FIRST MISSION TO CHINA.--PRELIMINARIES.
ORIGIN OF THE MISSION--APPOINTMENT OF LORD ELGIN--MALTA--EGYPT--CEYLON--
NEWS OF THE INDIAN MUTINY--PENANG--SINGAPORE--DIVERSION OF TROOPS TO INDIA
--ON BOARD THE 'SHANNON'--HONG-KONG--CHANGE OF PLANS--CALCUTTA AND LORD
CANNING--RETURN TO CHINA--PERPLEXITIES--CAPRICES OF CLIMATE--ARRIVAL OF
BARON GROS--PREPARATION FOR ACTION.
'The earlier incidents of the political rupture with the Chinese
Commissioner Yeh, which occurred at Canton during the autumn of 1856, and
which led to the appointment of a Special Mission to China, were too
thoroughly canvassed at the time to render it necessary to renew here any
discussion on their merits, or recall at length their details. As the
"Arrow" case derived its interest then from the debates to which it gave
rise, and its effects on parties at home, rather than from any intrinsic
value of its own, so does it now mainly owe its importance to the
accidental circumstance, that it was the remote and insignificant cause
which led to a total revolution in the foreign policy of the Celestial
Empire, and to the demolition of most of those barriers which, while they
were designed to restrict all intercourse from without, furnished the
nations of the West with fruitful sources of quarrel and perpetual
grievances.'
These words form the preface to the 'Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's
Mission to China and Japan,' by Laurence Oliphant, then private secretary
to Lord Elgin. To that work we must refer our readers for a full and
complete, as well as authentic, account of the occurrences which gave
occasion to the following letters. A brief sketch only will here be given.
[Sidenote: Origin of the Mission.]
On October 8, 1856, a _lorcha_ named 'Arrow,' registered as a British
vessel, and carrying a British flag, was boarded by the authorities of
Canton, the flag torn down, and the crew carried away as prisoners. Such
was the English account. The Chinese denied that any flag was flying at the
time of the capture: the British ownership of the vessel, they maintained,
was never more than colourable, and had expired a month before: the crew
were all their own subjects, apprehended on a charge of piracy.
The English authorities refused to listen to this. They insisted on a
written apology for the insult to their flag, and the formal restitution of
the captured sailors. And when these demands were refused, or incompletely
fulfilled, they summoned the fleet, in the hope that a moderate amount of
pressure would lead to the required concessions. Shortly after, finding
arms in their hands, they thought it a good opportunity to enforce the
fulfilment of certain 'long-evaded treaty obligations,' including the right
for all foreign representatives of free access to the authorities and the
city of Canton. With this view, fort after fort, suburb after suburb, was
taken or demolished. But the Chinese, after their manner, would neither
yield nor fight; and contented themselves with offering large rewards for
the head of every Englishman.
When this state of matters was reported to England, it was brought before
the House of Commons on a motion by Mr. Cobden, condemnatory of 'the
violent measures resorted to at Canton in the late affair of the "Arrow."'
The motion, supported by Mr. Gladstone in one of his splendid bursts of
rhetoric, was carried against the Government by a majority of sixteen, in a
full and excited house, on the morning of February 26, 1857. But Lord
Palmerston refused to accept the adverse vote as expressing the will of the
people. He appealed to the constituencies, candidly telling the House that,
pending that appeal, 'there would be no change, and could be no change, in
the policy of the Government with respect to events in China.' At the same
time he intimated that a special Envoy would be sent out to supersede the
local authorities, armed with full powers to settle the relations between
England and China on a broad and solid basis.
[Sidenote: Appointment of Lord Elgin.]
But where was the man who, at a juncture so critical, in face of an adverse
vote of the House of Commons, on the chance of its being rescinded by the
country, could be trusted with so delicate a mission; who could be relied
on, in the conduct of such an expedition against a foe alike stubborn and
weak, to go far enough, and yet not too far--to carry his point, by
diplomatic skill and force of character, with the least possible
infringement of the laws of humanity; a man with the ability and resolution
to insure success, and the native strength that can afford to be merciful?
After 'anxious deliberation,' the choice of the Government fell upon Lord
Elgin.
How, on the voyage to China, he was met half-way by the news of the Indian
Mutiny; how promptly and magnanimously he took on himself the
responsibility of sacrificing the success of his own expedition by
diverting the troops from China to India; how, after many weary months of
enforced inactivity, the expedition was resumed, and carried through
numberless thwartings to a successful issue--these are matters of history
with which every reader must be acquainted. But those who are most familiar
with the events may find an interest in the following extracts from private
letters, written at the time by the chief actor in the drama. They are
taken almost exclusively from a Journal, in which his first thoughts and
impressions on every passing occurrence were hurriedly noted down, from day
to day, for transmission to Lady Elgin.
[Sidenote: Malta.]
_H.M.S. 'Caradoc'--May 2nd._--I have just returned to my ship after
spending a few hours on shore and visiting Lord Lyons in his
magnificent Prince Albert.... How beautiful Malta is with its narrow
streets, gorgeous churches, and impregnable fortifications. I landed
at about six, and walked up to the Palace, and wrote my name in the
Governor's book, who resides out of town. I then took a turn through
the town, and went to the inn to breakfast....
[Sidenote: Chance meetings.]
By way of conversation with the waiter, I asked who were in the house:
'Only two families, one of them Lord Balgonie[1] and his sisters.' I
saw the ladies first, and, at a later hour, their brother, in his bed.
Poor fellow! the hand of death is only too visibly upon him. There he
lay; his arm, absolutely fleshless, stretched out: his large eyes
gleaming from his pale face. I could not dare to offer to his broken-
hearted sisters a word of comfort. These poor girls! how I felt for
them; alone! with their brother in such a state. They go to Marseilles
by the next opportunity, probably by the packet which will convey to
you this letter, and they hope that their mother will meet them there.
What a tragedy! ... I had been _incog_. at the hotel till Sir W.
Reid[2] found me there. When the innkeeper learned who I was, he was
in despair at my having been put into so small a room, and informed me
that he was the son of an old servant at Broomhall, Hood by name, and
that he had often played with me at cricket! How curious are these
strange _rencontres_ in life! They put me in mind of Heber's image,
who says that we are like travellers journeying through a dense wood
intersected by innumerable paths: we are constantly meeting in
unexpected places, and plunging into the forest again!
[Sidenote: Alexandria.]
_Alexandria.--May 6th.--_I made up my letter last night, not knowing
how short the time of my sojourn at Alexandria might be. But at about
one in the morning I received a letter from Frederick,[3] telling me
that the steamer due at Suez had not yet arrived, that an official
reception was to be given me, and that I had better not land too
early.... Notwithstanding which, washing decks, the morning gun, and a
bright sun, broke my slumbers at an early hour, and I got up and
dressed soon after daybreak. At about 6.30 A.M. a boat of the Pacha's,
with a dignitary (who turned out to be a very gentleman-like
Frenchman), arrived, and from him I learnt that the Governor of
Alexandria, with a cortege of dignitaries and a carriage and four, was
already at the shore awaiting my arrival; but Frederick did not come
till about half-past nine, and it was nearly ten before I landed. I
was then conducted by the authorities to the palace in which I am now
writing, consisting of suites of very handsome rooms, and commanding a
magnificent view of the sea. About a dozen attendants are loitering
about and watching every movement, not curiously, but in order to
supply any possible want. At this very moment a mild-looking Turk is
peeping into my bed-room where I am writing this letter, and supposing
that I may wish to be undisturbed, has drawn a red cloth _portière_
across the open doorway. This palace, which is set apart for the
reception of distinguished strangers, is situated in the Turkish
quarter of the town, and all the houses around are inhabited by
Mussulmans. The windows are all covered with latticed wooden shutters,
through which the wretched women may, I suppose, peer as they do
through the grating at the House of Commons, but which are at least as
impermeable to the mortal eye from without. The streets are very
empty, as it is the Ramadan, during which devout Turks fast and sleep
throughout the day, and indemnify themselves by eating, drinking, and
amusing themselves all night.
_Cairo.--May 7th._--Most of yesterday afternoon was spent in drinking
coffee and smoking long pipes, two ladies partaking of the latter
enjoyment after dinner at Mr. Green's. One of them told me that she
had dined with the Princess (the Pacha's wife) a few days ago. She
went at seven and left at half-past twelve, and with the exception of
a half hour of dinner, all the rest of the time was spent in smoking
and drinking coffee. After dinner, the mother of the Pacha's only
child came in and joined the party. She was treated with a certain
consideration as being the mother of this child, although she was not
given a pipe. The Princess seemed on very good terms with her. This
child (a boy three years old) has an English nurse, and this nurse has
persuaded the Pacha to allow her to take the child to England on a
visit. The mother, who has picked up a little English from the nurse,
said to Mrs. Green, 'I am very unhappy; _young Pacha_' (her boy) 'is
going away.' The mother is no more thought of in this arrangement than
I am. What a strange system it is!... We passed through the wonderful
Delta to-day, and certainly the people looked more comfortable than
those of Alexandria. The beasts too, camels, oxen, donkeys, showed
signs of the fertility of the soil in their sleekness. What might not
be made of this country if it were wisely guided!
[Sidenote: Crossing the Desert.]
_Steamer 'Bentinck.'--Sunday, May 10th._--I write to you from the
neighbourhood of Mount Sinai, which we passed at an early hour this
morning, gliding through a sea of most transparent glass, with so
little motion that there is hardly an excuse for bad writing.... I
must, however, take you back to Cairo. We began to move at a very
early hour, about three, on Saturday (yesterday) morning. We were
actually in the railway carriages at half-past four. I was placed in a
_coupé_ before the engine, in order that I might see the road; and in
this somewhat formidable position ran over about forty miles of the
Desert in about an hour and a half. It is a wonderful sight this
strange barren expanse of stone and gravel, with here and there a
small encampment of railway labourers, after passing through the
luxuriant Valley of the Nile, teeming with production and life, animal
and vegetable. In the morning air there was a healthy freshness, which
was very delightful. At the end of our hour and a half we reached the
termination of the part of the railway which is already completed, and
embarked in two-wheeled four-horse vans (such as you see in the
_Illustrated News_), to pass over about five miles of trackless
desert, lying between the said terminus and a station on the regular
road across the Desert, at which we were to breakfast. This part of
our journey was rough work, and took us some time to execute. Our
station was really a very nice building; and while we were there a
caravan of pilgrims to Mecca, some women in front and the men
following, all mounted on their patient camels, passed by. After we
were refreshed we started for Suez; and you will hardly believe me
when I tell you, that we travelled forty-seven miles over the Desert
in a carriage as capacious and commodious as a London town coach, in
four hours and a half, including seven changes of horses and a
stoppage of half an hour. In short, we got over the ground in about
three hours and three-fourths. We had six horses to our carriage, and
a swarthy Nubian, with a capital seat on horseback, rode by us all the
way, occasionally reminding our horses that it was intended they
should go at a gallop.
[Sidenote: Retrospect of Egypt.]
[Sidenote: Egyptian ladies.]
_May 11th_.--I am glad to have had two days in Egypt. It gave one an
idea at least of that country; in some degree a painful one. I suppose
that France and England, by their mutual jealousies, will be the means
of perpetuating the abominations of the system under which that
magnificent country is ruled. They say that the Pacha's revenue is
about 4,000,000_l_., and his expenses about 2,000,000_l_.; so that he
has about 2,000,000_l_. of pocket-money. Yet I suppose that the
Fellahs, owing to their own industry, and the incomparable fertility
of the country, are not badly off as compared with the peasantry
elsewhere. We passed, at one of our stopping-places between Cairo and
Suez, part of a Turkish regiment on their way to Jeddah. These men
were dressed in a somewhat European costume, some of them with the
Queen's medal on their breasts. There was a hareem, in a sort of
omnibus, with them, containing the establishment of one of the
officers. One of the ladies dropped her veil for a moment, and I saw
rather a pretty face; almost the only Mahommedan female face I have
seen since I have reached this continent. They are much more rigorous,
it appears, with the ladies in Egypt than at Constantinople. There
they wear a veil which is quite transparent and go about shopping: but
in Egypt they seem to go very little out, and their veil completely
hides everything but the eyes. In the palace which I visited near
Cairo (and which the Pacha offered, if we had chosen to take it), I
looked through some of the grated windows allowed in the hareems, and
I suppose that it must require a good deal of practice to see
comfortably out of them. It appears that the persons who ascend to the
top of the minarets to call to prayer at the appointed hours are blind
men, and that the blind are selected for this office, lest they should
be able to look down into the hareems. That is certainly carrying
caution very far.
[Sidenote: Aden.]
_Steamship 'Bentinck,' off Socotra.--May 19th_.--I left my last
letter at Aden. We landed there at about four P.M., under a salute
from an Indian man-of-war sloop and the fort, to which latter place I
was conveyed in a carriage which the Governor sent for me. It was most
fearfully hot. The hills are rugged and grand, but wholly barren; not
a sign of vegetation, and the vertical rays of a tropical sun beating
upon them. The whole place is comprised in a drive around the hills of
some three or four miles, beyond which the inhabitants cannot stray
without the risk of being seized by the Arabs. I cannot conceive a
more dreary spot to dwell in, though the Governor assured me that the
troops are healthy. He received me very civilly, and insisted that I
should remain with him until the steamer sailed, which involved
leaving his abode (the cantonment) at about half-past three in the
morning. He took me to see some most extraordinary tanks which he has
recently discovered, and which must have been constructed with great
care and at great expense, at some remote period, in order to collect
the rain-water which falls at rare intervals in torrents. These tanks
are so constructed that the overflow of the upper one fills the lower,
and in this way, when the fall is considerable, a great quantity can
be gathered. They were all filled with rubbish, and it is very
possible that there may be many besides these which have been already
discovered, but when they are cleared out they are in perfect
preservation. Some of them are of great capacity, and it is difficult
to understand how they come to have been filled up so completely. The
Governor told me that he had, a few months before, driven in his gig
over the largest, which I went with him to see. At that time he had no
idea of its existence.
[Sidenote: Gloomy prospects.]
_May 22nd_.--As each of these wearisome days passes, I cannot help
being more and more determined that, in so far as it rests with me,
this voyage shall not have been made for nothing. However, the issues
are in higher hands.
_Sunday, 24th_.--We are now told we shall reach Ceylon in two days....
I have got dear Bruce's[4] large speaking eyes beside me while I am
writing, and mine (ought I to confess it) are very dim, while all
these thoughts of home crowd upon me. There is nothing congenial to me
in my present life. I have no elasticity of spirits to keep up with
the younger people around me. It may be better when the work begins;
but I cannot be sanguine even as to that, for the more I read of the
blue-books and papers with which I have been furnished, the more
embarrassing the questions with which I have to deal appear.
[Sidenote: First news of the Indian Mutiny.]
It was at Ceylon that he caught the first ominous mutterings of the
terrible storm which was about to burst over India, and which was destined
so powerfully to affect his own expedition. The news of the first serious
disturbance, the mutiny of a native Regiment at Meerut on the 11th of May,
had just been brought by General Ashburnham, the commander of the
expeditionary force, who had left Bombay a few hours after the startling
tidings had been received through the telegraph. Lord Elgin's first feeling
was that these disturbances in India furnished an additional reason for
settling affairs in China with all possible speed, so as to be free to
succour the Indian Government. It was only when fuller intelligence came
from Lord Canning, with urgent entreaties for immediate help, that he
determined, in consultation with General Ashburnham, who cordially entered
into all his views on the subject, to sacrifice for the present the Chinese
expedition, in order to pour into Calcutta all the troops that had been
intended for Canton.
_Galle, Ceylon.--May 26th_.--This is a very charming place, so green
that one almost forgets the heat. Ashburnham is here; we go on
together to Singapore this evening. Bad news from India. I think that
I may find in this news, if confirmed, a justification for pressing
matters with vigour in China, and hastening the period at which I may
hope to see you again.
_Steamship 'Singapore.'--May 27th_.--General Ashburnham brought with
him a report of a most serious mutiny in the Bengal army. Perhaps he
sees it in the worst light, because he has always (I remember his
speaking to me on the subject at Balbirnie) predicted that something
of the kind would occur; but, apart from his anticipations, the matter
seems grave enough. The mutineers have murdered Europeans, seized the
fort and treasure of Delhi; and proclaimed the son of the Great Mogul.
There seems to be no adequate European force at hand to put them down,
and the season is bad for operations by Europeans. Such is the sum and
substance of this report, as conveyed by telegraph to Elphinstone, the
evening before Ashburnham left Bombay. I was a good deal tempted to
remain at Galle for a few hours, in order to await the arrival of the
homeward-bound steamer from Calcutta, and to get further news; but, on
reflection, I came to the conclusion, that the best course to take was
to view this grave intelligence as an inducement to press on to China.
I wrote officially to Clarendon to say, that if this intelligence was
confirmed, it might have a tendency to lower our prestige in the East,
and to increase the influence of the party opposed to reason in China;
that this state of affairs might make it more than ever necessary that
I should endeavour to bring matters in China to an issue at the
earliest moment, so as to anticipate this mischief, and to place the
regiments destined for China at the disposal of Government for service
elsewhere.
_May 29th_.--We are now near the close of our voyage, and the serious
work is about to begin. Up to this point I have heard nothing to throw
any light upon my prospects. It is impossible to read the blue-books
without feeling that we have often acted towards the Chinese in a
manner which it is very difficult to justify; and yet their treachery
and cruelty come out so strongly at times as to make almost anything
appear justifiable.
[Sidenote: Penang.]
[Sidenote: Bishop of Labuan.]
[Sidenote: Character of Chinese.]
_Penang.--June 1st_.--We have just returned to our vessel after a
few hours spent on shore; or, rather, I have just emerged from a bath
in which I have been reclining for half an hour, endeavouring to cool
myself after a hot morning's work. We made this place at about eleven
last night, running into the harbour by the assistance of a bright
moon. The water was perfectly smooth, and I stood on the paddle-box
for some hours, watching the distant hills as they rose into sight and
faded from our view, and the bright phosphorescent light of the sea
cut by our prow, and which, despite the clearness of the night, was
sometimes almost too brilliant to be gazed at. When we dropped our
anchor, the captain still professed to doubt whether or not he would
have to proceed immediately; but he gave me to understand that, if he
could not accomplish this, he would not wish to leave until twelve to-
day, so that I should in that case have an opportunity of landing and
ascending the mountain summit. On this hint I had a bed prepared on
deck (fearing the heat of the cabins), and tried, though rather in
vain, to take a few hours' sleep. At five A.M. I was told that the
Resident, Mr. Lewis, was on board, that carriages and horses were
ready, and that, if I wished to mount the hill, the time had arrived
for the operation. I immediately made a hasty toilette, and set forth
accompanied by the General, some of the others following. We were
conveyed in a carriage three miles, to the foot of the hill, and on
pony-back as much more up it, through a dense tropical vegetation
which reminded me of my Jamaica days. At the end of the ride we
arrived at the Government bungalow, and found one of the most
magnificent views I ever witnessed; in the foreground this tropical
luxuriance, and beyond, far below, the glistening sea studded with
ships and boats innumerable, over which again the Malay peninsula with
its varied outline. I had hardly begun to admire the scene, when a
gentleman in a blue flannel sort of dress, with a roughish beard and a
cigar in his mouth, made his appearance, and was presented to me as
the Bishop of Labuan! He was there endeavouring to recruit his health,
which has suffered a good deal. He complained of the damp of the
climate, while admitting its many charms, and seemed to think that he
owed to the dampness a very bad cold by which he was afflicted. Soon
afterwards his wife joined us. They were both at Sarawak when the last
troubles took place, and must have had a bad time of it. The Chinese
behaved well to them; indeed they seemed desirous to make the Bishop
their leader. His converts (about fifty) were stanch, and he has a
school at which about the same number of Chinese boys are educated.
These facts pleaded in his favour, and it says something for the
Chinese that they were not insensible to these claims. They committed
some cruel acts, but they certainly might have committed more. They
respected the women except one (Mrs. C., whom they wounded severely),
and they stuck by the Bishop until they found that he was trying to
bring Brooke back. They then turned upon him, and he had to run for
his life. The Bishop gave me an interesting description of his school
of Chinese boys. He says they are much more like English boys than
other Orientals: that when a new boy comes they generally get up a
fight, and let him earn his place by his prowess. But there is no
managing them without pretty severe punishments. Indeed, he says that
if a boy be in fault the others do not at all like his not being well
punished; they seem to think that it is an injustice to the rest if
this is omitted. I am about to do with a strange people; so much to
admire in them, and yet with a perversity of disposition which makes
it absolutely necessary, if you are to live with them at all, to treat
them severely, sometimes almost cruelly. They have such an overweening
esteem for themselves, that they become unbearable unless they are
constantly reminded that others are as good as they.... The Bishop
seemed to think that it would be a very good thing if the Rajah were
to go home for a time, and leave the government to his nephew, whom he
praises much.... When we came down from the mountain we went to the
house of the Resident on the shore, and there I found all the world of
Penang assembled to meet me; among them a quantity of Chinese in full
mandarin costume. It was not easy, under the circumstances, to make
conversation for them, but it was impossible not to be pleased with
their good-humoured faces, on which there rests a perpetual grin. We
had a grand 'spread,' in which fresh fish, mangosteen, and a horrible
fruit whose name I forget (_dorian_), but whose smell I shall ever
remember, played a conspicuous part. After breakfast we returned to
our ship to be broiled for about an hour, then to bathe, and now
(after that I have inserted these words in my journal to you) to
finish dressing.
[Sidenote: Singapore.]
_June 3rd._--Just arrived at Singapore. Urgent letters from
Canning to send him troops. I have not a man. 'Shannon' not
arrived.
_Singapore.--June 5th._--I am on land, which is at any rate one thing
gained. But I am only about eighty miles from the equator, and about
two hundred feet above the level of the sea. The Java wind, too, is
blowing, which is the hot wind in these quarters, so that you may
imagine what is the condition of my pores. I sent my last letter
immediately after landing, and had little time to add a word from
land, as I found a press of business, and a necessity for writing to
Clarendon by the mail; the fact being, that I received letters from
Canning, imploring me to send troops to him from the number destined
for China. As we have no troops yet, and do not well know when we may
have any, it was not exactly an easy matter to comply with this
request. However, I did what I could, and, in concert with the
General, have sent instructions far and wide to turn the transports
back, and give Canning the benefit of the troops for the moment.
[Sidenote: Diversion of troops to India.]
The importance of the determination, thus simply announced, can hardly be
exaggerated. 'Tell Lord Elgin,' wrote Sir William Peel, the heroic leader
of the celebrated Naval Brigade, after the neck of the rebellion was
broken, 'tell Lord Elgin that it was the Chinese Expedition that relieved
Lucknow, relieved Cawnpore, and fought the battle of the 6th December.' Nor
would it be easy to praise too highly the large and patriotic spirit which
moved the heads of the Expedition to an act involving at once so generous a
renunciation of all selfish hopes and prospects, and so bold an assumption
of responsibility. Proofs were not wanting afterwards that the sacrifice
was appreciated by the Queen and the country; but these were necessarily
deferred, and it was all the more gratifying, therefore, to Lord Elgin to
receive, at the time and on the spot, the following cordial expressions of
approval from a distinguished public servant, with whom he was himself but
slightly acquainted--Sir H. Ward, then Governor of Ceylon:--
"You may think me impertinent in volunteering an opinion upon what in the
first instance only concerns you and the Queen and Lord Canning. But having
seen something of public life during a great part of my own, which is now
fast verging into the "sere and yellow leaf," I may venture to say that I
never knew a nobler thing than that which you have done in preferring the
safety of India to the success of your Chinese negotiations. If I know
anything of English public opinion, this single act will place you higher,
in general estimation as a statesman, than your whole past career,
honourable and fortunate as it has been. For it is not every man who would
venture to alter the destination of a force upon the despatch of which a
Parliament has been dissolved, and a Government might have been superseded.
It is not every man who would consign himself for many months to political
inaction in order simply to serve the interests of his country. You have
set a bright example at a moment of darkness and calamity; and, if India
can be saved, it is to you that we shall owe its redemption, for nothing
short of the Chinese expedition could have supplied the means of holding
our ground until further reinforcements are received."
For the time the disappointment was great. His occupation was gone, and
with it all hope of a speedy end to his labours. Six weary months he
waited, powerless to act and therefore powerless to negotiate, and feeling
that every week's delay tended to aggravate the difficulties of the
situation in China.
_Singapore.--June 5th._--It is, of course, difficult to conjecture how
this Indian business may affect us in China, and I shall await our
next news from India with no little anxiety. Await it, I say, for
there is no prospect of my getting on from here at present. There is
no word of the 'Shannon' and till she arrives I am a fixture.
[Sidenote: Convict establishment.]
_June 6th._--This morning the Governor took me on foot to the convict
establishment, at which some 2,500 murderers, &c., from India are
confined, and some fifty women, who are generally, after about two
years of penal servitude, let out on condition that they consent to
marry convicts. I cannot say that their appearance made me envy the
convicts much, although some of them were perhaps better-looking than
the women one meets out of the prison. In truth, one meets very few
women at all, and those that sees are far from attractive. _Au reste_,
the convicts go about apparently very little guarded, with a chain
round the waist and each leg. The church, which we afterwards visited,
is rather an imposing edifice, and is being built by convict labour,
at the cost of the Indian Government.
[Sidenote: Opium-shops.]
_June 8th._--This morning I visited, in my walk, some of the horrid
opium-shops, which we are supposed to do so much to encourage. They
are wretched dark places, with little lamps, in which the smokers
light their pipes, glimmering on the shelves made of boards, on which
they recline and puff until they fall asleep. The opium looks like
treacle, and the smokers are haggard and stupefied, except at the
moment of inhaling, when an unnatural brightness sparkles from their
eyes. After escaping from these horrid dens, I went to visit a Chinese
merchant who lives in a very good house, and is a man of considerable
wealth. He speaks English, and never was in China, having been born in
Malacca. I had tea, and was introduced to his mother, wife, and two
boys and two girls. He intends to send one of his sons to England for
education. He denounces opium and the other vices of his countrymen,
and their secret societies. All the well-to-do Chinese agree in this,
but they have not moral courage to come out against them. Indeed, I
suppose they could hardly do so without great risk.... Alas! still no
sign of the 'Shannon.'
[Sidenote: Captain Peel.]
[Sidenote: Ignorance of the Chinese language.]
_June 11th._--At half-past four this morning the 'Shannon' arrived.
Captain Peel came up to breakfast. He has made a quick passage, as he
came almost all the way under canvas: such were his orders from the
Admiralty. He says that his ship is the fastest sailer he has ever
been on board of; that he has the best set of officers; in short, all
is very cheery with him. I told him I should not start till after the
arrival of the steamer from England, and he requires that time to get
ready, as it appears that he had only twelve hours' notice that he was
to take me when he left England. On Tuesday, at noon, the Chinese
arrived with an address to me. I had a reply prepared, which was
translated into Malay, and read by a native. It is a most
extraordinary circumstance that, in this place, where there are some
60,000 or 70,000 Chinese, and where the Europeans are always imagining
that they are plotting, &c., there is not a single European who can
speak their language. No doubt this is a great source of
misunderstanding. The last row, which did _not_ end in a massacre, but
which might have done so, originated in the receipt of certain police
regulations from Calcutta. These regulations were ill translated, and
published after Christmas Day. The Chinese, believing that they
authorised the police to enter their houses at all periods, to
interfere with their amusements at the New Year, &c., shut up their
shops, which is their constitutional mode of expressing
dissatisfaction. It was immediately inferred in certain quarters that
the Chinese intended, out of sympathy with the Cantonese, to murder
all the Europeans. Luckily the Governor thought it advisable to
explain to them what the obnoxious ordinances really meant before
proceeding to exterminate them, and a few hours of explanation had the
effect of inducing them to re-open their shops, and go on quietly with
their usual avocations. Just the same thing happened at Penang. There
too, because the Chinamen showed some disinclination to obey
regulations of police which interfered with their amusements and
habits, a plot against the Europeans was immediately suspected, and
great indignation expressed because it was not put down with _vigour_!
[Sidenote: The Sultan of Johore.]
[Sidenote: _Frères Chrétiens_.]
[Sidenote: _Soeurs_.]
_June 13th_.--I have just been interrupted to go and see the Sultan of
Johore. These princes in this country, and indeed all over the East,
are spoilt from their childhood, all their passions indulged and
fostered by their parents, who say, 'What is the use of being a
prince, if he may not have more _ghee_, etc. etc. than his
neighbours?' I do not see what can be done for them. At the school I
visited this morning are two sultan's sons (of Queddah), but they were
at home for some holidays, when they will probably be ruined. During
my morning's walk I heard something like the sound of a school in a
house adjoining, and I proposed to enter and inspect. I found an
establishment of _Frères chrétiens_, and one of them (an Irishman)
claimed acquaintance, as having been with Bishop Phelan when he
visited me in Canada. We struck up a friendship accordingly, and I
told him that if there were any _Soeurs_ I should like to see them. He
introduced me to the Vicar Apostolic, a Frenchman, and we went to the
establishment of the _Soeurs_. I found the _Supérieure_ a very
superior person, evidently with her heart in the work, and ready for
any fate to which it might expose her, but quiet and cheerful. I told
her that a devout lady in Paris had expressed a fear that my mission
to China would put an end to martyrdom in that country. She smiled,
and said that she thought there would always be on this earth
martyrdom in abundance. The Sisters educate a number of orphan girls
as well as others. All the missionary zeal in these quarters seems to
be among the French priests. Some one once said that it was not
wonderful that young men took away so much learning from Oxford as
they left so little behind them. The same may, I think, be said of the
French religion. It seems all intended for exportation.
[Sidenote: View from Singapore.]
_June 15th_.--I see from my window that a French steamer has just come
into the harbour and dropped her anchor. This reminds me that I have
not yet told you what I see from this window--if I may apply the term
window to a row of Venetian blinds running all round the house or
bungalow, for this residence is not dignified by the title 'house.' I
am on an eminence about 200 feet above the sea; immediately below me
the town; on one side a number of houses with dark red roofs,
surrounded with trees, looking very like a flower-garden, and
confirming me in my opinion of the beauty of such roofs when so
situated; on the other, the same red-roofed houses _without trees_,
which makes all the difference. Beyond, the harbour, or rather
anchorage, filled with ships, the mighty 'Shannon' in the centre--a
triton among the minnows. Beyond, again, a wide opening to the sea,
with lowish shores, rocky, and covered with wood, running out on
either side. Such is the prospect ever before me, a very fine one
during the day, still more interesting at night when it all sparkles
with lights, and the great tropical moon looks calmly down on the
whole.
[Sidenote: On board the 'Shannon.']
_H.M.S. 'Shannon.'--June 24th_.--I daresay you will consider me an
object of envy when I describe to you where I am,--on board of a
magnificent ship-of-war, carrying sixty 68-pounders, our foremast and
mainmast sails set, and gliding through the water with just motion
enough to tell us that the pulse of the great sea is beating. The
temperature of the air is high, but the day is somewhat cloudy, and
the sails throw a shadow on the deck. The only thing I regret is, that
having no poop, the high bulwarks close us in and shut out both the
air and prospect. One can only get these by climbing up on a sort of
standing-place on the side.... Our departure from Singapore was very
striking.... Not only were all the troops and volunteers under arms,
with Chinamen and merchants in crowds, but (may I mention it) the fair
ladies of Singapore were drawn up in a row to give us a parting
salute. We moved off in our boats, under a salute from the battery,
which was repeated by the 'Spartan' as I passed her, and by the
'Shannon' when I got on board, both these vessels manning yards. The
French admiral honoured me also with a salute as I passed him after
getting under weigh, although the sun had already set.
_July 1st_.--Another month begun. Last night, at dinner, we were
startled by hearing that we seemed to be running on a rock or shoal,
where no rock or shoal was known to exist. We backed our screw, and
finally went over the alarming spot, and on sounding found no bottom.
The sea was discoloured, but whether it was by the spawn of fish or
sea-weed we could not discover. Peel took up water in a bucket, but
could discover nothing. If we had not been a screw, and had had
nothing but sails to rely on, we should have kept clear of this
apparent danger, and the result would have been that a shoal would
have been marked on the charts, where, in point of fact, no shoal
exists. Captain Keppel's adventure makes captains cautious.
[Sidenote: Arrival at Hongkong.]
_Hong-Kong.--July 3rd_.--I am headachy and fagged, for I have had
some hours of the most fatiguing of all things--a succession of
interviews, beginning with the Admiral, General, &c,... I found the
Admiral strong on the point that Canton is the only place where we
ought to fight.... However, I hope we may get off to the North in
about ten days,--as soon as we have sent off these letters, and got
(as we ought) two mails from home.
_July 9th_.--An interval ... during which I have been doing a good
many things, my greatest enjoyment and pleasure being the receipt at
last of two sets of letters from home.... I have a great heap of
despatches, some of which seem rather likely to perplex me. I daresay,
however, that I shall see my way through the mist in a day or two....
I had a levee last evening, which was largely attended. The course
which I am about to follow does not square with the views of the
merchants, but I gave an answer to their address, which gave them for
the moment wonderful satisfaction.... A document, taken in one of the
Chinese junks lately captured, states that 'Devils' heads are fallen
in price,'--an announcement not strictly complimentary, but reassuring
to you as regards our safety.
[Sidenote: Change of plans.]
Up to this time Lord Elgin had not entirely given up the hope that the
troops which he had detached to Calcutta might be restored to him before
the setting in of winter should make it impossible to proceed, as his
instructions required, to the mouth of the Peiho, and there open
negotiations with the Court of Pekin. But on the 14th of July came letters
from Lord Canning, written in a strain of deeper anxiety than any that had
preceded; and giving no hope that any troops could be spared from India for
many months to come. At the same time Lord Elgin learned that the French,
on whose co-operation he counted, could not act until the arrival of the
chief of the mission, Baron Gros, who was not expected to reach China till
the end of September. In this state of things, to remain at Hong-Kong was
worse than useless. The sight of his inaction, and the knowledge of the
reasons which enforced it, could not fail to damage the position of England
with the public of China, both Chinese and foreign. He formed, therefore,
the sudden resolution to proceed in person to Calcutta, where he would be
within easier reach of telegraphic instructions from England; where he
would have the advantage of personal communication with Lord Canning, and
of learning for himself at what time he might expect to have any troops at
his command; and where, moreover, his appearance might have a moral effect
in support of the Government greater than the amount of any material force
at his disposal.
[Sidenote: Sails for Calcutta.]
_H. M. S 'Shannon'--July 19th._--I wonder what you will think when you
receive this letter; that is, if I succeed in despatching it from the
point where I wish to post it. Will you think me mad? or what will
your view of my proceedings be?... Here I am actually on my way to
Calcutta! To Calcutta! you will exclaim in surprise. The reasons for
this step are so numerous, that I can hardly attempt to enumerate
them. I found myself at Hong-kong, without troops and without
competent representatives of our allies (America and France) to
concert with; doomed either to _aborder_ the Court of Pekin alone,
without the power of acting vigorously if I met a repulse, or to spend
three months at Hong-kong doing nothing, and proclaiming to the whole
world that I am waiting for the Frenchman; i.e. that England can do
nothing without France. I considered the great objections which
existed to either of these courses. _Sur ces entrefaites_, came
further letters from Canning, begging for more help from me, and
showing that things are even worse with him than they were when I
first heard from him. It occurred to me that I might occupy the three
months well in running up to Calcutta, taking with me what assistance
I can collect for him and obtaining thereby an opportunity of
conferring with him, and learning from him what chance I have of
getting before the winter the troops which I have detached to his
support. Sir M. Seymour approved the plan warmly. It occurred to me on
Tuesday evening, and on Thursday I was under weigh. Alas! _l'homme
propose, mais Dieu dispose_! The monsoon is against us, and as this
ship is practically useless as a steamer, as she can only carry coals
for five days, we are beating against the wind, and making little
progress. Perhaps my whole plans may fail, because I have the
misfortune to be in one of H.M.'s ships instead of in a good merchant
steamer, which would be going at ten miles an hour in a direct line,
while we are going at six in an oblique one. However, we must hope for
the best.
Whether we are to have peace or war with China, either object will be
much more effectually accomplished, when the European forces are
acting together, than when we are alone; the Russians meanwhile, no
doubt, hinting to the Emperor that we are in a bad way in India. The
plan, then, if we can accomplish it, is this: To run up as fast as I
can to Calcutta, and to return so as to meet Baron Gros, who is not
expected till the middle of September. There will just be time to
communicate with the Court of Pekin before winter. I have mentioned
the reasons for these proceedings, derived from my own position; but,
of course, I am mainly influenced by a consideration for Canning. In
both his letters he has expressed a desire to see me, and I am told
that my appearance there with what the Indian public will consider the
first of a large force, will produce a powerful moral effect. I ought
to be there at least two months before he can receive a man from
England.
[Sidenote: Birthday.]
_July 20th_.[5]--Would that I were at home to-day! You say that I do
not appreciate anniversaries, but it is chiefly because it is so sad
when the days come when they cannot be celebrated as of yore. 'Nessun
maggior dolore.' Do not anniversaries stir this great fountain of
sadness? I feel sad when I look at this inhospitable sea, and think
of the smiling countenances with which I should have been surrounded
at home, and the joyous laugh when papa, with affected surprise,
detected the present wrapped up carefully in a paper parcel on the
breakfast table. Is it not lawful to be sad?
_July 25th_.--The consequences of being at so great a distance from
head-quarters are very singular, _e.g._ in this case I shall not hear
whether the Government approve or not of this move of mine until it
has become matter of history; until, in all probability, I have
carried out my plan of visiting the Peiho with the French Ambassador.
It certainly contrasts very strongly with the position of a diplomatic
functionary in Europe now, when reference is made by telegraph to
headquarters in every case of difficulty.... This seems a very
solitary sea. We have passed in all, I think, two ships. This morning
once or twice we have met a log floating with one or two birds
standing upon it. Yesterday great excitement was created by the
discovery of a cask floating on the surface of the sea. Telescopes
were _braqués_ from every part of the ship upon this unhappy cask,
which went bobbing up and down, very unconscious of the sensation it
was creating. This incident will convey to you an idea of how
monotonous our life is.
_July 27th_.--At about four yesterday another excitement, greater than
that created by the floating cask. Peel informed me that there was a
steamer in sight, coming towards us. Many were the speculations as to
what she could be. It was generally agreed that she was the 'Transit,'
as she was due about this time. As we neared her, however, she
dwindled in size, and proved a rather dirty-looking merchant-craft
with an auxiliary screw. On asking whence she came, she informed us
that she was from Calcutta, and that she had a letter for me. It
proved to be from Canning, in no respect more encouraging than his
former letters, and therefore, in so far, confirmatory of the
propriety of my present move.
_July 31st.--En route_ for Calcutta. We reached Singapore on the 28th,
at about two P.M. I landed and went to my old quarters at the
Governor's. I found it deliciously cool, much more so than it was
during my former visit.... My friends at Singapore were very cordial
in their welcome of me, and the merchants immediately drew up an
address expressive of their satisfaction at my move on Calcutta. We
have taken on board 100 men of the detachment of the 90th which was on
board the 'Transit,' and put the remainder into the 'Pearl,' so that
we are crammed to the hilt. Please God we may reach Calcutta in about
a week or less, and then a new chapter begins. Just as we were
starting yesterday, an opium-ship from Calcutta arrived, and brought
me a letter and despatch from Canning, more urgent and gloomy than any
of the preceding ones. The 'Simoom' and 'Himalaya' had both arrived,
but he was clamorous for more help, and broadly tells me that I must
not expect to get any of my men back. So here I am deprived of the
force on which I was to rely in China!... Canning's letter is dated
the 21st, and therefore contains the latest intelligence. Nothing can
be worse. I am happy to say that I have already sent to him even more
than he has asked.... I trust that I may do some good, but of course
things are so bad that one fears that it may be too late to hope that
any great moral effect can be produced by one's arrival. However, I
have with me about 1,700 fighting men, and perhaps we may have more,
if we find a transport in the Straits, and take it in tow.
[Sidenote: Arrival at Calcutta.]
On the 8th August the 'Shannon' reached Calcutta. Her arrival is thus
described by Mr. Oliphant[6]:--
'As we swept past Garden Reach, on the afternoon of the 8th August, the
excitement on board was increased by early indications of the satisfaction
with which our appearance was hailed on shore. First our stately ship
suddenly burst upon the astonished gaze of two European gentlemen taking
their evening walk, who, seeing her crowded with the eager faces of men
ready for the fray, took off their hats and cheered wildly; then the
respectable skipper of a merchant-man worked himself into a state of
frenzy, and made us a long speech, which we could not hear, but the
violence of his gesticulations left us in little doubt as to its import;
then his crew took up the cheer, which was passed on at intervals until the
thunder of our 68-pounders drowned every other sound; shattered the windows
of sundry of the 'palaces;' attracted a crowd of spectators to the Maidan,
and brought the contents of Fort William on to the glacis.
'As soon as the smoke cleared away, the soldiers of the garrison collected
there sent up a series of hearty cheers; a moment more and our men were
clustered like ants upon the rigging, and, in the energy which they threw
into their ringing response, they pledged themselves to the achievement of
those deeds of valour which have since covered the Naval Brigade with
glory. After the fort had saluted, Lord Elgin landed amid the cheers of the
crowd assembled at the ghaut to receive him, and proceeded to Government
House, gratified to learn, not merely from the popular demonstrations, but
from Lord Canning himself, that though happily the physical force he had
brought with him was not required to act in defence of the city, still that
the presence of a man of war larger than any former ship that ever anchored
abreast of the Maidan, and whose guns commanded the city, was calculated to
produce upon both the European and native population a most wholesome moral
effect, more especially at a time when the near approach of the Mohurrum
had created in men's minds an unusual degree of apprehension and
excitement.'
Speaking afterwards of this scene, Lord Elgin himself said, 'I shall never
forget to my dying day--for the hour was a dark one, and there was hardly a
countenance in Calcutta, save that of the Governor-General, Lord Canning,
which was not blanched with fear--I shall never forget the cheers with
which the "Shannon" was received as she sailed up the river, pouring forth
her salute from those 68-pounders which the gallant and lamented Sir
William Peel sent up to Allahabad, and from those 24-pounders which,
according to Lord Clyde, made way across the country in a manner never
before witnessed.'
[Sidenote: Peel's naval brigade.]
[Sidenote: Lord Canning.]
_Calcutta.--August 11th_.--Here I am, writing to you from the
Governor-General's palace at Calcutta! Altogether it is one of the
strangest of the _péripéties_ of my life.... I think my visit has
entirely answered as regards the interests of India. I have every
reason to believe that it has had an excellent effect here. I have
agreed to give up the 'Shannon,' in order that Peel and his men may be
formed into a naval brigade, and march with some of their great guns
on Delhi. Peel, for this work, is, I believe, the right man in the
right place, and I expect great things from him. He is delighted, and
Canning and Sir P. Grant have signified in strong terms their
appreciation of the sacrifice I am making, and the service I am
rendering. They are in great want of artillery, and no such guns as
those of the 'Shannon' are in their possession. The vessel itself,
with a small crew, will remain in the river opposite Calcutta, able,
if need were, to knock all the city to bits. I shall get a steamer for
myself, probably one of the Peninsular and Oriental Company's, to
convey me to Hong-kong, and to remain with me till I am better suited.
Canning is very amiable, but I do not see much of him. He is at work
from five or six in the morning till dinner-time. No human being can,
in a climate like this, and in a situation which has so few
_délassements_ as that of Governor-General, work so constantly without
impairing the energy both of mind and body, after a time.... Neither
he nor Lady C. are so much oppressed by the difficulties in which they
find themselves as might have been expected.
[Sidenote: Treatment of inferior races.]
_August 21st._--It is a terrible business, however, this living among
inferior races. I have seldom from man or woman since I came to the
East heard a sentence which was reconcilable with the hypothesis that
Christianity had ever come into the world. Detestation, contempt,
ferocity, vengeance, whether Chinamen or Indians be the object. There
are some three or four hundred servants in this house. When one first
passes by their _salaaming_ one feels a little awkward. But the
feeling soon wears off, and one moves among them with perfect
indifference, treating them, not as dogs, because in that case one
would whistle to them and pat them, but as machines with which one can
have no communion or sympathy. Of course those who can speak the
language are somewhat more _en rapport_ with the natives, but very
slightly so, I take it. When the passions of fear and hatred are
engrafted on this indifference, the result is frightful; an absolute
callousness as to the sufferings of the objects of those passions,
which must be witnessed to be understood and believed.
_August 22nd._ ---- tells me that yesterday, at dinner, the fact that
Government had removed some commissioners who, not content with
hanging all the rebels they could lay their hands on, had been
insulting them by destroying their caste, telling them that after
death they should be cast to the dogs, to be devoured, &c., was
mentioned. A rev gentleman could not understand the conduct of
Government; could not see that there was any impropriety in torturing
men's souls; seemed to think that a good deal might be said in favour
of bodily torture as well! These are your teachers, O Israel! Imagine
what the pupils become under such leading!
[Sidenote: Fears for Lucknow.]
_August 26th._--The great subject of anxiety here now is Lucknow, where
a small party of soldiers, with some two hundred women and an equal
number of children, are beleaguered by a rebel force of 15,000. The
attempts hitherto made to relieve them have failed; and General
Havelock, who commands, says he can do nothing unless he gets the 5th
and 90th Regiments, the two I sent from Singapore on my own
responsibility. The men of the 'Pearl' and 'Shannon' and the marines
are guarding Calcutta, or on their way up to Allahabad, so that it is
impossible to say what would have become of Bengal if these
reinforcements had not come.
_August 30th._--The mail from England has arrived. No letters, of
course, for me. I gather from the newspapers and Canning's letters
that some troops, though only to a small extent, I fear, are to be
sent to Hong-kong, to replace those which have been diverted to India.
From Palmerston's speeches I gather that he adheres to the policy of
my first visiting the North, and making amicable overtures; and,
secondly, taking Canton, if these overtures fail. I believe I have
adopted the only mode of carrying out that policy. It is rather
perplexing, however, and sometimes a little amusing, to be working at
such a distance from head-quarters, as one never knows what is thought
of one's proceedings until it is so much too late to turn to account
the criticisms passed upon them.
[Sidenote: Return to China.]
There remained now nothing to keep him longer at Calcutta; a body of troops
was on its way to Hongkong, to take the place of those that had been
diverted to India, and the end of September was the time at which he had
arranged to meet Baron Gros in the China seas. On the 3rd of September,
therefore, he turned his face once more eastward, to resume the proper
duties of his mission.
[Sidenote: Fever.]
_Steamer 'Ava'--September 10th._--I have had a very bad time of it since
I finished my last letter on my way down the Hooghly. Probably it may
have been something of the Calcutta fever brought with me.... But on
the second night after our departure, it came on to blow hard towards
morning. I was in my cot on the windward side. First, I got rather a
chill, and then the ports were shut, leaving me very hot. I remained
all day in a state of feverish lethargy, unable to rise, and
constantly falling off into dreamy dozes; kaleidoscopes, with the
ugliest sides of everything perpetually twirling before my eyes. I
panted so for air that they opened my ports towards evening as an
experiment. It turned out better than might have been expected. A sea
washed in, and filled my cot half full of water, which decided me on
rising. No gentler hint would have mastered my lethargy. After I got
on deck, as you may imagine, it was about as difficult, or rather more
so, to overcome the _vis inertiae_ which fixed me there. So a bed was
made for me under the awning. I remained on deck for four nights; the
fourth, in a cot slung up to the boom, and though I slept little, it
was cool. Last night I came down to the cabin again. I have taken the
turn, and am on the mend, though I do not yet feel the least
inclination for food, and my nerves are so shaky that I can hardly
write. That little pretty book[7] of Guizot's which you sent me, I
have been trying to read, but I find that it is too touching for me,
and I have been obliged to lay it aside.
_September 11th._--I am now at Singapore again, which is my kind of
oasis in this desert of the East; the only place where I have felt
well or comfortable, and where there has been a sort of cordiality in
the people, which makes one feel somewhat at home. I shall stay here
two days, to gain a little strength before plunging again into the
sea.
[Sidenote: Perplexities.]
_Hong-Kong.--September 20th._--I did not attempt to write on my way
from Singapore to this place, because, though we were much favoured by
the weather (as this is the worst month in the China seas and the most
subject to typhoons), the motion of the screw in the 'Ava' is so bad,
that it is almost impossible to write when she is going at full speed.
However, I may now tell you that we made out our voyage in six days of
beautiful weather, and that I have gone on gradually recovering my
health, which I lost between Calcutta and Singapore. I believe I do
not look quite as blooming as usual; but it is of no use my claiming
sympathy on this score, for, as the Bishop of Labuan appears to have
said, I always have a more florid appearance than most people, and
never therefore get credit for being ill, however ill I may feel. I
found two mails from home.... The Government approves of my having
sent my troops to India, and Clarendon's letter seems to imply that
they are not quite insensible to the difficulties of my position....
As it is, I now find myself in a very puzzling position. If I go to
the North I shall lose prestige, and perhaps also time; it is even
possible that I may force the Emperor to declare himself against us,
and to direct hostilities against us at the northern ports, where
hitherto we have been trading in peace. On the other hand, if I do not
go to the North, and make pacific overtures to the Emperor, I shall go
dead against my instructions, and against the policy which Palmerston
has over and over again told Parliament I am to pursue.
[Sidenote: Hong-kong.]
_Hong-Kong.--September 25th._--I used to dislike to begin writing a
letter, when I thought I should receive one from my correspondent
before it was finished; but I have got over all these scruples now.
Our correspondence is kept up in a kind of constant flow, and our
letters so cross each other, that we hardly know where one is begun or
ended. Therefore, although I sent off one this forenoon, and although
I may calculate on hearing from you again before this is despatched, I
feel that it is quite natural to take up my pen, and to have some talk
with you this evening before I retire to my cot. I have been dining
with the Admiral quietly, at 3 P.M., and I went on shore with him
afterwards to take a walk. We strolled through the Chinese part of the
town, crowded with Chinese all returning from their work, and looking
good-humoured as usual. The town is more extensive than I had supposed
it to be; but it was close and hot, and I was rather glad when we got
into our boat again to pull off to our ship, which is lying about 2-
1/2 miles from the shore. It was calm and cool on the water; and after
reaching my ship, I have sat down to my writing desk, having placed
one of the ship's attendants (a disbanded sepoy, I believe) at the
punkah which has lately been fitted up in my cabin. It is wonderful
what a comfort these punkahs are! I was suffocated with heat before my
sepoy began to pull, and every now and then I have to halloo to him
when he seems disposed to take a nap....
[Sidenote: Caprices of climate.]
_October 1st._--What a climate! after raining cats and dogs for forty-
eight hours incessantly, it took to blowing at about twelve last
night, rain still as heavy as ever. Our captain, who is a man of
energy, apprehending that he might run ashore or foul of some ship,
got up steam immediately, and set to work to perform the goose step at
anchor in the harbour. You may imagine the row,--wind blowing, rain
splashing, ropes hauled, spars cracking, everybody hallooing:--'A
stroke a-head! ease her! faster! stop her!' and other variations of
the same tune. All this immediately over my head! After expending the
conventional number of hours in my cot, in the operation of what is
facetiously called sleeping, I mounted on deck at about 5 A.M.... I
wish I could send you a sketch of that gloomy hill at the foot of
which Victoria lies, as it loomed sullenly in the dusky morning, its
crest wreathed with clouds, and its cheeks wrinkled by white lines
that marked the track of the descending torrents. It was still blowing
and raining as hard as ever, but I took my two hours' exercise
notwithstanding, clad in Mackintosh. Frederick and Oliphant, who went
on shore the day before yesterday to dine with Sir J. Bowring, have
not yet returned.
[Sidenote: After the storm.]
_Seven P.M._--The weather cleared about noon. I remained in my cabin
as usual till after five, when I ordered my boat and went on shore.
There were signs of the night's work here and there. Masts of junks
sticking out of the water, and on land verandahs mutilated, &c. Loch
accompanied me, and we walked up the hill to a road which runs above
the town. The prospect was magnificent--Victoria below us, running
down the steep bank to the water's edge; beyond, the bay, crowded with
ships and junks, and closed on the opposite side by a semi-circle of
hills, bold, rugged, and bare, and glowing in the bright sunset....
When we got beyond the town, the hill along which we were walking
began to remind me of some of the scenery in the Highlands--steep and
treeless, the water gushing out at every step among the huge granite
boulders, and dashing with a merry noise across our path. After
somewhat more than an hour's walk we turned back, and began to descend
a long and precipitous path, or rather street, for there were houses
on either side, in search of our boat. By the time we had embarked the
tints of the sunset had vanished, a moon nearly full rode undisputed
mistress in the cloudless sky, and we cut our way to our ship through
the ripple that was dancing and sparkling in her beams.
[Sidenote: Better news from India.]
_Hong-kong.--October 8th._--On the 6th, I went to the anchorage of the
French fleet, about twelve miles off. On our way back we made the tour
of the island. Every spot at the foot of the hills on which anything
will grow is cultivated by the industrious Chinese, whose chief
occupation in these parts seems, however, to be fishing. Last evening
I dined with our own admiral. An opium-ship from India had just
arrived, so we had a plentiful crop of topics of conversation. The
news from India is rather better. The whole of Bengal was dependent
not only on the China force, but on that portion of it which I took or
sent them on my own responsibility. The 5th and 90th regiments are
marching to the relief of Lucknow. The crews of the 'Shannon' and
'Pearl' are protecting other disturbed districts, and the marines
garrisoning Calcutta.... It cannot therefore be said that I have not
done Canning a good turn. I think, however, that there is a
disposition, both in Calcutta and in England, to underrate our needs
in China, and I am disposed to write to Canning a despatch which will
bring this point out.... If we take Canton by naval means alone, we
shall probably not be able to hold the city; in which case we shall
probably occasion a great deal of massacre and bloodshed, without
influencing in the slightest degree the Court of Pekin.
[Sidenote: Continued perplexities.]
_October 9th._--I do not think that the naval actions here have really
done anything towards solving our questions, and perhaps they may have
been injurious, in so far as they have enabled the Government and the
Press to take up the tone that we could settle our affairs without
troops. All these partial measures increase the confidence of the
Chinese in themselves, and confirm them in the opinion that we cannot
meet them on land. They have never denied our superiority by sea.
_October 13th._--No steamer from England yet. I have just despatched
letters to Canning, in the sense I have already explained to you....
General Ashburnham's position is a very cruel one,--at the head of a
whole lot of doctors and staff-officers of all kinds, without any
troops. The enormous amount of supplies sent out passes belief. Oceans
of porter, soda-water, wine of all sorts, and delicacies that I never
even heard of, for the hospitals. I am told, even tea and sugar, but
that may be a calumny. This is the reaction, after the economies
practised in the Crimea, and will be persevered in, I suppose, till
Parliament gets tired of paying, and then we shall have counteraction
the other way.
On the 16th of October the French ambassador reached Hong-kong, having been
delayed by the breaking down of an engine, which made it necessary for him
to stay at Singapore to refit. The relations of the two ambassadors, at
first somewhat distant and diplomatic, soon ripened into mutual feelings of
cordial regard.
[Sidenote: Arrival of Baron Gros.]
_October 18th._--The instructions brought by the last mail give me
much greater latitude of action; in fact, untie my hands altogether. I
hope I shall get Baron Gros to go with me; but if not, I shall go at
Canton alone. The Admiral is quite ready for the attempt, as soon as
his marines arrive.
[Sidenote: A sister's death.]
_October 30th._--How little was I prepared for the sad intelligence
brought to me by your last![8] How constantly we shall all feel the
absence of that good genius!--that Providence always on the watch to
soothe the wretched and to console the afflicted. I had never thought
of her early removal by death; and yet one ought to have done so, for
she complained much of suffering last year, and all who knew her well
must have felt that to make her complain her sufferings must have been
great. She is gone; and she will leave behind her a blank in many
existences.... Many years ago we were much together. She was then in
the full vigour of her faculties.... I had ample opportunity then of
appreciating the remarkable union of heart and head and soul which her
character presented. Many of her letters written in those days were of
rare excellence.... I feel for you.
_October 31st._--I shall hardly recognise Scotland without her, so
much did she, in her unobtrusive and quiet way, make herself the point
to which, in all difficulties and joys, one looked.... Poor Maxwell
has the satisfaction of knowing that all that was great and lovable in
her flourished under his protection and with his sympathy. Perhaps
that is the best consolation which a person bereaved as he is can
enjoy. It is not a consolation which will arrest his progress along
the path which she has trodden before, but it is one which will strew
it with flowers.... Already, when this letter reaches you, the green
weeds will have begun to creep over the new-made grave, and the crust
of habit to cover wounds which at first bled most freely. It is also a
soothing reflection that hers was a life of which death is rather the
crown than the close; so that it will not be in gloom, but in the soft
sunset light of memory that they who have been wont to walk with her,
and are now deprived of her companionship, will have henceforward to
tread their weary way. I see in that sunset light the days when we
were much together--when she used to call herself my wife. In those
days her nervous system was stronger than it was when you became
acquainted with her. Her soul spoke through more obedient organs.
Nothing could exceed the eloquence and beauty of her letters in those
days, when written under the influence of strong feeling. She is gone.
I do not expect ever to see her like again.
_November 1st._--Poor Balgonie, too. It is another loss; very sad,
though different in its character. When I saw him at Malta, I had not
a conception that he would last so long.... On _November 1st_ I am
reading your thoughts of _September 1st._ How far apart this proves us
to be!... I sympathise deeply in all those feelings.... To whatever
side one looks there is the sad blank effected by her removal; even in
my public interests, I cannot say how much, since I returned home, I
owed to her thoughtfulness and affection.... Cut off as we are here at
present from all immediate contact with home interests, it is
difficult to realise her removal and its consequences to the full. It
is a stunning blow from which one recovers gradually to a
consciousness of a great and undefined loss. God bless you!... and
grant that you may share her inexpressible comfort.
[Sidenote: Visit to Macao.]
_November 8th._--I have been absent for four days on a tour.... I
liked Macao, because there is some appearance about it of a history,
--convents and churches, the garden of Camoëns, &c. The Portuguese have
been in China about three hundred years. Hong-kong was a barren rock
fifteen years ago. Macao is Catholic, Hong-kong Protestant. So these
causes combined give the former a wonderful superiority in all that is
antique and monumental.
_November 14th._--I have received your letters to September 24th....
The Government approve entirely of my move to Calcutta, and Lord
Clarendon writes very cordially on the subject.
_November 15th._--I have seen the Russian Plenipotentiary.... He has
been at Kiachta and the mouth of the Peiho, asking for admission to
Pekin, and got considerably snubbed at both places, as I should have
been if I had gone there. It will devolve on me, I apprehend, to
administer the return, which is not, I think, a bad arrangement for
British prestige in the East.
[Sidenote: Beginning of serious work.]
_Steamer 'Ava,' Hong-kong.--November 17th._--My serious work is about
to begin. I must draw up a challenge for Yeh, which is a delicate
matter. Gros showed me a _projet de note_ when I called on him some
days ago. It is very long, and very well written. The fact is, that he
has a much better case of quarrel than we; at least one that lends
itself much better to rhetoric. An opium-ship came in from Calcutta
yesterday. It brought me nothing from Canning. It is clear, however,
that things are getting better with him. I think it probable that my
despatch anticipating a favourable turn of affairs there, and founding
on that anticipation a demand for reinforcements, will reach England
at the very time when the news from India justifying that anticipation
will be received.... The Government and public in England would not
believe there was any danger in India for a long time, and
consequently allowed the season for precautionary measures to pass by,
and then made up for their apathy by the most exaggerated
apprehensions. My mind has been more tranquil, for it has not
presented these phases. As soon as I heard of Canning's difficulties,
I determined to do what I could for him; but it never occurred to me
that we were to act as if the game was up with us in the East.
[Sidenote: How to govern a democracy.]
The secret of governing a democracy is understood by men in power at
present. Never interfere to check an evil until it has attained such
proportions that all the world see plainly the necessities of the
case. You will then get any amount of moral and material support that
you require; but if you interfere at an earlier period, you will get
neither thanks nor assistance! I am not at all sure but that the time
is approaching when foresight will be a positive disqualification in a
statesman. But to return to our own matters. The Government and public
are thinking of nothing but India at present. It does not however
follow, that quite as strong a feeling might not be got up for China
in a few months. If we met with anything like disaster here, that
would certainly be the case.
[Sidenote: Description of Hong-kong.]
_Head-Quarters House, Hong-kong.--November 22nd._--I wish you could
take wings and join me here, if it were even for a few hours. We
should first wander through these spacious apartments. We should then
stroll out on the verandah, or along the path of the little terrace
garden which General Ashburnham has surrounded with a defensive wall,
and from thence I should point out to you the harbour, bright as a
flower-bed with the flags of many nations, the jutting promontory of
Kowloon, and the barrier of bleak and jagged hills that bounds the
prospect. A little later, when the sun began to sink, and the long
shadows to fall from the mountain's side, we should set forth for a
walk along a level pathway of about a quarter of a mile long, which is
cut in its flank, and connects with this garden, and from thence we
should watch this same circle of hills, now turned into a garland, and
glowing in the sunset lights, crimson and purple, and blue and green,
and colours for which a name has not yet been found, as they
successively lit upon them. Perhaps we should be tempted to wait (and
it would not be long to wait, for the night follows in these regions
very closely on the heels of day), until, on these self-same hills,
then gloomy and dark and sullen, tens of thousands of bright and
silent stars were looking down calmly from heaven.
_Macao.--December 2nd._--Baron Gros and I have been settling our plans
of proceeding, which we are conducting with a most cordial
_entente_.... As he is well versed in all the forms and usages of
diplomacy, he is very useful to me in such points.... I have been
living here in the house of Mr. Dent, one of the merchant princes of
China. He is very obliging, and I have remained at his request a day
longer than I intended. I return, however, to-day. I like Macao with
its air of antiquity, in some respects almost of décadence. It is more
interesting than Hong-kong, which has only existed fifteen years, and
is as go-a-head and upstart and staring as 'one of our cities,' as my
American friend informed me a few days ago.
_Hong-kong.--December 5th._--When I went out to walk with Oliphant, I
was informed by a person I met in a very public walk just out of the
town, that a man had been robbed very near where we were. I met the
person immediately afterwards. He was rather a _mesquin_-looking
Portuguese, and he said that three Chinamen had rushed upon him,
knocked him down, thrown a quantity of sand into his eyes, and carried
off his watch. This sort of affair is not uncommon. I have bought a
revolver, and am beginning to practise pistol-shooting.
[Sidenote: Preparation for action.]
_December 9th._--Baron Gros came here on Monday. We have been busy,
and all our plans are settled. I sent up this evening to the Admiral
my letter to Yeh, which is to be delivered on Saturday the 12th. He is
to have ten days to think over it, and if at the end of that time he
does not give in, the city will be taken. We are in for it now. I have
hardly alluded in my ultimatum to that wretched question of the
'Arrow,' which is a scandal to us, and is so considered, I have reason
to know, by all except the few who are personally compromised. I have
made as strong a case as I can on general grounds against Yeh, and my
demands are most moderate. If he refuses to accede to them, which he
probably will, this will, I hope, put us in the right when we proceed
to extreme measures. The diplomatic position is excellent. The Russian
has had a rebuff at the mouth of the Peiho; the American at the hands
of Yeh. The Frenchman gives us a most valuable moral support by saying
that he too has a sufficient ground of quarrel with Yeh. We stand
towering above all, using calm and dignified language, moderate in our
demands, but resolute in enforcing them. If such had been our attitude
from the beginning of this controversy it would have been well.
However, we cannot look back; we must do for the best, and trust in
Providence to carry us through our difficulties.
[1] One of his Fifeshire neighbours.
[2] The Governor of the island.
[3] His brother, then Consul-general of Egypt.
[4] His eldest son.
[5] His birthday, and also his father's.
[6] Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission, i. 55.
[7] Life of Lady Rachel Russell.
[8] The death of his elder sister, Lady Matilda Maxwell.