

that the Indians of that place had dispersed, and by knowing that a

considerable delay would be caused by reassembling them.

The homeward route by the Mississippi was now the most eligible,

particularly as it would carry me through a portion of country occupied

by the Chippewas, in a state of hostility with the Sioux, and cross the

disputed line at the mill. Two routes, to arrive at the Mississippi,

were before me—either to follow down the outlet of Ottowa Lake to its

junction with the Chippewa, and ascend the latter to its mouth, or

to quit the Ottowa Lake branch at an intermediate point, and, after

ascending a small and very serpentine tributary, to cross a portage of

6,000 yards into Lake Chetac. I pursued the latter route.

Lake Chetac is a sheet of water about six miles in length, and it has

several islands, on one of which is a small Chippewa village and a

trading-post. This lake is the main source of Red Cedar River (called

sometimes the _Folle Avoine_), a branch of the Chippewa River. It

receives a brook at its head from the direction of the portage, which

admits empty canoes to be conveyed down it two _pauses_, but is then

obstructed with logs. It is connected by a shallow outlet with Weegwos

Lake, a small expanse which we crossed with paddles in twenty-five

minutes. The passage from the latter is so shallow, that a portage of

1,295 yards is made into Balsam of Fir or _Sapin_ Lake. The baggage

is carried this distance, but the canoes are brought through the

stream. Sapin Lake is also small; we were thirty minutes in crossing

it. Below this point, the river again expands into a beautiful sheet

of water, called Red Cedar Lake, which we were an hour in passing; and

afterward into _Bois Francois_, or Rice Lake. At the latter place,

at the distance of perhaps sixty miles from its head, I found the

last fixed village of Chippewas on this stream, although the hunting

camps, and other signs of temporary occupation, were more numerous

below than on any other part of the stream. This may be attributed to

the abundance of the Virginia deer in that vicinity, many of which we

saw, and of the elk and moose, whose tracks were fresh and numerous

in the sands of the shore. Wild rice is found in all the lakes. Game,

of every species common to the latitude, is plentiful. The prairie

country extends itself into the vicinity of Rice Lake; and for more

than a day’s march before reaching the mouth of the river, the whole

face of the country puts on a sylvan character, as beautiful to the eye

as it is fertile in soil, and spontaneously productive of the means of

subsistence. A country more valuable to a population having the habits

of our North-Western Indians, could hardly be conceived of; and it is

therefore cause of less surprise that its possession should have been

so long an object of contention between the Chippewas and Sioux.

About sixty miles below Rice Lake commences a series of rapids, which

extend, with short intervals, 24 miles. The remainder of the distance,

to the junction of this stream with the Chippewa, consists of deep

and strong water. The junction itself is characterized by commanding

and elevated grounds, and a noble expanse of waters. And the Chippewa

River, from this spot to its entrance into the Mississippi, has a depth

and volume, and a prominence of scenery, which mark it to be inferior

to none, and superior to most of the larger tributaries of the Upper

Mississippi. Before its junction, it is separated into several mouths,

from the principal of which the observer can look into Lake Pepin.

Steamboats could probably ascend to the falls.

The whole distance travelled, from the shores of Lake Superior to

the mouth of the Chippewa, is, by estimation, 643 miles, of which

138 should be deducted for the trip to Yellow River, leaving the

direct practicable route 505 miles. The length of the Mauvaise to the

portage is 104; of the Namakagon, from the portage, 161; of the Red

Cedar, 170; of the Chippewa, from the entrance of the latter, 40. Our

means of estimating distances was by time, corrected by reference to

the rapidity of water and strength of wind, compared with our known

velocity of travelling in calm weather on the lakes. These estimates

were made and put down every evening, and considerable confidence is

felt in them. The courses were accurately kept by a canoe compass. I

illustrate my report of this part of the route by a map protracted

by Dr. Houghton. On this map our places of encampment, the sites and

population of the principal Indian villages, the trading-posts, and the

boundary lines between the Sioux and Chippewa, are indicated. And I

refer you to it for several details which are omitted in this report.

The present state of the controversy between the Sioux and the

Chippewas will be best inferred from the facts that follow. In

stating them, I have deemed it essential to preserve the order of my

conferences with the Indians, and to confine myself, almost wholly, to

results.

Along the borders of Lake Superior, comparatively little alarm was

felt from the hostile relation with the Sioux. But I found them well

informed of the state of the difficulties, and the result of the

several war-parties that had been sent out the last year. A system of

information and advice is constantly kept up by runners; and there is

no movement meditated on the Sioux borders, which is not known and

canvassed by the lake bands.

They sent warriors to the scene of conflict last year, in consequence

of the murder committed by the Sioux on the St. Croix. Their sufferings

from hunger during the winter, and the existence of disease at Torch

Lake (_Lac du Flambeau_), and some other places, together with the

entire failure of the rice crop, had produced effects, which were

depicted by them and by the traders in striking colours. They made

these sufferings the basis of frequent and urgent requests for

provisions. This theme was strenuously dwelt upon. Whatever other gifts

they asked for, they never omitted the gift of food. They made it their

first, their second, and their third request.

At Chegoimegon, on Lake Superior (or La Pointe, emphatically so

called), I held my first and stated council with the Indians. This is

the ancient seat of the Chippewa power in this quarter. It is a central

and commanding point, with respect to the country lying north, and

west, and south of it. It appears to be the focus from which, as radii

from a centre, the ancient population emigrated; and the interior bands

consequently look back to it with something of the feelings of parental

relation. News from the frontiers flies back to it with a celerity

which is peculiar to the Indian mode of express. I found here, as I

had expected, the fullest and most recent information from the lines.

Mozojeed, the principal man at Ottawa Lake, had recently visited them

for the purpose of consultation; but returned on the alarm of an attack

upon his village.

The Indians listened with attention to the message transmitted to them

from the President, and to the statements with which it was enforced.

Pezhickee, the venerable and respected chief of the place, was their

speaker in reply. He lamented the war, and admitted the folly of

keeping it up; but it was carried on by the Chippewas in self-defence,

and by volunteer parties of young men, acting without the sanction

of the old chiefs. He thought the same remark due to the elder Sioux

chiefs, who probably did not sanction the crossing of the lines, but

could not restrain their young men. He lived, he said, in an isolated

situation, did not mingle in the interior broils, and did not deem

himself responsible for acts done out of his own village, and certainly

not for the acts of the villages of Torch Lake, Ottawa Lake, and the

St. Croix. He had uniformly advised his people to sit still and remain

at peace, and he believed that none of his young men had joined the

war-parties of last year. The government, he said, should have his

hearty co-operation in restoring peace. He referred to the sub-agency

established here in 1826, spoke of its benefits, and wished to know why

the agent had been withdrawn, and whether he would be instructed to

return? In the course of his reply, he said, that formerly, when the

Indians lived under the British government, they were usually told what

to do, and in very distinct terms. But they were now at a loss. From

what had been said and done at the treaty of Fond du Lac, he expected

the care and protection of the American government, and that they

would advance towards, instead of (as in the case of the sub-agency)

withdrawing from them. He was rather at a loss for our views respecting

the Chippewas, and he wished much for my advice in their affairs.

I thought it requisite to make a distinct reply to this point. I

told him that when they lived under the British Government, they

were justified in shaping their course according to the advice they

received; but that, on the transfer of the country, their allegiance

was transferred with it. And when our government hoisted its flag

at Mackinac (1796), it expected from the Indians living within our

boundaries the respect due to it; and it acknowledged, at the same

time, the reciprocal obligations of care and protection. That it always

aimed to fulfil these obligations, of which facts within his own

knowledge and memory would afford ample proofs. I referred him to the

several efforts the government had made to establish a lasting peace

between the Chippewas and Sioux; for which purpose the President had

sent one of his principal men (alluding to Gov. Cass), in 1820, who

had visited their most extreme north-western villages, and induced

themselves and the Sioux to smoke the pipe of peace together at St.

Peters. In accordance with these views, and acting on the information

then acquired, the President had established an agency for their

tribe at Sault Ste. Marie, in 1822. That, in 1825, he had assembled

at Prairie du Chien all the tribes who were at variance on the Upper

Mississippi, and persuaded them to make peace, and, as one of the best

means of ensuring its permanency, had fixed the boundaries of their

lands. Seeing that the Chippewas and Sioux still continued a harassing

and useless contest, he had sent me to remind them of this peace and

these boundaries, which, I added. you, Perikee, yourself agreed to, and

signed, in my presence. I come to bring you back to the terms of this

treaty. Are not these proofs of his care and attention? Are not these

clear indications of his views respecting the Chippewas? The chief was

evidently affected by this recital. The truth appeared to strike him

forcibly; and he said, in a short reply. that he was now _advised_;

that he would hereafter feel himself to be advised, &c. He made some

remarks on the establishment of a mission school. &c., which, being

irrelevant, are omitted. He presented a pipe, with an ornamented stem.

as a token of his friendship, and his desire of peace.

I requested him to furnish messengers to take belts of wampum and

tobacco, with three separate messages, viz. to Yellow River, to Ottawa

Lake, and to Lac du Flambeau, or Torch Lake; and also, as the water

was low, to aid me in the ascent of the Mauvaise River. and to supply

guides for each of the military canoes, as the soldiers would here

leave their barge, and were unacquainted with the difficulties of

the ascent. He accordingly sent his oldest son (Che-che-gwy-ung) and

another person, with the messages, by a direct trail. leading into the

St. Croix country. He also furnished several young Chippewas to aid

us on the Mauvaise, and to carry baggage on the long portage into the

first intermediate lake west of that stream.

After the distribution of presents, I left Chegoimegon on the 18th

July. The first party of Indians met at the Namakagon, belonging to a

Chippewa village called Pukwaewa, having, as its geographical centre

and trading-post, Ottowa Lake. As I had directed part of the expedition

to precede me there, during my journey to Yellow River, I requested

these Indians to meet me at Ottowa Lake, and assist in conveying the

stores and provisions to that place—a service which they cheerfully

performed. On ascending the lower part of the Namakagon, I learned that

my messenger from Lake Superior had passed, and on reaching Yellow

River, I found the Indians assembled and waiting. They were encamped

on an elevated ridge, called Pekogunagun, or the Hip Bone, and fired

a salute from its summit. Several of the neighbouring Indians came in

after my arrival. Others, with their chiefs, were hourly expected. I

did not deem it necessary for all to come in, but proceeded to lay

before them the objects of my visit, and to solicit their co-operation

in an attempt to make a permanent peace with the Sioux, whose borders

we then were near. Kabamappa, the principal chief, not being a speaker,

responded to my statements and recommendations through another person

(Sha-ne-wa-gwun-ai-be). He said that the Sioux were of bad faith;

that they never refused to smoke the pipe of peace with them, and

they never failed to violate the promise of peace thus solemnly made.

He referred to an attack they made last year on a band of Chippewas

and half-breeds, and the murder of four persons. Perpetual vigilance

was required to meet these inroads. Yet he could assert, fearlessly,

that no Chippewa war-party from the St. Croix had crossed the Sioux

line for years; that the murder he had mentioned was committed within

the Chippewa lines; and although it was said at the treaty of Prairie

du Chien that the first aggressor of territorial rights should be

punished, neither punishment was inflicted by the government, nor had

any atonement or apology thus far been made for this act by the Sioux.

He said his influence had been exerted in favour of peace; that he had

uniformly advised both chiefs and warriors to this effect; and he stood

ready now to do whatever it was reasonable he should do on the subject.

I told him it was not a question of recrimination that was before us.

It was not even necessary to go into the inquiry of who had spilt the

first blood since the treaty of Prairie du Chien. The treaty had been

violated. The lines had been crossed. Murders had been committed by

the Chippewas and by the Sioux. These murders had reached the ears of

the President, and he was resolved to put a stop to them. I did not

doubt but that the advice of the old chiefs, on each side, had been

pacific. I did not doubt but that his course had been _particularly_

so. But rash young men, of each party, had raised the war-club; and

when they could not go openly, they went secretly. A stop must be put

to this course, and it was necessary the first movement should be

made _somewhere_. It was proper it should be made here, and be made

at this time. Nothing could be lost by it; much might be gained; and

if a negotiation was opened with the Sioux chiefs while I remained, I

would second it by sending an explanatory message to the chiefs and to

their agent. I recommended that Kabamappa and Shakoba, the war-chief

of Snake River, should send jointly wampum and tobacco to the Petite

Corbeau and to Wabisha, the leading Sioux chiefs on the Mississippi,

inviting them to renew the league of friendship, and protesting their

own sincerity in the offer. I concluded, by presenting him with a flag,

tobacco, wampum, and ribands, to be used in the negotiation. After a

consultation, he said he would not only send the messages, but, as he

now had the protection of a flag, he would himself go with the chief

Shakoba to the Petite Corbeau’s village. I accompanied these renewed

offers of peace with explanatory messages, in my own name, to Petite

Corbeau and to Wabisha, and a letter to Mr. Taliaferro, the Indian

agent at St. Peter’s, informing him of these steps, and soliciting his

co-operation. A copy of this letter is hereunto annexed. I closed the

council by the distribution of presents; after which the Indians called

my attention to the conduct of their trader, &c.

Information was given me immediately after my arrival at Yellow River,

that Neenaba, a popular war-leader from the Red Cedar fork of Chippewa

River, had very recently danced the war-dance with thirty men at Rice

Lake of Yellow River, and that his object was to enlist the young men

of that place in a war-party against the Sioux. I also learned that my

message for Ottowa Lake had been promptly transmitted through Neenaba,

whom I was now anxious to see. I lost not an hour in re-ascending the

St. Croix and the Namakagon. I purchased two additional canoes of

the Indians, and distributed my men in them, to lighten the draught

of water, and facilitate the ascent; and, by pushing early and late,

we reached Ottowa Lake on the fifth day in the morning. Neenaba had,

however, delivered his message, and departed. I was received in a very

friendly and welcome manner, by Mozojeed, of the band of Ottowa Lake;

Wabezhais, of the Red Devil’s band of the South Pukwaewa; and Odabossa,

of the Upper Namakagon. After passing the usual formalities, I prepared

to meet them in council the same day, and communicate to them the

objects of my mission.

In the course of the conference at this place, I obtained the

particulars of a dispute which had arisen between the Chippewas of this

quarter, which now added to their alarm, as they feared the latter

would act in coincidence with their ancient enemies, the Sioux. The

reports of this disturbance had reached me at the Sault, and they

continued, with some variations, until my arrival here. The following

are the material facts in relation to this new cause of disquietude: In

the summer of 1827, Okunzhewug, an old woman, the wife of Kishkemun,

the principal chief of Torch Lake, a man superannuated and blind;

attended the treaty of Butte des Morts, bearing her husband’s medal.

She was treated with the respect due to the character she represented,

and ample presents were directed to be given to her; among other

things a handsome hat. The latter article had been requested of her

by a young Menomonie, and refused. It is thought a general feeling

of jealousy was excited by her good reception. A number of the

Menomonies went on her return route as far as the Clover Portage,

where she was last seen. Having never returned to her village, the

Chippewas attributed her death to the Menomonies. Her husband died

soon after; but she had numerous and influential relatives to avenge

her real or supposed murder. This is the account delivered by the

Chippewas, and it is corroborated by reports from the traders of that

section of the country. Her singular disappearance and secret death

at the Clover Portage, is undisputed; and whether caused or not by

any agency of the Menomonies, the belief of such agency, and that of

the most direct kind, is fixed in the minds of the Chippewas, and

has furnished the basis of their subsequent acts in relation to the

Menomonie hunting-parties who have visited the lower part of Chippewa

River. Two women belonging to one of these parties were killed by a

Chippewa war-party traversing that part of the country the ensuing

year. The act was disclaimed by them as not being intentional, and

it was declared they supposed the women to be Sioux.[35] On a close

inquiry, however, I found the persons who committed this act were

relatives of Okunzewug, which renders it probable that the murder was

intentionally perpetrated. This act further widened the breach between

the two hitherto fraternal tribes; and the Chippewas of this quarter

began to regard the Menomonie hunting-parties, who entered the mouth

of the Chippewa River, as intruders on their lands. Among a people

whose means of verbal information is speedy, and whose natural sense of

right and wrong is acute, the more than usual friendship and apparent

alliance which have taken place between the Menomonies and Sioux, in

the contest between the Sacs and Foxes, and the murder by them jointly

of the Fox chief White Skin and his companions at a smoking council,

in 1830, have operated to increase the feeling of distrust; so much

so, that it was openly reported at Chegoimegon, at Yellow River, and

Ottowa Lake, that the Menomonies had formed a league with the Sioux

against the Chippewas also, and they were fearful of an attack from

them. A circumstance that had given point to this fear, and made it

a subject of absorbing interest, when I arrived at Ottowa Lake, was

the recent murder of a Menomonie chief by a Chippewa of that quarter,

and the demand of satisfaction which had been made (it was sometimes

said) by the Indian agent at Prairie du Chien, and sometimes by the

commanding officer, with a threat to march troops into the country.

This demand, I afterward learned from the Indians at Rice Lake, and

from a conversation with General Street, the agent at Prairie du Chien,

had not been made, either by himself or by the commanding officer;

and the report had probably arisen from a conversation held by a

subaltern officer in command of a wood or timber-party near the mouth

of the Chippewa River, with some Chippewas who were casually met. Its

effects, however, were to alarm them, and to lead them to desire a

reconciliation with the Menomonies. I requested them to lose no time

in sending tobacco to the Menomonies, and adjusting this difference.

Mozojeed observed that the murder of the Menomonie had been committed

by a person _non compos_, and he deplored the folly of it, and

disclaimed all agency in it for himself and his band. The murderer, I

believe, belonged to his band; he desired a reconciliation. He also

said the measures adopted at Yellow River, to bring about a firm peace

with the Sioux, had his fullest approbation, and that nothing on his

part should be wanting to promote a result in every view so wise and so

advantageous to the Indians. In this sentiment, Wabezhais and Odabossa,

who made distinct speeches, also concurred. They confirmed their words

by pipes, and all the assembly made an audible assent. I invested

Mozojeed with a flag and a medal, that he might exert the influence

he has acquired among the Indians beneficially for them and for us,

and that his hands might thus be officially strengthened to accomplish

the work of pacification. I then distributed presents to the chiefs,

warriors, women, and children, in the order of their being seated, and

immediately embarked, leaving them under a lively and enlivened sense

of the good-will and friendship of the American government, on this

first official visit to them, and with a sincere disposition, so far as

could be judged, to act in obedience to its expressed and known wishes.

The Indians at Torch Lake being dispersed, and my message to them

not having been delivered, from this uncertainty of their location,

I should have found reasons for not proceeding in that direction,

independent of the actual and known difficulties of the route at that

time. I was still apprehensive that my appearance had not wholly

disconcerted the war-party of Neenaba, and lost no time in proceeding

to his village on the Red Cedar fork. We found the village at Lake

Chetac, which in 1824 was 217 strong, almost totally deserted, and the

trading-house burnt. Scattering Indians were found along the river. The

mutual fear of interruption was such that Mr. B. Cadotte, sen., the

trader at Ottowa Lake, thought it advisable to follow in our train for

the purpose of collecting his credits at Rice Lake.

While at breakfast on the banks of Sapin Lake, a returning war-party

entered the opposite side of it: they were evidently surprised, and

they stopped. After reconnoitring us, they were encouraged to advance,

at first warily, and afterward with confidence. There were eight

canoes, with two men in each; each man had a gun, war-club, knife,

and ammunition bag: there was nothing else except the apparatus for

managing the canoe. They were all young men, and belonged to the

vicinity of Ottowa Lake. Their unexpected appearance at this place gave

me the first information that the war-party at Neenaba had been broken

up. They reported that some of their number had been near the mill,

and that they had discovered signs of the Sioux being out in the moose

having been driven up, &c. In a short conference, I recited to them

the purpose of the council at Ottowa Lake, and referred them to their

chiefs for particulars, enjoining their acquiescence in the proposed

measures.

I found at Rice Lake a band of Chippewas, most of them young men,

having a prompt and martial air, encamped in a very compact form, and

prepared, at a moment’s notice, for action. They saluted our advance

with a smartness and precision of firing that would have done honour

to drilled troops. Neenaba was absent on a hunting-party; but one of

the elder men pointed out a suitable place for my encampment, as I

intended here to put new bottoms to my bark canoes. He arrived in the

evening, and visited my camp with forty-two men. This visit was one of

ceremony merely; as it was late, I deferred any thing further until the

following day. I remained at this place part of the 7th, the 8th, and

until 3 o’clock on the 9th of August. And the following facts present

the result of several conferences with this distinguished young man,

whose influence is entirely of his own creation, and whose endowments,

personal and mental, had not been misrepresented by the Indians on my

route, who uniformly spoke of him in favourable terms. He is located

at the most advanced point towards the Sioux borders, and, although

not in the line of ancient chiefs, upon him rests essentially the

conduct of affairs in this quarter. I therefore deemed it important

to acquire his confidence and secure his influence, and held frequent

conversations with him. His manner was frank and bold, equally free

from servility and repulsiveness. I drew his attention to several

subjects. I asked him whether the sawmill on the lower part of the Red

Cedar was located on Chippewa lands? He said, Yes. Whether it was built

with the consent of the Chippewas? He said, No; it had been built, as

it were, by stealth. I asked him if any thing had been subsequently

given them in acknowledgment of their right to the soil? He said,

No; that the only acknowledgment was their getting tobacco to smoke

when they visited the mill: that the Sioux claimed it to be on their

side of the line, but the Chippewas contended that their line ran to

a certain bluff and brook below the mill. I asked him to draw a map

of the lower part of Chippewa River, with all its branches, showing

the exact lines as fixed by the treaty at Prairie du Chien, and as

understood by them. I requested him to state the facts respecting the

murder of the Menomonie, and the causes that led to it; and whether he

or any of his band received any message from the agent or commanding

officer at Prairie du Chien, demanding the surrender of the murderer?

To the latter inquiry he answered promptly, No. He gave in his

actual population at 142; but it is evident that a very considerable

additional population, particularly in men, resort there for the

purpose of hunting a part of the year.

The day after my arrival, I prepared for and summoned the Indians to

a council, with the usual formalities. I opened it by announcing the

objects of my visit. Neenaba and his followers listened to the terms

of the message, the means I had adopted to enforce it, and, finally,

to the request of co-operation on the part of himself and band, with

strict attention. He confined his reply to an expression of thanks;

allusions to the peculiarity of his situation on an exposed frontier;

and general sentiments of friendship. He appeared to be mentally

embarrassed by my request to drop the war-club, on the successful use

of which he had relied for his popularity, and whatever of real power

he possessed. He often referred to his young men, over whom he claimed

no superiority, and who appeared to be ardently attached to him. I

urged the principal topic upon his attention, presenting it in several

lights. I finally conferred on him, personally, a medal and flag, and

directed the presents intended for his band to be laid, in gross,

before him.

After a pause, Neenaba got up, and spoke to the question, connecting

it with obvious considerations, of which mutual rights, personal

safety, and the obligation to protect the women and children, formed

the basis. The latter duty was not a slight one. Last year the Sioux

had killed a chief on the opposite shore of the lake, and, at the same

time, decoyed two children, who were in a canoe, among the rice, and

killed and beheaded them. He said, in allusion to the medal and flag,

that these marks of honour were not necessary to secure his attention

to any requests made by the American government. And after resuming

his seat awhile (during which he overheard some remarks not pleasing

to him, from an Indian on the opposite side of the ring), he finally

got up and declined receiving them until they were eventually pressed

upon him by the young warriors. Every thing appeared to proceed with

great harmony, and the presents were quickly distributed by one of

his men. It was not, however, until the next day, when my canoes were

already put in the water, that he came with his entire party, to make

his final reply, and to present the peace-pipe. He had thrown the

flag over one arm, and held the war-club perpendicular in the other

hand. He said, that although he accepted the one, he did not drop the

other; he held fast to both. When he looked at the one, he should

revert to the counsels with which it had been given, and he should aim

to act upon those counsels; but he also deemed it necessary to hold

fast the war-club; it was, however, with a determination to use it

in defence, and not in attack. He had reflected upon the advice sent

to the Chippewas by the President, and particularly that part of it

which counselled them to sit still upon their lands; but while they

sat still, they also wished to be certain that their enemies would

sit still. And the pipe he was now about to offer, he offered with a

request that it might be sent to the President, asking him to use his

power to prevent the Sioux from crossing the lines. The pipe was then

lit, handed round, the ashes knocked out, and a formal presentation

of it made. This ceremony being ended, I shook hands with them, and

immediately embarked.

On the second day afterward, I reached the sawmill, the subject of

such frequent allusion, and landed there at 7 o’clock in the morning.

I found a Mr. Wallace in charge, who was employed, with ten men, in

building a new dam on a brook of the Red Cedar, the freshet of last

spring having carried away the former one. I inquired of him where the

line between the Sioux and Chippewas crossed. He replied that the line

crossed above the mill, he did not precisely know the place; adding,

however, in the course of conversation, that he believed the land in

this vicinity originally belonged to the Chippewas. He said it was

seven years since any Sioux had visited the mill; and that the latter

was owned by persons at Prairie du Chien.

The rapids of the Red Cedar River extend (according to the estimates

contained in my notes) about twenty-four miles. They commence a few

miles below the junction of Meadow River, and terminate about two

miles below the mills. This extension of falling water, referred to

in the treaty as a fixed point, has led to the existing uncertainty.

The country itself is of a highly valuable character for its soil,

its game, its wild rice, and its wood. We found the butter-nut among

those species which are locally included under the name of _Bois

franc_ by the traders. The land can, hereafter, be easily brought

into cultivation, as it is interspersed with prairie; and its fine

mill privileges will add to its value. Indeed, one mile square is

intrinsically worth one hundred miles square of Chippewa country, in

some other places.

The present sawmills (there are two), are situated 65 miles from

the banks of the Mississippi. They are owned exclusively by private

citizens, and employed for their sole benefit. The boards are formed

into rafts: and these rafts are afterward attached together, and

floated down the Mississippi to St. Louis, where they command a good

price. The business is understood to be a profitable one. For the

privilege, no equivalent has been paid either to the Indians or to the

United States. The first mill was built several years ago, and before

the conclusion of the treaty of Prairie du Chien, fixing boundaries to

the lands. A permit was given for building, either verbal or written,

as I have been informed, by a former commanding officer at Prairie

du Chien. I make these statements in reference to a letter I have

received from the Department since my return, but which is dated June

27th, containing a complaint of one of the owners of the mill, that

the Chippewas had threatened to burn it, and requesting me to take the

necessary precautionary measures. I heard nothing of such a threat, but

believe that the respect which the Chippewas have professed, through

me, for the American government, and the influence of my visit among

them, will prevent a resort to any measures of violence; and that they

will wait the peaceable adjustment of the line on the rapids. I will

add, that _wherever_ that line may be determined, in a reasonable

probability, to fall, the mill itself cannot be supplied with logs for

any length of time, if _it is now so supplied_, without cutting them on

Chippewa lands, and rafting them down the Red Cedar. Many of the logs

heretofore sawed at this mill, have been rafted, _up stream_, to the

mill. And I understood from the person in charge of it, that he was now

anxious to ascertain new sites for chopping; that his expectations were

directed up the stream, but that his actual knowledge of the country,

in that direction, did not embrace a circumference of more than five

miles.

The line between the Chippewa and Sioux, as drawn on the MS. map of

Neenaba, strikes the rapids on Red Cedar River at a brook and bluff a

short distance below the mill. It proceeds thence, across the point

of land between that branch of the main Chippewa, to an island in the

latter; and thence, up stream, to the mouth of Clearwater River, as

called for by the treaty, and from this point to the bluffs of the

Mississippi valley (where it corners on Winnebago land), on Black

River, and not to the “_mouth_” of Black River, as erroneously inserted

in the 5th article of the treaty; the Chippewas never having advanced

any claims to the lands at the mouth of Black River. This map, being

drawn by a Chippewa of sense, influence, and respectability, an exact

copy of it is herewith forwarded for the use of the Department, as

embracing the opinions of the Chippewas on this point. The lines and

geographical marks were drawn on paper by Neenaba himself, and the

names translated and written down by Mr. Johnston.

It is obvious that the adjustment of this line must precede a

permanent peace on this part of the frontiers. The number of Chippewas

particularly interested in it is, from my notes, 2,102; to which,

911 may be added for certain bands on Lake Superior. It embraces 27

villages, and the most influential civil and war chiefs of the region.

The population is enterprising and warlike. They have the means of

subsistence in _comparative_ abundance. They are increasing in numbers.

They command a ready access to the Mississippi by water, and a ready

return from it by land. Habits of association have taught them to look

upon this stream as the theatre of war. Their young men are carried

into it as the natural and almost only means of distinction. And it

is in coincidence with all observation, to say that they are now, as

they were in the days of Captain Carver, the terror of the east bank of

this river, between the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers. No other tribe

has now, or has had, within the memory of man, a village or permanent

possession on this part of the shore. It is landed on in fear. It is

often passed by other nations by stealth, and at night. Such is not

an exaggerated picture. And with a knowledge of their geographical

advantages, and numbers, and distribution, on the tributary streams,

slight causes, it may be imagined, will often excite the young and

thoughtless portion of them to raise the war-club, to chant the

war-song, and follow the war-path.

To remove these causes, to teach them the folly of such a contest,

to remind them of the treaty stipulations and promises solemnly made

to the government and to the Sioux, and to induce them to renew those

promises, and to act on fixed principles of political faith, were

the primary objects committed to me; and they were certainly objects

of exalted attainment, according as well with the character of the

government as with the spirit and moral and intellectual tone of the

age. To these objects I have faithfully, as I believe, devoted the

means at my command. And the Chippewas cannot, hereafter, err on the

subject of their hostilities with the Sioux, without knowing that the

error is disapproved by the American government, and that a continuance

in it will be visited upon them in measures of severity.

Without indulging the expectation that my influence on the tour will

have the effect to put an end to the spirit of predatory warfare, it

may be asserted that this spirit has been checked and allayed; and

that a state of feeling and reflection has been produced by it, which

cannot fail to be beneficial to our relations with them, and to their

relations with each other. The messages sent to the Sioux chiefs, may

be anticipated to have resulted in restoring a perfect peace during the

present fall and ensuing winter, and will thus leave to each party the

undisturbed chase of their lands. The meditated blow of Steenaba was

turned aside, and his war-party arrested and dispersed at the moment it

was ready to proceed. Every argument was used to show them the folly

and the insecurity of a continuance of the war. And the whole tenor and

effect of my visit has been to inform and reform these remote bands.

It has destroyed the charm of their seclusion. It has taught them that

their conduct is under the supervision of the American government;

that they depend on its care and protection; that no other government

has power to regulate trade and send traders among them; finally, that

an adherence to foreign counsels, and to antipacific maxims, can be

visited upon them in measures of coercion. That their country, hitherto

deemed nearly inaccessible, can be penetrated and traversed by men and

troops, with baggage and provisions, even in midsummer, when the waters

are lowest; and that, in proportion as they comply with political

maxims, as benevolent as they are just, will they live at peace with

their enemies, and have the means of subsistence for an increased

population among themselves. The conduct of the traders in this

quarter, and the influence they have exerted, both moral and political,

cannot here be entered upon, and must be left to some other occasion,

together with statistical details and other branches of information not

arising from particular instructions.

It may be said that the Indians upon the St. Croix and Chippewa

Rivers, and their numerous branches, have been drawn into a close

intercourse with government. But it will be obvious that a perseverance

in the system of official advice and restraints, is essential to give

permanence to the effects already produced, and to secure a firm and

lasting peace between them and the Sioux. To this end the settlement

of the line upon the Red Cedar fork is an object which claims the

attention of the Department; and would justify, in my opinion, the

calling together the parties interested, at some convenient spot near

the junction of the Red Cedar River with the Chippewa. Indeed, the

handsome elevation, and the commanding geographical advantages of this

spot, render it one which, I think, might be advantageously occupied as

a military post. Such an occupancy would have the effect to keep the

parties at peace, and the point of land, on which the work is proposed

to be erected, might be purchased from the Sioux, together with such

part of the disputed lands near the mills as might be deemed necessary

to quiet the title of the Chippewas. By acquiring this portion of

country for the purposes of military occupancy, the United States

would be justified in punishing any murders committed upon it; and

I am fully convinced, that no measure which could, at this time, be

adopted, would so certainly conduce to a permanent peace between the

tribes. I therefore beg leave, through you, to submit these subjects

to the consideration of the honorable the Secretary of War, with

every distrust in my own powers of observation, and with a very full

confidence in his.

I have the honor to be, sir,

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

H. R. SCHOOLCRAFT.

No. 3.

_Yellow River, Aug. 1, 1831._

LAWRENCE TALIAFERRO, ESQ., }

_Indian Agent at St. Peters_.}

SIR:

It is in accordance with the instructions under which I am acting,

to solicit your co-operation in keeping the Sioux and Chippewas at

peace, and to induce them to adhere, in good faith, to the articles

of the treaty of Prairie du Chien. Blind to their true interests,

these tribes continue a warfare as hopeless in its termination as it

is inglorious in its results. Notwithstanding every pains which has

been taken by the government to convince them of the erroneous policy

of such a contest, and to inspire in them fidelity to their public

treaties with each other, restless and ambitious young men, on either

side, continue to lead war-parties into the territories of the other,

and to waylay the unsuspecting. I am satisfied that the authority of

the chiefs is not always sufficient to restrain the incursions of these

young warriors, who are led on by the thirst of fame, and stimulated by

hereditary animosity. Such a course is not surprising among savages.

But it is the dictate of humanity to restrain this false ardor, and to

make use of every practicable means to put a stop to scenes at which

the heart sickens. It is but recently that a Mr. Cadotte, a young

half-breed of the Sault Ste. Marie, another young man of mixed blood,

called the Little Frenchman, living as an Indian, and two Chippewas,

one a female, travelling down the St. Croix in a canoe, were fired upon

from an ambush by the Sioux, and killed. And this injury still remains

unredressed.

The Chippewas complain of this mode of warfare, which it would be an

idle affectation to designate by any other term than murder. They

say the Sioux are indeed ready to smoke the pipe of peace with them,

and never fail to do so when it is presented to them; but that a

confidence, on their part, in these smoking councils, is paid with the

loss of lives.

I have despatched a message to the Sioux chief, Petite Corbeau, and

another to Wabisha, reminding them of their treaty engagements with

the Chippewas, and of the recent violation of them above referred to,

and requesting them to use their influence efficaciously to terminate

further inroads. These messages are accompanied by others from Shakoba

and from Kabamappa, Chippewa chiefs on the St. Croix and Snake Rivers.

I am, sir,

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

H. R. SCHOOLCRAFT.

No. 4.

_Mozobodo’s speech, in relation to the murder of the

Menomonie woman._

My father at the Sault Ste. Marie: I have not forgot what was told me

at Prairie du Chien, Fond du Lac, and Butte des Morts. I have kept

always what you told me until the last summer. My young men were

foolish, and went to war.

My father: The war-club was sent to them from Lac Chetac twice, before

they accepted it. They did not go to war of their own accord. I did all

I could to prevent them.

My father: They did not kill our friends intentionally. They supposed

them to be their enemies, and killed them accidentally.

My father: This pipe I send to you in token of peace. My young men will

hereafter keep quiet.

My father: I hope you will not take our traders away from us. If you

do, our little children will suffer; and not only they, but all of us.

MOZOBODO.

_Lac du Flambeau, May 28, 1831._

Interpreted by Charles H. Oaks.

No. 5.

_Report of Doctor Houghton on the Copper of Lake Superior._

_Fredonia, N. Y., November 14, 1831._

Hon. LEWIS CASS, _Secretary of War_.

SIR:

In fulfilment of the duties assigned to me in the late expedition

into the Indian country, under the direction of H. R. Schoolcraft,

Esq., Indian agent, I would beg leave to transmit to you the following

observations relative to the existence of copper in the country

bordering on the southern shore of Lake Superior.

It is without doubt true that this subject has long been viewed with

an interest far beyond its actual merit. Each mass of native copper

which this country has produced, however insulated, or however it

may have been separated from its original position, appears to have

been considered a sure indication of the existence of that metal in

beds; and hence we occasionally see, upon maps of that section of our

country, particular portions marked as containing “copper mines,” where

no copper now exists. But while it is certain that a combination of

circumstances has served to mislead the public mind with regard to the

geological situation and existing quantity of that metal, it is no less

certain that a greater quantity of insulated native copper has been

discovered upon the borders of Lake Superior, than in any other equal

portion of North America.

Among the masses of native copper which have engaged the attention of

travellers in this section of country, one, which from its great size

was early noticed, is situated on the Ontonagon River, a stream which

empties its waters into the southern part of Lake Superior, 331 miles

above the falls of the Ste. Marie. The Ontonagon River is, with some

difficulty, navigable by bateaux 36 miles, at which place by the union

of two smaller streams, one from an easterly, and the other from a

westerly direction, the main stream is formed. The mass of copper is

situated on the western fork, at a distance of six or eight miles from

the junction.

The face of the country through the upper half of the distance from

Lake Superior is uneven, and the irregularity is given it by hills of

marly clay, which occasionally rise quite abruptly to the height of

one or two hundred feet. No rock was observed _in situ_, except in one

place, where, for a distance, the red sandstone was observed, forming

the bed of the river.

The mass of copper lies partly covered by water, directly at the foot

of a clay hill, from which, together with numerous boulders of the

primitive rocks, it has undoubtedly been washed by the action of the

water of the river. Although it is completely insulated, there is much

to interest in its examination. Its largest surface measures three and

a half by four feet, and this, which is of malleable copper, is kept

bright by the action of the water, and has the usual appearance of that

metal when worn. To one surface is attached a small quantity of rock,

singularly bound together by threads of copper, which pass through

it in all directions. This rock, although many of its distinctive

characters are lost, is evidently a dark colored serpentine, with small

interspersed masses of milky quartz.

The mass of copper is so situated as to afford but little that would

enable us to judge of its original geological position. In examining

the eastern fork of the river, I discovered small water-worn masses of

trap-rock, in which were specks of imbedded carbonate of copper and

copper black; and with them were occasionally associated minute specks

of serpentine, in some respects resembling that which is attached to

the large mass of copper; and facts would lead us to infer that the

trap formation which appears on Lake Superior east of the Ontonagon

River, crosses this section of country at or near the source of that

river and at length forms one of the spurs of the Porcupine Mountains.

Several smaller masses of insulated native copper have been discovered

on the borders of Lake Superior, but that upon Ontonagon River is the

only one which is now known to remain.

At as early a period as before the American revolution, an English

mining company directed their operations to the country bordering

on Lake Superior, and Ontonagon River was one point to which their

attention was immediately directed. Traces of a shaft, sunk in the clay

hill, near a mass of copper, are still visible, a memento of ignorance

and folly.

Operations were also commenced on the southern shore of Lake Superior,

near the mouth of a small stream, which, from that circumstance, is

called Miners’ River. Parts of the names of the miners, carved upon

the sandstone rock at the mouth of the river are still visible. What

circumstance led to the selection of this spot does not now appear.

No mineral traces are at this day perceptible, except occasional

discolorations of the sandstone rock by what is apparently a mixture of

the carbonate of iron and copper; and this is only to be observed where

water, holding in solution an extremely minute portion of these salts,

has trickled slowly over those rocks.

It does not, in fact, appear that the red sandstone, which constitutes

the principal rock formation of the southern shore, of Lake Superior,

is in any instance metalliferous in any considerable degree. If this

be true, it would require but little reflection to convince one of the

inexpediency of conducting mining operations at either of the points

selected for that purpose; and it is beyond a doubt true, that the

company did not receive the least inducement to continue their labors.

In addition to these masses of native copper, an ore of that metal has

long been known to the lake traders as the green rock, in which the

characteristic substances are the green and blue carbonate of copper,

accompanied by copper black. It is situated upon Keweena Point, 280

miles above the falls of the Ste. Marie. The ore is embraced by what

is apparently a recently formed crag; and although it is of a kind,

and so situated as to make an imposing appearance, there is little

certainty of its existence in large quantities in this formation. The

ore forms a thin covering to the pebbles of which the body of the rock

is composed, and is rarely observed in masses separate from it. The

crag is composed of angular fragments of trap-rock; and the formation

is occasionally traversed by broad and continuous belts of calc. spar,

here and there tinged with copper. Although the ore was not observed in

any considerable quantity, except at one point, it apparently exists

in minute specks through a greater part of the crag formation, which

extends several miles, forming the shore of the lake.

This examination of the crag threw new interest upon the trap

formation, which had been first observed to take the place of the

sandstone at the bottom of a deep bay, called Montreal Bay, on the

easterly side of Keweena Point. The trap-rock continues for a few

miles, when the crag before noticed appears to lie directly upon it,

and to form the extremity of the point; the crag, in turn, disappears,

and the trap-rock is continued for a distance of six or eight miles

upon the westerly side of the point, when the sandstone again reappears.

The trap-rock is of a compact granular texture, occasionally running

into the amygdaloid and toadstone varieties, and is rich in imbedded

minerals, such as amethystine quartz, smoky quartz, cornelian,

chalcedony, agate, &c., together with several of the ores of copper.

Traces of copper ore in the trap-rock were first noticed on the

easterly side of Keweena Point, and near the commencement of the trap

formation. This ore, which is an impure copper black, was observed in

a vein of variable thickness, but not in any part exceeding 2½ inches;

it is sufficiently compact and hard to receive a firm polish, but it

is rather disposed to break into small irregular masses. A specimen

furnished, upon analysis, 47.5 per cent. of pure copper.

On the western side of Keweena Point, the same ore appears under

different circumstances, being disseminated through the body of

the trap-rock, in grains varying in size from a pin’s head to a

pea. Although many of these grains are wholly copper black, they

are occasionally only depositions of the mineral upon specks of

cornelian, chalcedony, or agate, or are more frequently composed,

in part, of what is apparently an imperfect steatite. The ore is so

connected with, and so much resembles in colour the rock, of which

it may be said to be a constituent part, that they might easily,

during a hasty examination, be confounded. A random specimen of the

rock furnished, upon analysis, 3.2 per cent. of pure copper. The rock

continues combined with that mineral for nearly the space of three

miles. Extremely thin veins of copper black were observed to traverse

this same rock; and in enlargements of these were discovered several

masses of amorphous native copper. The latter mineral appeared in two

forms—the one consisting of compact and malleable masses, carrying from

4 to 10 ounces each; and the other, of specks and fasciculi of pure

copper, binding together confused masses of copper green, and partially

disintegrated trap-rock: the latter was of several pounds’ weight.

Each variety was closely embraced by the rock, although the action of

the water upon the rock had occasionally exposed to view points of the

metal. In addition to the accompanying copper green, which was in a

disintegrated state, small specks of the oxyd of copper were associated

in most of the native specimens.

Circumstances would not permit an examination of any portion of the

trap formation, except that bordering directly upon the lake. But facts

would lead us to infer that that formation extends from one side of

Keweena Point to the other, and that a range of thickly wooded hills,

which traverses the point, is based upon, if not formed of, that rock.

An Indian information which, particularly upon such a subject, must be

adopted with caution, would sanction the opinion that the prominent

constituents are the same wherever the rock is observed.

After having duly considered the facts which are presented, I would not

hesitate to offer, as an opinion, that the trap-rock formation was the

original source of the masses of copper which have been observed in

the country bordering on Lake Superior; and that at the present day,

examinations for the ores of copper could not be made in that country

with hopes of success, except in the trap-rock itself; which rock is

not certainly known to exist upon any place upon Lake Superior, other

than Keweena Point.

If this opinion be a correct one, the cause of failure of the mining

company in this region is rendered plain. Having considered each

insulated mass of pure metal as a true indication of the existence

of a bed in the vicinity, operations were directed to wrong points;

when, having failed to realize their anticipations, the project was

abandoned without further actual investigation. We would be induced to

infer, that no attempts were made to learn the original source of the

metal which was discovered, and thus, while the attention was drawn to

insulated masses, the ores, ordinary in appearance, but more important

_in situ_, were neglected; and perhaps from the close analogy in

appearance to the rock with which they were associated, no distinction

was observed.

What quantity of ore the trap-rock of Keweena Point may be capable of

producing, can only be determined by minute and laborious examination.

The indications which were presented by a hasty investigation are here

imbodied, and, with deference, submitted to your consideration.

I have the honor to be,

Sir, your obedient servant,

DOUGLASS HOUGHTON.

V.

_Speech of Six Chippewa Chiefs[36] on the Sioux War, delivered at

Michilimackinac, in July, 1833._

MY father: listen to your children. Look upon the blood that is shed

by our enemies. I hold in my hand the wampum belt, and the articles of

the treaty of Prairie du Chien. This belt is stained by blood. It has

passed through all our bands. We have all taken hold of it with our

hands. So have we in our hearts taken hold of the words of the treaty.

You have told us to sit still, and we have done it. But what have our

enemies done? Six times we have been attacked by them. Twice on Sioux

land and four times on our own. Look on us, father; our mouths are full

of blood. You are the cause of this. It is owing to our listening to

your advice. You bade us sit still. You told us that your arm was _long

and strong_, and that you would reach it out and pull back any that

crossed the lines. We believed it. We remained quiet. Even when struck,

we ceased to revenge ourselves, as we formerly revenged ourselves.

We have been again struck. Our people have been killed on their own

lands. Yet we are told to keep quiet. We have been killed while relying

upon your flag, thinking our enemies came to smoke the pipe of peace.

Father, think not that we are fools. We have right hearts. We cannot

sit with our eyes shut. But we will keep them open. They are looking

upon the lines. They are looking upon you. We will wait one summer

more, in hopes that our voices will reach you.[37]

No. IV.

_Remarks on the Lead Mine Country on the Upper Mississippi._

[Addressed to the Editors of the New-York Mirror.]

GENTLEMEN:

Time admonishes me of my promise to furnish you some account of my

journey from Galena to Fort Winnebago. But I confess, that time has

taken away none of those features which make me regard it as a task.

Other objects have occupied so much of my thoughts, that the subject

has lost some of its vividness, and I shall be obliged to confine

myself more exclusively to my notes than I had intended. This will

be particularly true in speaking of geological facts. Geographical

features impress themselves strongly on the mind. The shape of a

mountain is not easily forgotten, and its relation to contiguous

waters and woods is recollected after the lapse of many years. The

succession of plains, streams, and settlements is likewise retained in

the memory, while the peculiar plains, the soils overlaying them, and

all the variety of their mineral and organic contents, require to be

perpetuated by specimens and by notes, which impose neither a slight

nor a momentary labor.

Limited sketches of this kind are furthermore liable to be

misconceived. Prominent external objects can only be brought to mind,

and these often reveal but an imperfect notion of the pervading

character of strata, and still less knowledge of their mineral

contents. Haste takes away many opportunities of observation; and

scanty or inconvenient means of transporting hand specimens, often

deprive us of the requisite data. Indeed, I should be loath to describe

the few facts I am about to communicate, had you not personally

visited and examined the great carboniferous and sandstone formation

on the Mississippi and Wisconsin, and thus got the knowledge of their

features. The parallelism which is apparent in these rocks, by the

pinnacles which have been left standing on high—the wasting effects of

time in scooping out valleys and filling up declivities—and the dark

and castle-looking character of the cherty limestone bluffs, as viewed

from the water, while the shadows of evening are deepening around, are

suited to make vivid impressions. And these broken and denuded cliffs

offer the most favorable points for making geological observations.

There are no places inland where the streams have cut so deep. On

gaining the height of land, the strata are found to be covered with so

heavy a deposite of soil, that it is difficult to glean much that can

be relied on respecting the interior structure.

The angle formed by the junction of the Wisconsin with the Mississippi

is a sombre line of weather-beaten rocks. Gliding along the current,

at the base of these rocks, the idea of a “hill country,” of no very

productive character, is naturally impressed upon the observer. And

this impression came down, probably, from the days of Marquette, who

was the first European, that we read of, who descended the Wisconsin,

and thus became the true discoverer of the Mississippi. The fact that

it yielded lead ore, bits of which were occasionally brought in by the

natives, was in accordance with this opinion; and aided, it may be

supposed, in keeping out of view the real character of the country. I

know not how else to account for the light which has suddenly burst

upon us from this bank of the Mississippi, and which has at once proved

it to be as valuable for the purposes of agriculture as for those of

mining, and as sylvan in its appearance as if it were not fringed, as

it were, with rocks, and lying at a great elevation above the water.

This elevation is so considerable as to permit a lively descent in the

streams, forming numerous mill-seats. The surface of the country is

not, however, broken, but may be compared to the heavy and lazy-rolling

waves of the sea after a tempest. These wave-like plains are often

destitute of trees, except a few scattering ones, but present to

the eye an almost boundless field of native herbage. Groves of oak

sometimes diversify those native meadows, or cover the ridges which

bound them. Very rarely does any rock appear above the surface. The

highest elevations, the Platte mounds, and the Blue mound, are covered

with soil and with trees. Numerous brooks of limpid water traverse the

plains, and find their way into either the Wisconsin, Rock River, or

the Mississippi. The common deer is still in possession of its favorite

haunts; and the traveller is very often startled by flocks of the

prairie-hen rising up in his path. The surface soil is a rich, black

alluvion; it yields abundant crops of corn, and, so far as they have

been tried, all the cereal gramina. I have never, either in the west or

out of the west, seen a richer soil, or more stately fields of corn and

oats, than upon one of the plateaux of the Blue mound.

Such is the country which appears to be richer in ores of lead than

any other mineral district in the world—which yielded forty millions

of pounds in seven years—produced a single lump of ore of two thousand

cubic feet—and appears adequate to supply almost any amount of this

article that the demands of commerce require.

The river of Galena rises in the mineral plains of Iowa county, in

that part of the North-Western Territory which is attached, for the

purposes of temporary government, to Michigan. It is made up of clear

and permanent springs, and has a descent which affords a very valuable

water-power. This has been particularly remarked at the curve called

Millseat-bend. No change in its general course, which is south-west, is

I believe apparent after it enters the north-west angle of the state

of Illinois. The town of Galena, the capital of the mining country,

occupies a somewhat precipitous semicircular bend, on the right (or

north) bank of the river, six or seven miles from its entrance into the

Mississippi. Backwater, from the latter, gives the stream itself the

appearance, as it bears the name, of a “river,” and admits steamboat

navigation thus far. It is a rapid brook immediately above the town,

and of no further value for the purpose of navigation. Lead is brought

in from the smelting furnaces, on heavy ox-teams, capable of carrying

several tons at a load. I do not know that water _has been_, or that it

_cannot_ be made subservient in the transportation of this article from

the mines. The streams themselves are numerous and permanent, although

they are small, and it would require the aid of so many of these, on

any projected route, that it is to be feared the supply of water would

be inadequate. To remedy this deficiency, the Wisconsin itself might be

relied on. Could the waters of this river be conducted in a canal along

its valley from the portage to the bend at Arena, they might, from

this point, be deflected in a direct line to Galena? This route would

cut the mine district centrally, and afford the upper tributaries of

the Pekatolika and Fever River as feeders. Such a communication would

open the way to a northern market, and merchandise might be supplied by

the way of Green Bay, when the low state of water in the Mississippi

prevents the ascent of boats. It would, at all times, obviate the

tedious voyage, which goods ordered from the Atlantic cities have to

perform through the straits of Florida and Gulf of Mexico. A railroad

could be laid upon this route with equal, perhaps superior advantages.

These things may seem too much like making arrangements for the next

generation. But we cannot fix bounds to the efforts of our spreading

population, and spirit of enterprise. Nor, after what we have seen in

the way of internal improvement, in our own day and generation, should

we deem any thing too hard to be accomplished.

I set out from Galena in a light wagon, drawn by two horses, about

ten o’clock in the morning (August 17th), accompanied by Mr. B. It had

rained the night and morning of the day previous, which rendered the

streets and roads quite muddy. A marly soil, easily penetrated by rain,

was, however, as susceptible to the influence of the sun, and in a much

shorter period than would be imagined, the surface became dry. Although

a heavy and continued shower had thoroughly drenched the ground, and

covered it with superfluous water, but very little effects of it were

to be seen at this time. We ascended into the open plain country, which

appears in every direction around the town, and directed our course

to Gratiot’s Grove. In this distance, which on our programme of the

route, was put down at fifteen miles, a lively idea of the formation

and character of the country is given. The eye is feasted with the

boundlessness of its range. Grass and flowers spread before and beside

the traveller, and on looking back, they fill up the vista behind him.

He soon finds himself in the midst of a sylvan scene. Groves fringe

the tops of the most distant elevations, and clusters of trees—more

rarely, open forests—are occasionally presented. The trees appear to be

almost exclusively of the species of white oak and roughbark hickory.

Among the flowers, the plant called rosin-weed attracts attention by

its gigantic stature, and it is accompanied, as certainly as substance

by shadow, by the wild indigo, two plants which were afterward detected

of less luxuriant growth on Fox River. The roads are in their natural

condition, they are excellent, except for a few yards where streams are

crossed. At such places there is a plunge into soft, black muck, and it

requires all the powers of a horse harnessed to a wagon to emerge from

the stream.

On reaching Gratiot’s Grove, I handed letters of introduction to Mr.

H. and B. Gratiot. These gentlemen appear to be extensively engaged in

smelting. They conducted me to see the ore prepared for smelting in

the log furnace; and also the preparation of such parts of it for the

ash furnace as do not undergo complete fusion in the first process.

The ash furnace is a very simple kind of air furnace, with a grate so

arranged as to throw a reverberating flame upon the hearth where the

prepared ore is laid. It is built against a declivity, and charged by

throwing the materials to be operated upon, down the flue. A silicious

flux is used; and the scoria is tapped and suffered to flow out, from

the side of the furnace, before drawing off the melted lead. The latter

is received in an excavation made in the earth, from which it is ladled

out into iron moulds. The whole process is conducted in the open air,

with sometimes a slight shed. The lead ore is piled in cribs of logs,

which are roofed. Hammers, ladles, a kind of tongs, and some other

iron tools are required. The simplicity of the process, the absence of

external show in buildings, and the direct and ready application of the

means to the end, are remarkable, as pleasing characteristics about the

smelting establishment.

The ore used is the common sulphuret, with a foliated, glittering and

cubical fracture. It occurs with scarcely any adhering gangue. Cubical

masses of it are found, at some of the diggings, which are studded over

with minute crystals of calcareous spar. These crystals, when examined,

have the form of the dog-tooth spar. This broad, square-shaped, and

square-broken mineral, is taken from _east and west leads_, is most

easy to smelt, and yields the greatest per centum of lead. It is

estimated to produce fifty per cent. from the log furnace, and about

sixteen more when treated with a flux in the ash furnace.

Miners classify their ore from its position in the mine. Ore from _east

and west leads_, is raised from clay diggings, although these diggings

may be pursued under the first stratum of rock. Ore from _north and

south leads_, is termed “sheet minerals,” and is usually taken from

rock diggings. The vein or sheet stands perpendicularly in the fissure,

and is usually struck in sinking from six to ten feet. The sheet varies

in thickness from six or eight inches, in the broadest part, to not

more than one. The great mass found at “Irish diggings,” was of this

kind.

I observed among the piles of ore at Gratiot’s, the combination of

zinc with lead ore, which is denominated _dry bone_. It is cast by as

unproductive. Mr. B. Gratiot also showed me pieces of the common ore

which had undergone desulphuration in the log furnace. Its natural

splendor is increased by this process, so as to have the appearance of

highly burnished steel. He also presented me some uniform masses of

lead, recrystallized from a metallic state, under the hearth of the

ash furnace. The tendency to rectangular structure in these delicate

and fragile masses is very remarkable. Crystallization appears to

have taken place under circumstances which opposed the production

of a complete and perfect cube or parallelogram, although there are

innumerable rectangles of each geometric form.

In the drive from Gratiot’s to Willow Springs, we saw a succession

of the same objects that had formed the prominent features of the

landscape from Galena. The platte mounds, which had appeared on our

left all the morning, continued visible until we entered the grove that

embraces the site of the springs. Little mounds of red earth frequently

appeared above the grass, to testify to the labors of miners along this

part of the route. In taking a hasty survey of some of the numerous

excavations of Irish diggings, I observed among the rubbish small

flat masses of a yellowish white amorphous mineral substance of great

weight. I have not had time to submit it to any tests. It appears too

heavy and compact for the earthy yellow oxide of lead. I should not be

disappointed to find it an oxide of zinc. No rock stratum protrudes

from the ground in this part of the country. The consolidated masses

thrown up from the diggings, appear to be silicated limestone, often

friable, and not crystalline. Galena is found in open fissures in this

rock.

We reached the springs in the dusk of the evening, and found good

accommodations at Ray’s. Distance from Galena thirty miles.

The rain fell copiously during the night, and on the morning

(eighteenth) gave no signs of a speedy cessation. Those who travel

ought often, however, to call to mind the remark of Xenophon, that

“pleasure is the result of toil,” and not permit slight impediments

to arrest them, particularly when they have definite points to make.

We set forward in a moderate rain, but in less than an hour had the

pleasure to perceive signs of it mitigating, and before nine o’clock

it was quite clear. We stopped a short time at Bracken’s furnace. Mr.

Bracken gave me specimens of organic remains, in the condition of

earthy calcareous carbonates, procured on a neighbouring ridge. He

described the locality as being plentiful in casts and impressions

such as he exhibited, which appeared to have been removed from the

surface of a shelly limestone. At Rock-branch diggings, I found masses

of calcareous spar thrown from the pits. The surface appears to have

been much explored for lead in this vicinity. I stopped to examine

Vanmater’s lead. It had been a productive one, and affords a fair

example of what are called east and west leads. I observed a compass

standing on the line of the lead, and asked Mr. V. whether much

reliance was to be placed upon the certainty of striking the lead by

the aid of this instrument. He said that it was much relied on. That

the course of the leads was definite. The present one varied from a due

east and west line but nine minutes, and the lead had been followed

without much difficulty. The position of the ore was about forty feet

below the surface. Of this depth about thirty-six feet consisted of the

surface rock and its earthy covering. A vein of marly clay, enveloping

the ore, was then penetrated. A series of pits had been sunk on the

course of it, and the earth and ore in the interstices removed, and

drawn to the surface by a windlass and bucket. Besides the ore, masses

of iron pyrites had been thrown out, connected with galena. In stooping

to detach some pieces from one of these masses, I placed my feet on the

verge of an abandoned pit, around which weeds and bushes had grown.

My face was, however, averted from the danger, but on beholding it, I

was made sensible that the least deviation from a proper balance would

have pitched me into it. It was forty feet deep. The danger I had just

escaped fell to the lot of Mr. B.’s dog, who, probably, deceived by the

growth of bushes, fell in. Whether killed or not, it was impossible to

tell, and we were obliged to leave the poor animal under a promise of

Mr. V., that he would cause a windlass to be removed to the pit, to

ascertain his fate.

At eleven o’clock we reached Mineral Point, the seat of justice of Iowa

county. I delivered an introductory letter to Mr. Ansley, who had made

a discovery of copper ore in the vicinity, and through his politeness,

visited the locality. The discovery was made in sinking pits in search

of lead ore. Small pieces of green carbonate of copper were found on

striking the rock, which is apparently silico-calcareous, and of a very

friable structure. From one of the excavations, detached masses of

the sulphuret, blue and green mingled, were raised. These masses are

enveloped with ochery clay.

In riding out on horseback to see this locality, I passed over

the ridge of land which first received the appellation of “Mineral

Point.” No digging was observed in process, but the heaps of red marly

clay, the vigorous growth of shrubbery around them, and the number

of open or partially filled pits, remain to attest the labour which

was formerly devoted in the search for lead. And this search is said

to have been amply rewarded. The track of discovery is conspicuously

marked by these excavations, which often extend, in a direct line,

on the cardinal points, as far as the eye can reach. Everywhere the

marly clay formation appears to have been relied on for the ore,

and much of it certainly appears to be _in situ_ in it. It bears no

traces of attrition; and its occurrence in regular leads, forbids the

supposition of its being an oceanic arrangement of mineral detritus.

At Vanmater’s, the metalliferous clay marl is overlaid by a grayish

sedimentary limestone. Different is the geological situation of what is

denominated _gravel ore_, of which I noticed piles, on the route from

Gratiot’s. This bears evident marks of attrition, and appears to have

been uniformly taken from diluvial earth.

On returning to the village from this excursion, I found Mr. B. ready

to proceed, and we lost no time in making the next point in our

proposed route. A drive of five miles brought us to the residence of

Colonel Dodge, whose zeal and enterprise in opening this portion of our

western country for settlement, give him claims to be looked up to as a

public benefactor. I here met the superintendent of the mines (Captain

Legate), and after spending some time in conversation on the resources

and prospects of the country, and partaking of the hospitalities

politely offered by Colonel D. and his intelligent family, we pursued

our way. The village of Dodgeville lies at the distance of four miles.

Soon after passing through it some part of our tackle gave way, in

crossing a gully, and I improved the opportunity of the delay to visit

the adjacent diggings, which are extensive. The ore is found as at

other mines, in regular leads, and not scattered about promiscuously

in the red marl. Masses of brown oxide of iron were more common here

than I had noticed them elsewhere. Among the rubbish of the diggings,

fragments of hornstone occur. They appear to be, most commonly,

portions of nodules, which exhibit, on being fractured, various

discolorings.

Night overtook us before we entered Porter’s Grove, which is also

the seat of mining and smelting operations. We are indebted to the

hospitality of Mr. M., of whom my companion was an acquaintance, for

opening his door to us, at an advanced hour of the evening. Distance

from Willow Springs, twenty-five miles.

There is no repose for a traveller. We retired to rest at a late

hour, and rose at an early one. The morning (19th) was hazy, and we

set forward while the dew was heavy on the grass. Our route still

lay through a prairie country. The growth of native grass, bent down

with dew, nearly covered the road, so that our horses’ legs were

continually bathed. The rising sun was a very cheerful sight, but

as our road lay up a long ascent, we soon felt its wilting effects.

Nine miles of such driving, with not a single grove to shelter us,

brought us to Mr. Brigham’s, at the foot of the Blue Mound, being

the last house in the direction to Fort Winnebago. The distance from

Galena is sixty-four miles, and this area embraces the present field

of mining operations. In rapidly passing over it, mines, furnaces,

dwellinghouses, mining villages, enclosed fields, upland prairies (an

almost continued prairie), groves, springs, and brooks, have formed

the prominent features of the landscape. The impulse to the settlement

of the country was first given by its mineral wealth; and it brought

here, as it were by magic, an enterprising and active population. It

is evident that a far greater amount of labor was a few years ago

engaged in mining operations; but the intrinsic value of the lands has

operated to detain the present population, which may be considered

as permanent. The lands are beautifully disposed, well watered, well

drained by natural streams, and easily brought into cultivation. Crops

have everywhere repaid the labors of the farmer; and, thus far, the

agricultural produce of the country has borne a fair price. The country

appears to afford every facility for raising cattle, horses, and hogs.

Mining, the cardinal interest heretofore, has not ceased in the degree

that might be inferred from the depression of the lead market; and

it will be pursued, with increased activity, whenever the purposes

of commerce call for it. In the present situation of the country,

there appear to be two objects essential to the lasting welfare of

the settlements:—first, a title to their lands from Congress; second,

a northern market for the products of their mines and farms. To

these, a _third_ requisite may be considered auxiliary, namely, the

establishment of the seat of territorial government at some point west

of Lake Michigan, where its powers may be more readily exercised, and

the reciprocal obligations of governor and people more vividly felt.

Mr. Brigham, in whom I was happy to recognise an esteemed friend,

conducted us over his valuable plantation. He gave me a mass of a

white, heavy metallic substance, taken as an accompanying mineral, from

a lead of Galena, which he has recently discovered in a cave. Without

instituting any examination of it but such as its external characters

disclose, it may be deemed a native carbonate of lead. The mass from

which it was broken weighed ninety or one hundred pounds. And its

occurrence, at the lead, was not alone.

From the Blue Mound to Fort Winnebago is an estimated distance of

fifty-six miles. The country is, however, entirely in a state of

nature. The trace is rather obscure; but, with a knowledge of the

general geography and face of the country, there is no difficulty in

proceeding with a light wagon, or even a loaded team, as the Indian

practice of firing the prairies every fall has relieved the surface

from underbrush and fallen timber. After driving a few miles, we

encountered two Winnebagoes on horseback, the forward rider having

a white man in tie behind him. The latter informed us that his name

was H., that he had come out to Twelve-mile Creek, for the purpose of

locating himself there, and was in pursuit of a hired man, who had gone

off, with some articles of his property, the night previous. With this

relation, and a _boshu_[38] for the natives, with whom we had no means

of conversing, we continued our way, without further incident, to Duck

Creek, a distance of ten miles. We here struck the path, which is one

of the boundary lines, in the recent purchase from the Winnebagoes. It

is a deeply marked horse path, cutting quite through the prairie sod,

and so much used by the natives as to prevent grass from growing on it;

in this respect, it is as well-defined a landmark as “blazed tree,”

or “saddle.” The surveyor appointed to run out the lines, had placed

mile-posts on the route, but the Winnebagoes, with a prejudice against

the practice which is natural, pulled up many, and defaced others.

When we had gone ten miles further, we began to see the glittering of

water through the trees, and we soon found ourselves on the margin of

a clear lake. I heard no name for this handsome sheet of water. It is

one of the four lakes, which are connected with each other by a stream,

and have their outlet into Rock River, through a tributary called the

Guskihaw. We drove through the margin of it, where the shores were

sandy, and innumerable small unio shells were driven up. Most of these

small species appeared to be helices. Standing tent-poles, and other

remains of Indian encampments, appeared at this place. A rock stratum,

dark and weather-beaten, apparently sandstone, jutted out into the

lake. A little farther, we passed to the left of an abandoned village.

By casting our eyes across the lake, we observed the new position which

had been selected and occupied by the Winnebagoes. We often assign

wrong motives, when we undertake to reason for the Indian race; but, in

the present instance, we may presume, that their removal was influenced

by too near a position to the boundary path.

We drove to the second brook, beyond the lake, and encamped.

Comfort in an encampment depends very much upon getting a good fire.

In this we totally failed last night, owing to our having but a small

piece of spunk, which ignited and burned out without inflaming our

kindling materials. The atmosphere was damp, but not sufficiently

cooled to quiet the ever-busy musquito. Mr. B. deemed it a hardship

that he could not boil the kettle, so as to have the addition of tea to

our cold repast. I reminded him that there was a bright moon, and that

it did not rain; and that, for myself, I had fared so decidedly worse,

on former occasions, that I was quite contented with the light of the

moon and a dry blanket. By raising up and putting a fork under the

wagon tongue, and spreading our tent-cloth over it, I found the means

of insulating ourselves from the insect hordes, but it was not until I

had pitched my musquito net within it that we found repose.

On awaking in the morning (20th), we found H., who had passed us the

day before in company with the Winnebagoes, lying under the wagon. He

had returned from pursuing the fugitive, and had overtaken us, after

twelve o’clock at night. He complained of being cold. We admitted him

into the wagon, and drove on to reach his camp at Twelve-mile Creek.

In crossing what he denominated Seven-mile Prairie, I observed on our

right a prominent wall of rock, surmounted with image-stones. The rock

itself consisted of sandstone. Elongated water-worn masses of stone

had been set up, so as to resemble, at a distance, the figures of men.

The allusion had been strengthened by some rude paints. This had been

the serious or the sportive work of Indians. It is not to be inferred

hence, that the Winnebagoes are idolaters. But there is a strong

tendency to idolatry in the minds of the North American Indians. They

do not bow before a carved image, shaped like Dagon or Juggernaut; but

they rely upon their guardian spirits, or personal manitos, for aid in

exigencies, and impute to the skins of animals, which are preserved

with religious care, the power of gods. Their medicine institution is

also a gross and bold system of semi-deification connected with magic,

witchcraft, and necromancy. Their jossakeeds are impostors and jugglers

of the grossest stamp. Their wabenos address Satan directly for power;

and their metais, who appear to be least idolatrous, rely more upon the

invisible agency of spirits and magic influence, than upon the physical

properties of the medicines they exhibit.

On reaching Twelve-mile Creek, we found a yoke of steers of H., in

a pen, which had been tied there two days and nights without water.

He evinced, however, an obliging disposition, and, after refreshing

ourselves and our horses, we left him to complete the labours of a

“local habitation.” The intermediate route to Fort Winnebago afforded

few objects of either physical or mental interest. The upland soil,

which had become decidedly thinner and more arenaceous, after reaching

the lake, appears to increase in sterility on approaching the

Wisconsin. And the occurrence of _lost rocks_ (primitive boulders),

as Mr. B. happily termed them, which are first observed after passing

the Blue Mound, becomes more frequent in this portion of the country,

denoting our approach to the borders of the north-western primitive

formation. This formation, we have now reason to conclude, extends in

an angle, so far south as to embrace a part of Fox River, above Apukwa

Lake.

Anticipated difficulties always appear magnified. This we verified in

crossing Duck Creek, near its entrance into the Wisconsin. We found

the adjoining bog nearly dry, and drove through the stream without the

water entering into the body of the wagon. It here commenced raining.

Having but four miles to make, and that a level prairie, we pushed on.

But the rain increased, and poured down steadily and incessantly till

near sunset. In the midst of this rain-storm we reached the fort, about

one o’clock, and crossed over to the elevated ground occupied by the

Indian Department, where my sojourn, while awaiting the expedition, was

rendered as comfortable as the cordial greeting and kind attention of

Mr. Kinzie, the agent, and his intelligent family could make it.

A recapitulation of the distances from Galena makes the route as

follows, viz. Gratiot’s Grove, fifteen miles; Willow Springs, fifteen;

Mineral Point, seven; Dodgeville, nine; Porter’s Grove, nine;

Blue Mound, nine; Duck Creek, ten; Lake, ten; Twelve-mile Creek,

twenty-four; Crossing of Duck Creek, eight; and Fort Winnebago, four;

total, one hundred and twenty miles.

ERRATA.

Page 12, line 5. For Koginogumoc read Kaginogumoc.

“ 12, “ 12. For Courtonelle read Courtorielle.

“ 25, “ 4. For Feebyains read Jeebyains.

“ 27, “ 16. For troncard read broncard.

“ 28, “ 2. For and read at.

“ 36, “ 16. For Saskatchawino read Saskatchawine.

“ 41, “ 28. For Goulle read Gueule.

“ 44, “ 3 of Note. For t read not.

“ 60, “ 24. For these read there is.

“ 64, “ 34. For Ocant read Ocaut.

“ 66, “ 35. Do. Do.

“ 66, “ 18. For Jah read Tah.

“ 77, “ 7. For Guella read Gueule.

“ 81, “ 8. For broiled read boiled.

“ 96, “ 5. For separated read separately.

“ 103, “ 32. For and read or, and for country read county.

“ 106, “ 19. For Colamba migratons read Colomba migratoris.

“ 106, Note. For asmadonta read alasmadonta.

“ 115, “ 24. For Pipisagi read Tipisagi.

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

| FOOTNOTES: |

| |

| [1] Detached pieces of calcareous tufa were found, imbedded in |

| the soil, at the mouth of the river Brule, in 1832. |

| |

| [2] Relation des traverses et des aventures d’un Marchand |

| Voyageur dans les territoires Sauvages de l’Amérique |

| Septentrionale, parti de Montreal, le 28 de Mai, 1783. Par |

| Jean Baptiste Pérault. |

| |

| [3] Wabidea. |

| |

| [4] He had returned with the Expedition, from Lake Superior. |

| |

| [5] It is believed that the American Fur Company, did, however, |

| submit such a proposition to the Directors of the Hudson’s |

| Bay Company in London, which was not acceded to by the |

| latter. |

| |

| [6] Or Pami-tascodiac. |

| |

| [7] From the data, above given, the descent of the Mississippi, |

| will average a fraction over five inches, per mile, a |

| result not essentially different from that furnished by the |

| data, which I submitted in my Narrative Journal in 1820, |

| but which was differently stated from haste and |

| inadvertence. For a prompt notice of the error, I feel |

| indebted to Hamilton Fulton, Esqr., who, soon after the |

| appearance of the work, wrote to my publishers, on the |

| subject. |

| |

| [8] Onzig, of the Chippewas. |

| |

| [9] So called in honor of Lieut. James Allen, U. S. A. who, on |

| his return down the Mississippi, was the first to explore |

| it. |

| |

| [10] A few years ago, a Mr. Beltrami, returning from the |

| settlement of Pembina, by the usual route of the traders |

| from Red Lake to Turtle Lake, published at New Orleans, a |

| small 12mo volume under the title of “La découverte des |

| sources du Mississippi, et de la Rivière Sanglante,” a work |

| which has since been expanded into two heavy 8vo volumes by |

| the London press. |

| |

| [11] Composed of the initials of the names of the gentlemen of |

| the party. |

| |

| [12] Among the dead, Wahb Ojeeg, Cadiwabida, or the Brèche, |

| Chingaba Wossin, and Mozobodo, are the Chippewa patriarchs |

| of modern days. |

| |

| [13] It has been stated in the “Preliminary Observations,” |

| that it became impracticable to visit these bands, during |

| the expedition of 1831. |

| |

| [14] Prairie du Chien. |

| |

| [15] St. Peter’s. |

| |

| [16] Family mark, or coat of arms—a kind of surname. |

| |

| [17] Report of the proceedings connected with the disputes |

| between the Earl of Selkirk and the North West Company, at |

| the assizes held at York in Upper Canada, Oct. 1818. |

| Montreal. 8vo. 564 p. |

| |

| [18] Genera Unio, Anodonta, alasmadonta. |

| |

| [19] This Chief attacked a Sioux war party, which imprudently |

| ventured in the vicinity, in the fall of this year, (1832,) |

| and achieved a victory, in which he killed forty persons, |

| and lost not a single man. |

| |

| [20] The total descent of the river at these falls, including |

| the rapids above and below them, is stated in my “Narrative |

| Journal of Travels to the Sources of the Mississippi,” at |

| 65 feet, an estimate which it is believed may exceed the |

| actual aggregate descent, and certainly does so, in the |

| hasty estimate which is given of the perpendicular fall. |

| |

| [21] I am not certain that I fully comprehend the brevity |

| of Mr. Eaton’s division of this formation of the English |

| geologists; but if I do so, he deduces from it, or from |

| its equivalent in American geology, 1. Second graywake, 2. |

| Calciferous sand-rock, 3. Silicious lime rock, 4. |

| Metalliferous limerock. |

| |

| [22] Alluding to a mound on an eminence at the mouth of the |

| river. |

| |

| [23] Vide Letter to his Excellency Gov. Porter, in the Appendix. |

| |

| [24] This island has been the scene of a subsequent murder, in |

| which an Indian was excited to kill his father-in-law. |

| |

| [25] The Crane is the totem of the reigning chiefs of the band |

| of Sault Ste. Marie. |

| |

| [26] The double vowel is here employed to indicate the long |

| sound of i, as i in machine. |

| |

| [27] Perhaps Aurikerees, and Ornapas. |

| |

| [28] Vide sequel. |

| |

| [29] See this reported, as modified by subsequent accounts. |

| |

| [30] Louis Dufault. |

| |

| [31] St. Peters. |

| |

| [32] Signature is expressed by the ceremony of making their |

| mark. |

| |

| [33] On my arrival at the Petite Corbeau’s village his people |

| fired a salute with ball, and after making further remarks |

| on the state of their affairs, he presented me a peace-pipe |

| and stem. |

| |

| [34] I enclose the copy of a letter on the subject of posts, |

| &c., addressed by me to Gen. S. M. Street, Agent at Prairie |

| du Chien. |

| |

| [35] I annex the speech of Mozobodo, chief of Torch Lake, on |

| this subject. |

| |

| [36] Buffalo, of Folle Avoine. |

| Chäcopi, of Snake River. |

| Nodin, of do. |

| Läbaince, of Yellow River. |

| The Little Frenchman, of Folle Avoine. |

| Keeshkitowug, of Yellow River. |

| |

| [37] The Indians personify the government in the agent, |

| commissioner, &c. they are addressing. |

| |

| [38] This term is in use by the Algic or Algonquin tribes, |

| particularly by the Chippewas. The Winnebagoes, who have no |

| equivalent for it, are generally acquainted with it, |

| although I am not aware that they have, to any extent, |

| adopted it. It has been supposed to be derived from the |

| French _bon jour_. |

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

* * * * * *

Transcriber’s note:

- Blank pages have been removed.

- Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.

- Table of contents added.

- All errata have been applied.

- Tables split to fit column width.

- The book cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed

in the public domain.