PROEM

A kindly thing it is to have compassion of the afflicted and albeit it

well beseemeth every one, yet of those is it more particularly

required who have erst had need of comfort and have found it in any,

amongst whom, if ever any had need thereof or held it dear or took

pleasure therein aforetimes, certes, I am one of these. For that,

having from my first youth unto this present been beyond measure

inflamed with a very high and noble passion (higher and nobler,

perchance, than might appear, were I to relate it, to sort with my low

estate) albeit by persons of discretion who had intelligence thereof I

was commended therefor and accounted so much the more worth, natheless

a passing sore travail it was to me to bear it, not, certes, by reason

of the cruelty of the beloved lady, but because of the exceeding

ardour begotten in my breast of an ill-ordered appetite, for which,

for that it suffered me not to stand content at any reasonable bounds,

caused me ofttimes feel more chagrin than I had occasion for. In this

my affliction the pleasant discourse of a certain friend of mine and

his admirable consolations afforded me such refreshment that I firmly

believe of these it came that I died not. But, as it pleased Him who,

being Himself infinite, hath for immutable law appointed unto all

things mundane that they shall have an end, my love,--beyond every

other fervent and which nor stress of reasoning nor counsel, no, nor

yet manifest shame nor peril that might ensue thereof, had availed

either to break or to bend,--of its own motion, in process of time, on

such wise abated that of itself at this present it hath left me only

that pleasance which it is used to afford unto whoso adventureth

himself not too far in the navigation of its profounder oceans; by

reason whereof, all chagrin being done away, I feel it grown

delightsome, whereas it used to be grievous. Yet, albeit the pain hath

ceased, not, therefore, is the memory fled of the benefits whilom

received and the kindnesses bestowed on me by those to whom, of the

goodwill they bore me, my troubles were grievous; nor, as I deem, will

it ever pass away, save for death. And for that gratitude, to my

thinking, is, among the other virtues, especially commendable and its

contrary blameworthy, I have, that I may not appear ungrateful,

bethought myself, now that I can call myself free, to endeavour, in

that little which is possible to me, to afford some relief, in

requital of that which I received aforetime,--if not to those who

succoured me and who, belike, by reason of their good sense or of

their fortune, have no occasion therefor,--to those, at least, who

stand in need thereof. And albeit my support, or rather I should say

my comfort, may be and indeed is of little enough avail to the

afflicted, natheless meseemeth it should rather be proffered whereas

the need appeareth greater, as well because it will there do more

service as for that it will still be there the liefer had. And who

will deny that this [comfort], whatsoever [worth] it be, it behoveth

much more to give unto lovesick ladies than unto men? For that these

within their tender bosoms, fearful and shamefast, hold hid the fires

of love (which those who have proved know how much more puissance they

have than those which are manifest), and constrained by the wishes,

the pleasures, the commandments of fathers, mothers, brothers and

husbands, abide most time enmewed in the narrow compass of their

chambers and sitting in a manner idle, willing and willing not in one

breath, revolve in themselves various thoughts which it is not

possible should still be merry. By reason whereof if there arise in

their minds any melancholy, bred of ardent desire, needs must it with

grievous annoy abide therein, except it be done away by new discourse;

more by token that they are far less strong than men to endure. With

men in love it happeneth not on this wise, as we may manifestly see.

They, if any melancholy or heaviness of thought oppress them, have

many means of easing it or doing it away, for that to them, an they

have a mind thereto, there lacketh not commodity of going about

hearing and seeing many things, fowling, hunting, fishing, riding,

gaming and trafficking; each of which means hath, altogether or in

part, power to draw the mind unto itself and to divert it from

troublous thought, at least for some space of time, whereafter, one

way or another, either solacement superveneth or else the annoy

groweth less. Wherefore, to the end that the unright of Fortune may by

me in part be amended, which, where there is the less strength to

endure, as we see it in delicate ladies, hath there been the more

niggard of support, I purpose, for the succour and solace of ladies in

love (unto others[1] the needle and the spindle and the reel suffice)

to recount an hundred stories or fables or parables or histories or

whatever you like to style them, in ten days' time related by an

honourable company of seven ladies and three young men made in the

days of the late deadly pestilence, together with sundry canzonets

sung by the aforesaid ladies for their diversion. In these stories

will be found love-chances,[2] both gladsome and grievous, and other

accidents of fortune befallen as well in times present as in days of

old, whereof the ladies aforesaid, who shall read them, may at once

take solace from the delectable things therein shown forth and useful

counsel, inasmuch as they may learn thereby what is to be eschewed and

what is on like wise to be ensued,--the which methinketh cannot betide

without cease of chagrin. If it happen thus (as God grant it may) let

them render thanks therefor to Love, who, by loosing me from his

bonds, hath vouchsafed me the power of applying myself to the service

of their pleasures.

[Footnote 1: _i.e._ those not in love.]

[Footnote 2: Syn. adventures (_casi_).]

_Day the First_

HERE BEGINNETH THE FIRST DAY OF THE DECAMERON WHEREIN (AFTER

DEMONSTRATION MADE BY THE AUTHOR OF THE MANNER IN WHICH IT

CAME TO PASS THAT THE PERSONS WHO ARE HEREINAFTER PRESENTED

FOREGATHERED FOR THE PURPOSE OF DEVISING TOGETHER) UNDER THE

GOVERNANCE OF PAMPINEA IS DISCOURSED OF THAT WHICH IS MOST

AGREEABLE UNTO EACH

As often, most gracious ladies, as, taking thought in myself, I mind

me how very pitiful you are all by nature, so often do I recognize

that this present work will, to your thinking, have a grievous and a

weariful beginning, inasmuch as the dolorous remembrance of the late

pestiferous mortality, which it beareth on its forefront, is

universally irksome to all who saw or otherwise knew it. But I would

not therefore have this affright you from reading further, as if in

the reading you were still to fare among sighs and tears. Let this

grisly beginning be none other to you than is to wayfarers a rugged

and steep mountain, beyond which is situate a most fair and delightful

plain, which latter cometh so much the pleasanter to them as the

greater was the hardship of the ascent and the descent; for, like as

dolour occupieth the extreme of gladness, even so are miseries

determined by imminent joyance. This brief annoy (I say brief,

inasmuch as it is contained in few pages) is straightway succeeded by

the pleasance and delight which I have already promised you and which,

belike, were it not aforesaid, might not be looked for from such a

beginning. And in truth, could I fairly have availed to bring you to

my desire otherwise than by so rugged a path as this will be I had

gladly done it; but being in a manner constrained thereto, for that,

without this reminiscence of our past miseries, it might not be shown

what was the occasion of the coming about of the things that will

hereafter be read, I have brought myself to write them.[3]

[Footnote 3: _i.e._ the few pages of which he speaks above.]

I say, then, that the years [of the era] of the fruitful Incarnation

of the Son of God had attained to the number of one thousand three

hundred and forty-eight, when into the notable city of Florence, fair

over every other of Italy, there came the death-dealing pestilence,

which, through the operation of the heavenly bodies or of our own

iniquitous dealings, being sent down upon mankind for our correction

by the just wrath of God, had some years before appeared in the parts

of the East and after having bereft these latter of an innumerable

number of inhabitants, extending without cease from one place to

another, had now unhappily spread towards the West. And thereagainst

no wisdom availing nor human foresight (whereby the city was purged of

many impurities by officers deputed to that end and it was forbidden

unto any sick person to enter therein and many were the counsels

given[4] for the preservation of health) nor yet humble

supplications, not once but many times both in ordered processions and

on other wise made unto God by devout persons,--about the coming in of

the Spring of the aforesaid year, it began on horrible and miraculous

wise to show forth its dolorous effects. Yet not as it had done in the

East, where, if any bled at the nose, it was a manifest sign of

inevitable death; nay, but in men and women alike there appeared, at

the beginning of the malady, certain swellings, either on the groin or

under the armpits, whereof some waxed of the bigness of a common

apple, others like unto an egg, some more and some less, and these the

vulgar named plague-boils. From these two parts the aforesaid

death-bearing plague-boils proceeded, in brief space, to appear and

come indifferently in every part of the body; wherefrom, after awhile,

the fashion of the contagion began to change into black or livid

blotches, which showed themselves in many [first] on the arms and

about the thighs and [after spread to] every other part of the person,

in some large and sparse and in others small and thick-sown; and like

as the plague-boils had been first (and yet were) a very certain token

of coming death, even so were these for every one to whom they came.

[Footnote 4: Syn. provisions made or means taken (_consigli dati_).

Boccaccio constantly uses _consiglio_ in this latter sense.]

To the cure of these maladies nor counsel[5] of physician nor virtue

of any medicine appeared to avail or profit aught; on the

contrary,--whether it was that the nature of the infection suffered it

not or that the ignorance of the physicians (of whom, over and above

the men of art, the number, both men and women, who had never had any

teaching of medicine, was become exceeding great,) availed not to know

whence it arose and consequently took not due measures thereagainst,--not

only did few recover thereof, but well nigh all died within the third

day from the appearance of the aforesaid signs, this sooner and that

later, and for the most part without fever or other accident.[6] And

this pestilence was the more virulent for that, by communication with

those who were sick thereof, it gat hold upon the sound, no otherwise

than fire upon things dry or greasy, whenas they are brought very near

thereunto. Nay, the mischief was yet greater; for that not only did

converse and consortion with the sick give to the sound infection of

cause of common death, but the mere touching of the clothes or of

whatsoever other thing had been touched or used of the sick appeared

of itself to communicate the malady to the toucher. A marvellous thing

to hear is that which I have to tell and one which, had it not been

seen of many men's eyes and of mine own, I had scarce dared credit,

much less set down in writing, though I had heard it from one worthy

of belief. I say, then, that of such efficience was the nature of the

pestilence in question in communicating itself from one to another,

that, not only did it pass from man to man, but this, which is much

more, it many times visibly did;--to wit, a thing which had pertained

to a man sick or dead of the aforesaid sickness, being touched by an

animal foreign to the human species, not only infected this latter

with the plague, but in a very brief space of time killed it. Of this

mine own eyes (as hath a little before been said) had one day, among

others, experience on this wise; to wit, that the rags of a poor man,

who had died of the plague, being cast out into the public way, two

hogs came up to them and having first, after their wont, rooted amain

among them with their snouts, took them in their mouths and tossed

them about their jaws; then, in a little while, after turning round

and round, they both, as if they had taken poison, fell down dead upon

the rags with which they had in an ill hour intermeddled.

[Footnote 5: Syn. help, remedy.]

[Footnote 6: _Accidente_, what a modern physician would call

"complication." "Symptom" does not express the whole meaning of the

Italian word.]

From these things and many others like unto them or yet stranger

divers fears and conceits were begotten in those who abode alive,

which well nigh all tended to a very barbarous conclusion, namely, to

shun and flee from the sick and all that pertained to them, and thus

doing, each thought to secure immunity for himself. Some there were

who conceived that to live moderately and keep oneself from all excess

was the best defence against such a danger; wherefore, making up their

company, they lived removed from every other and shut themselves up in

those houses where none had been sick and where living was best; and

there, using very temperately of the most delicate viands and the

finest wines and eschewing all incontinence, they abode with music and

such other diversions as they might have, never suffering themselves

to speak with any nor choosing to hear any news from without of death

or sick folk. Others, inclining to the contrary opinion, maintained

that to carouse and make merry and go about singing and frolicking and

satisfy the appetite in everything possible and laugh and scoff at

whatsoever befell was a very certain remedy for such an ill. That

which they said they put in practice as best they might, going about

day and night, now to this tavern, now to that, drinking without stint

or measure; and on this wise they did yet more freely in other folk's

houses, so but they scented there aught that liked or tempted them, as

they might lightly do, for that every one--as he were to live no

longer--had abandoned all care of his possessions, as of himself,

wherefore the most part of the houses were become common good and

strangers used them, whenas they happened upon them, like as the very

owner might have done; and with all this bestial preoccupation, they

still shunned the sick to the best of their power.

In this sore affliction and misery of our city, the reverend authority

of the laws, both human and divine, was all in a manner dissolved and

fallen into decay, for [lack of] the ministers and executors thereof,

who, like other men, were all either dead or sick or else left so

destitute of followers that they were unable to exercise any office,

wherefore every one had license to do whatsoever pleased him. Many

others held a middle course between the two aforesaid, not straitening

themselves so exactly in the matter of diet as the first neither

allowing themselves such license in drinking and other debauchery as

the second, but using things in sufficiency, according to their

appetites; nor did they seclude themselves, but went about, carrying

in their hands, some flowers, some odoriferous herbs and other some

divers kinds of spiceries,[7] which they set often to their noses,

accounting it an excellent thing to fortify the brain with such

odours, more by token that the air seemed all heavy and attainted with

the stench of the dead bodies and that of the sick and of the remedies

used.

[Footnote 7: _i.e._ aromatic drugs.]

Some were of a more barbarous, though, peradventure, a surer way of

thinking, avouching that there was no remedy against pestilences

better than--no, nor any so good as--to flee before them; wherefore,

moved by this reasoning and recking of nought but themselves, very

many, both men and women, abandoned their own city, their own houses

and homes, their kinsfolk and possessions, and sought the country

seats of others, or, at the least, their own, as if the wrath of God,

being moved to punish the iniquity of mankind, would not proceed to do

so wheresoever they might be, but would content itself with afflicting

those only who were found within the walls of their city, or as if

they were persuaded that no person was to remain therein and that its

last hour was come. And albeit these, who opined thus variously, died

not all, yet neither did they all escape; nay, many of each way of

thinking and in every place sickened of the plague and languished on

all sides, well nigh abandoned, having themselves, what while they

were whole, set the example to those who abode in health.

Indeed, leaving be that townsman avoided townsman and that well nigh

no neighbour took thought unto other and that kinsfolk seldom or never

visited one another and held no converse together save from afar, this

tribulation had stricken such terror to the hearts of all, men and

women alike, that brother forsook brother, uncle nephew and sister

brother and oftentimes wife husband; nay (what is yet more

extraordinary and well nigh incredible) fathers and mothers refused to

visit or tend their very children, as they had not been theirs. By

reason whereof there remained unto those (and the number of them, both

males and females, was incalculable) who fell sick, none other succour

than that which they owed either to the charity of friends (and of

these there were few) or the greed of servants, who tended them,

allured by high and extravagant wage; albeit, for all this, these

latter were not grown many, and those men and women of mean

understanding and for the most part unused to such offices, who served

for well nigh nought but to reach things called for by the sick or to

note when they died; and in the doing of these services many of them

perished with their gain.

Of this abandonment of the sick by neighbours, kinsfolk and friends

and of the scarcity of servants arose an usage before well nigh

unheard, to wit, that no woman, how fair or lovesome or well-born

soever she might be, once fallen sick, recked aught of having a man to

tend her, whatever he might be, or young or old, and without any shame

discovered to him every part of her body, no otherwise than she would

have done to a woman, so but the necessity of her sickness required

it; the which belike, in those who recovered, was the occasion of

lesser modesty in time to come. Moreover, there ensued of this

abandonment the death of many who peradventure, had they been

succoured, would have escaped alive; wherefore, as well for the lack

of the opportune services which the sick availed not to have as for

the virulence of the plague, such was the multitude of those who died

in the city by day and by night that it was an astonishment to hear

tell thereof, much more to see it; and thence, as it were of

necessity, there sprang up among those who abode alive things contrary

to the pristine manners of the townsfolk.

It was then (even as we yet see it used) a custom that the kinswomen

and she-neighbours of the dead should assemble in his house and there

condole with those who more nearly pertained unto him, whilst his

neighbours and many other citizens foregathered with his next of kin

before his house, whither, according to the dead man's quality, came

the clergy, and he with funeral pomp of chants and candles was borne

on the shoulders of his peers to the church chosen by himself before

his death; which usages, after the virulence of the plague began to

increase, were either altogether or for the most part laid aside, and

other and strange customs sprang up in their stead. For that, not only

did folk die without having a multitude of women about them, but many

there were who departed this life without witness and few indeed were

they to whom the pious plaints and bitter tears of their kinsfolk were

vouchsafed; nay, in lieu of these things there obtained, for the most

part, laughter and jests and gibes and feasting and merrymaking in

company; which usance women, laying aside womanly pitifulness, had

right well learned for their own safety.

Few, again, were they whose bodies were accompanied to the church by

more than half a score or a dozen of their neighbours, and of these no

worshipful and illustrious citizens, but a sort of blood-suckers,

sprung from the dregs of the people, who styled themselves

_pickmen_[8] and did such offices for hire, shouldered the bier and

bore it with hurried steps, not to that church which the dead man had

chosen before his death, but most times to the nearest, behind five or

six[9] priests, with little light[10] and whiles none at all, which

latter, with the aid of the said pickmen, thrust him into what grave

soever they first found unoccupied, without troubling themselves with

too long or too formal a service.

[Footnote 8: _i.e._ gravediggers (_becchini_).]

[Footnote 9: Lit. _four_ or six. This is the equivalent Italian

idiom.]

[Footnote 10: _i.e._ but few tapers.]

The condition of the common people (and belike, in great part, of the

middle class also) was yet more pitiable to behold, for that these,

for the most part retained by hope[11] or poverty in their houses and

abiding in their own quarters, sickened by the thousand daily and

being altogether untended and unsuccoured, died well nigh all without

recourse. Many breathed their last in the open street, whilst other

many, for all they died in their houses, made it known to the

neighbours that they were dead rather by the stench of their rotting

bodies than otherwise; and of these and others who died all about the

whole city was full. For the most part one same usance was observed by

the neighbours, moved more by fear lest the corruption of the dead

bodies should imperil themselves than by any charity they had for the

departed; to wit, that either with their own hands or with the aid of

certain bearers, whenas they might have any, they brought the bodies

of those who had died forth of their houses and laid them before their

doors, where, especially in the morning, those who went about might

see corpses without number; then they fetched biers and some, in

default thereof, they laid upon some board or other. Nor was it only

one bier that carried two or three corpses, nor did this happen but

once; nay, many might have been counted which contained husband and

wife, two or three brothers, father and son or the like. And an

infinite number of times it befell that, two priests going with one

cross for some one, three or four biers, borne by bearers, ranged

themselves behind the latter,[12] and whereas the priests thought to

have but one dead man to bury, they had six or eight, and whiles more.

Nor therefore were the dead honoured with aught of tears or candles or

funeral train; nay, the thing was come to such a pass that folk recked

no more of men that died than nowadays they would of goats; whereby it

very manifestly appeared that that which the natural course of things

had not availed, by dint of small and infrequent harms, to teach the

wise to endure with patience, the very greatness of their ills had

brought even the simple to expect and make no account of. The

consecrated ground sufficing not to the burial of the vast multitude

of corpses aforesaid, which daily and well nigh hourly came carried in

crowds to every church,--especially if it were sought to give each his

own place, according to ancient usance,--there were made throughout

the churchyards, after every other part was full, vast trenches,

wherein those who came after were laid by the hundred and being heaped

up therein by layers, as goods are stowed aboard ship, were covered

with a little earth, till such time as they reached the top of the

trench.

[Footnote 11: _i.e._ expectation of gain from acting as tenders of the

sick, gravediggers, etc. The word _speranza_ is, however, constantly

used by Dante and his follower Boccaccio in the contrary sense of

"fear," and may be so meant in the present instance.]

[Footnote 12: _i.e._ the cross.]

Moreover,--not to go longer searching out and recalling every

particular of our past miseries, as they befell throughout the

city,--I say that, whilst so sinister a time prevailed in the latter,

on no wise therefor was the surrounding country spared, wherein,

(letting be the castles,[13] which in their littleness[14] were like

unto the city,) throughout the scattered villages and in the fields,

the poor and miserable husbandmen and their families, without succour

of physician or aid of servitor, died, not like men, but well nigh

like beasts, by the ways or in their tillages or about the houses,

indifferently by day and night. By reason whereof, growing lax like

the townsfolk in their manners and customs, they recked not of any

thing or business of theirs; nay, all, as if they looked for death

that very day, studied with all their wit, not to help to maturity the

future produce of their cattle and their fields and the fruits of

their own past toils, but to consume those which were ready to hand.

Thus it came to pass that the oxen, the asses, the sheep, the goats,

the swine, the fowls, nay, the very dogs, so faithful to mankind,

being driven forth of their own houses, went straying at their

pleasure about the fields, where the very corn was abandoned, without

being cut, much less gathered in; and many, well nigh like reasonable

creatures, after grazing all day, returned at night, glutted, to their

houses, without the constraint of any herdsman.

[Footnote 13: _i.e._ walled burghs.]

[Footnote 14: _i.e._ in miniature.]

To leave the country and return to the city, what more can be said

save that such and so great was the cruelty of heaven (and in part,

peradventure, that of men) that, between March and the following July,

what with the virulence of that pestiferous sickness and the number of

sick folk ill tended or forsaken in their need, through the

fearfulness of those who were whole, it is believed for certain that

upward of an hundred thousand human beings perished within the walls

of the city of Florence, which, peradventure, before the advent of

that death-dealing calamity, had not been accounted to hold so many?

Alas, how many great palaces, how many goodly houses, how many noble

mansions, once full of families, of lords and of ladies, abode empty

even to the meanest servant! How many memorable families, how many

ample heritages, how many famous fortunes were seen to remain without

lawful heir! How many valiant men, how many fair ladies, how many

sprightly youths, whom, not others only, but Galen, Hippocrates or

Æsculapius themselves would have judged most hale, breakfasted in the

morning with their kinsfolk, comrades and friends and that same night

supped with their ancestors in the other world!

I am myself weary of going wandering so long among such miseries;

wherefore, purposing henceforth to leave such part thereof as I can

fitly, I say that,--our city being at this pass, well nigh void of

inhabitants,--it chanced (as I afterward heard from a person worthy of

credit) that there foregathered in the venerable church of Santa Maria

Novella, one Tuesday morning when there was well nigh none else there,

seven young ladies, all knit one to another by friendship or

neighbourhood or kinship, who had heard divine service in mourning

attire, as sorted with such a season. Not one of them had passed her

eight-and-twentieth year nor was less than eighteen years old, and

each was discreet and of noble blood, fair of favour and well-mannered

and full of honest sprightliness. The names of these ladies I would in

proper terms set out, did not just cause forbid me, to wit, that I

would not have it possible that, in time to come, any of them should

take shame by reason of the things hereinafter related as being told

or hearkened by them, the laws of disport being nowadays somewhat

straitened, which at that time, for the reasons above shown, were of

the largest, not only for persons of their years, but for those of a

much riper age; nor yet would I give occasion to the envious, who are

still ready to carp at every praiseworthy life, on anywise to

disparage the fair fame of these honourable ladies with unseemly talk.

Wherefore, so that which each saith may hereafterward be apprehended

without confusion, I purpose to denominate them by names altogether or

in part sorting with each one's quality.[15] The first of them and

her of ripest age I shall call Pampinea, the second Fiammetta, the

third Filomena and the fourth Emilia. To the fifth we will give the

name of Lauretta, to the sixth that of Neifile and the last, not

without cause, we will style Elisa.[16] These, then, not drawn of any

set purpose, but foregathering by chance in a corner of the church,

having seated themselves in a ring, after divers sighs, let be the

saying of paternosters and fell to devising with one another many and

various things of the nature of the time. After awhile, the others

being silent, Pampinea proceeded to speak thus:

[Footnote 15: Or character (_qualità_).]

[Footnote 16: I know of no explanation of these names by the

commentators, who seem, indeed, after the manner of their kind, to

have generally confined themselves to the elaborate illustration and

elucidation (or rather, alas! too often, obscuration) of passages

already perfectly plain, leaving the difficult passages for the most

part untouched. The following is the best I can make of them.

_Pampinea_ appears to be formed from the Greek [Greek: pan], all, and

[Greek: pinuô], I advise, admonish or inform, and to mean all-advising

or admonishing, which would agree well enough with the character of

Pampinea, who is represented as the eldest and sagest of the female

personages of the Decameron and as taking the lead in everything.

_Fiammetta_ is the name by which Boccaccio designates his mistress,

the Princess Maria of Naples (the lady for whom he cherished "the very

high and noble passion" of which he speaks in his Proem), in his

earlier opuscule, the "Elégia di Madonna Fiammetta," describing, in

her name, the torments of separation from the beloved. In this work he

speaks of himself under the name of Pamfilo (Gr. [Greek: pan], all,

and [Greek: phileô], I love, _i.e._ the all-loving or the passionate

lover), and it is probable, therefore, that under these names he

intended to introduce his royal ladylove and himself in the present

work. _Filomena_ (Italian form of Philomela, a nightingale, Greek

[Greek: philos] loving, and [Greek: melos], melody, song, _i.e._

song-loving) is perhaps so styled for her love of music, and

_Emilia's_ character, as it appears in the course of the work,

justifies the derivation of her name from the Greek [Greek: aimylios],

pleasing, engaging in manners and behaviour, cajoling. _Lauretta_

Boccaccio probably intends us to look upon as a learned lady, if, as

we may suppose, her name is a corruption of _laureata_,

laurel-crowned; whilst _Neifile's_ name (Greek [Greek: neios] [[Greek:

neos]] new, and [Greek: phileô], I love, _i.e._ novelty-loving) stamps

her as being of a somewhat curious disposition, eager "to tell or to

hear some new thing." The name _Elisa_ is not so easily to be

explained as the others; possibly it was intended by the author as a

reminiscence of Dido, to whom the name (which is by some authorities

explained to mean "Godlike," from a Hebrew root) is said to have been

given "quòd plurima supra animi muliebris fortitudinem gesserit." It

does not, however, appear that there was in Elisa's character or life

anything to justify the implied comparison.]

"Dear my ladies, you may, like myself, have many times heard that

whoso honestly useth his right doth no one wrong; and it is the

natural right of every one who is born here below to succour, keep and

defend his own life as best he may, and in so far is this allowed that

it hath happened whiles that, for the preservation thereof, men have

been slain without any fault. If this much be conceded of the laws,

which have in view the well-being of all mortals, how much more is it

lawful for us and whatsoever other, without offence unto any, to take

such means as we may for the preservation of our lives? As often as I

consider our fashions of this morning and those of many other mornings

past and bethink me what and what manner discourses are ours, I feel,

and you likewise must feel, that each of us is in fear for herself.

Nor do I anywise wonder at this; but I wonder exceedingly, considering

that we all have a woman's wit, that we take no steps to provide

ourselves against that which each of us justly feareth. We abide here,

to my seeming, no otherwise than as if we would or should be witness

of how many dead bodies are brought hither for burial or to hearken if

the friars of the place, whose number is come well nigh to nought,

chant their offices at the due hours or by our apparel to show forth

unto whosoever appeareth here the nature and extent of our distresses.

If we depart hence, we either see dead bodies or sick persons carried

about or those, whom for their misdeeds the authority of the public

laws whilere condemned to exile, overrun the whole place with unseemly

excesses, as if scoffing at the laws, for that they know the executors

thereof to be either dead or sick; whilst the dregs of our city,

fattened with our blood, style themselves _pickmen_ and ruffle it

everywhere in mockery of us, riding and running all about and flouting

us with our distresses in ribald songs. We hear nothing here but 'Such

an one is dead' or 'Such an one is at the point of death'; and were

there any to make them, we should hear dolorous lamentations on all

sides. And if we return to our houses, I know not if it is with you as

with me, but, for my part, when I find none left therein of a great

household, save my serving-maid, I wax fearful and feel every hair of

my body stand on end; and wherever I go or abide about the house,

meseemeth I see the shades of those who are departed and who wear not

those countenances that I was used to see, but terrify me with a

horrid aspect, I know not whence newly come to them.

By reason of these things I feel myself alike ill at ease here and

abroad and at home, more by token that meseemeth none, who hath, as we

have, the power and whither to go, is left here, other than ourselves;

or if any such there be, I have many a time both heard and perceived

that, without making any distinction between things lawful and

unlawful, so but appetite move them, whether alone or in company, both

day and night, they do that which affordeth them most delight. Nor is

it the laity alone who do thus; nay, even those who are shut in the

monasteries, persuading themselves that what befitteth and is lawful

to others alike sortable and unforbidden unto them,[17] have broken

the laws of obedience and giving themselves to carnal delights,

thinking thus to escape, are grown lewd and dissolute. If thus, then,

it be, as is manifestly to be seen, what do we here? What look we for?

What dream we? Why are we more sluggish and slower to provide for our

safety than all the rest of the townsfolk? Deem we ourselves of less

price than others, or do we hold our life to be bounden in our bodies

with a stronger chain than is theirs and that therefore we need reck

nothing of aught that hath power to harm it? We err, we are deceived;

what folly is ours, if we think thus! As often as we choose to call to

mind the number and quality of the youths and ladies overborne of this

cruel pestilence, we may see a most manifest proof thereof.

[Footnote 17: This phrase may also be read "persuading themselves that

that (_i.e._ their breach of the laws of obedience, etc.) beseemeth

them and is forbidden only to others" (_faccendosi a credere che

quello a lor si convenga e non si disdica che all' altre_); but the

reading in the text appears more in harmony with the general sense and

is indeed indicated by the punctuation of the Giunta Edition of 1527,

which I generally follow in case of doubt.]

Wherefore, in order that we may not, through wilfulness or

nonchalance, fall into that wherefrom we may, peradventure, an we but

will, by some means or other escape, I know not if it seem to you as

it doth to me, but methinketh it were excellently well done that we,

such as we are, depart this city, as many have done before us, and

eschewing, as we would death, the dishonourable example of others,

betake ourselves quietly to our places in the country, whereof each of

us hath great plenty, and there take such diversion, such delight and

such pleasance as we may, without anywise overpassing the bounds of

reason. There may we hear the small birds sing, there may we see the

hills and plains clad all in green and the fields full of corn wave

even as doth the sea; there may we see trees, a thousand sorts, and

there is the face of heaven more open to view, the which, angered

against us though it be, nevertheless denieth not unto us its eternal

beauties, far goodlier to look upon than the empty walls of our city.

Moreover, there is the air far fresher[18] and there at this season is

more plenty of that which behoveth unto life and less is the sum of

annoys, for that, albeit the husbandmen die there, even as do the

townsfolk here, the displeasance is there the less, insomuch as houses

and inhabitants are rarer than in the city.

[Footnote 18: Syn. cooler.]

Here, on the other hand, if I deem aright, we abandon no one; nay, we

may far rather say with truth that we ourselves are abandoned, seeing

that our kinsfolk, either dying or fleeing from death, have left us

alone in this great tribulation, as it were we pertained not unto

them. No blame can therefore befall the ensuing of this counsel; nay,

dolour and chagrin and belike death may betide us, an we ensue it not.

Wherefore, an it please you, methinketh we should do well to take our

maids and letting follow after us with the necessary gear, sojourn

to-day in this place and to-morrow in that, taking such pleasance and

diversion as the season may afford, and on this wise abide till such

time (an we be not earlier overtaken of death) as we shall see what

issue Heaven reserveth unto these things. And I would remind you that

it is no more forbidden unto us honourably to depart than it is unto

many others of our sex to abide in dishonour."

The other ladies, having hearkened to Pampinea, not only commended her

counsel, but, eager to follow it, had already begun to devise more

particularly among themselves of the manner, as if, arising from

their session there, they were to set off out of hand. But Filomena,

who was exceeding discreet, said, "Ladies, albeit that which Pampinea

allegeth is excellently well said, yet is there no occasion for

running, as meseemeth you would do. Remember that we are all women and

none of us is child enough not to know how [little] reasonable women

are among themselves and how [ill], without some man's guidance, they

know how to order themselves. We are fickle, wilful, suspicious,

faint-hearted and timorous, for which reasons I misdoubt me sore, an

we take not some other guidance than our own, that our company will be

far too soon dissolved and with less honour to ourselves than were

seemly; wherefore we should do well to provide ourselves, ere we

begin."

"Verily," answered Elisa, "men are the head of women, and without

their ordinance seldom cometh any emprise of ours to good end; but how

may we come by these men? There is none of us but knoweth that of her

kinsmen the most part are dead and those who abide alive are all gone

fleeing that which we seek to flee, in divers companies, some here and

some there, without our knowing where, and to invite strangers would

not be seemly, seeing that, if we would endeavour after our welfare,

it behoveth us find a means of so ordering ourselves that, wherever we

go for diversion and repose, scandal nor annoy may ensue thereof."

Whilst such discourse was toward between the ladies, behold, there

entered the church three young men,--yet not so young that the age of

the youngest of them was less than five-and-twenty years,--in whom

neither the perversity of the time nor loss of friends and kinsfolk,

no, nor fear for themselves had availed to cool, much less to quench,

the fire of love. Of these one was called Pamfilo,[19] another

Filostrato[20] and the third Dioneo,[21] all very agreeable and

well-bred, and they went seeking, for their supreme solace, in such a

perturbation of things, to see their mistresses, who, as it chanced,

were all three among the seven aforesaid; whilst certain of the other

ladies were near kinswomen of one or other of the young men.

[Footnote 19: See ante, p. 8, note.]

[Footnote 20: _Filostrato_, Greek [Greek: philos], loving, and [Greek:

stratos], army, _met._ strife, war, _i.e._ one who loves strife. This

name appears to be a reminiscence of Boccaccio's poem (_Il

Filostrato_, well known through its translation by Chaucer and the

Senechal d'Anjou) upon the subject of the loves of Troilus and

Cressida and to be in this instance used by him as a synonym for an

unhappy lover, whom no rebuffs, no treachery can divert from his

ill-starred passion. Such a lover may well be said to be in love with

strife, and that the Filostrato of the Decameron sufficiently answers

to this description we learn later on from his own lips.]

[Footnote 21: _Dioneo_, a name probably coined from the Greek [Greek:

Diônê], one of the _agnomina_ of Venus (properly her mother's name)

and intended to denote the amorous temperament of his personage, to

which, indeed, the erotic character of most of the stories told by him

bears sufficient witness.]

No sooner had their eyes fallen on the ladies than they were

themselves espied of them; whereupon quoth Pampinea, smiling, "See,

fortune is favourable to our beginnings and hath thrown in our way

young men of worth and discretion, who will gladly be to us both

guides and servitors, an we disdain not to accept of them in that

capacity." But Neifile, whose face was grown all vermeil for

shamefastness, for that it was she who was beloved of one of the young

men, said, "For God's sake, Pampinea, look what thou sayest! I

acknowledge most frankly that there can be nought but all good said of

which one soever of them and I hold them sufficient unto a much

greater thing than this, even as I opine that they would bear, not

only ourselves, but far fairer and nobler dames than we, good and

honourable company. But, for that it is a very manifest thing that

they are enamoured of certain of us who are here, I fear lest, without

our fault or theirs, scandal and blame ensue thereof, if we carry them

with us." Quoth Filomena, "That skilleth nought; so but I live

honestly and conscience prick me not of aught, let who will speak to

the contrary; God and the truth will take up arms for me. Wherefore,

if they be disposed to come, verily we may say with Pampinea that

fortune is favourable to our going."

The other ladies, hearing her speak thus absolutely, not only held

their peace, but all with one accord agreed that the young men should

be called and acquainted with their project and bidden to be pleased

bear them company in their expedition. Accordingly, without more

words, Pampinea, who was knit by kinship to one of them, rising to her

feet, made for the three young men, who stood fast, looking upon them,

and saluting them with a cheerful countenance, discovered to them

their intent and prayed them, on behalf of herself and her companions,

that they would be pleased to bear them company in a pure and

brotherly spirit. The young men at the first thought themselves

bantered, but, seeing that the lady spoke in good earnest, they made

answer joyfully that they were ready, and without losing time about

the matter, forthright took order for that which they had to do

against departure.

On the following morning, Wednesday to wit, towards break of day,

having let orderly make ready all things needful and despatched them

in advance whereas they purposed to go,[22] the ladies, with certain

of their waiting-women, and the three young men, with as many of their

serving-men, departing Florence, set out upon their way; nor had they

gone more than two short miles from the city, when they came to the

place fore-appointed of them, which was situate on a little hill,

somewhat withdrawn on every side from the high way and full of various

shrubs and plants, all green of leafage and pleasant to behold. On the

summit of this hill was a palace, with a goodly and great courtyard in

its midst and galleries[23] and saloons and bedchambers, each in

itself most fair and adorned and notable with jocund paintings, with

lawns and grassplots round about and wonder-goodly gardens and wells

of very cold water and cellars full of wines of price, things more apt

unto curious drinkers than unto sober and modest ladies. The new

comers, to their no little pleasure, found the place all swept and the

beds made in the chambers and every thing full of such flowers as

might be had at that season and strewn with rushes.

[Footnote 22: _e prima mandato là dove_, etc. This passage is obscure

and may be read to mean "and having first despatched [a messenger] (or

sent [word]) whereas," etc. I think, however, that _mandato_ is a

copyist's error for _mandata_, in which case the meaning would be as

in the text.]

[Footnote 23: Or balconies (_loggie_).]

As soon as they had seated themselves, Dioneo, who was the merriest

springald in the world and full of quips and cranks, said, "Ladies,

your wit, rather than our foresight, hath guided us hither, and I know

not what you purpose to do with your cares; as for my own, I left them

within the city gates, whenas I issued thence with you awhile agone;

wherefore, do you either address yourselves to make merry and laugh

and sing together with me (in so far, I mean, as pertaineth to your

dignity) or give me leave to go back for my cares and abide in the

afflicted city." Whereto Pampinea, no otherwise than as if in like

manner she had banished all her own cares, answered blithely, "Dioneo,

thou sayst well; it behoveth us live merrily, nor hath any other

occasion caused us flee from yonder miseries. But, for that things

which are without measure may not long endure, I, who began the

discourse wherethrough this so goodly company came to be made, taking

thought for the continuance of our gladness, hold it of necessity that

we appoint some one to be principal among us, whom we may honour and

obey as chief and whose especial care it shall be to dispose us to

live joyously. And in order that each in turn may prove the burden of

solicitude, together with the pleasure of headship; and that, the

chief being thus drawn, in turn, from one and the other sex, there may

be no cause for jealousy, as might happen, were any excluded from the

sovranty, I say that unto each be attributed the burden and the honour

for one day. Let who is to be our first chief be at the election of us

all. For who shall follow, be it he or she whom it shall please the

governor of the day to appoint, whenas the hour of vespers draweth

near, and let each in turn, at his or her discretion, order and

dispose of the place and manner wherein we are to live, for such time

as his or her seignory shall endure."

Pampinea's words pleased mightily, and with one voice they elected her

chief of the first day; whereupon Filomena, running nimbly to a

laurel-tree--for that she had many a time heard speak of the honour

due to the leaves of this plant and how worship-worth they made whoso

was deservedly crowned withal--and plucking divers sprays therefrom,

made her thereof a goodly and honourable wreath, which, being set upon

her head, was thenceforth, what while their company lasted, a manifest

sign unto every other of the royal office and seignory.

Pampinea, being made queen, commanded that every one should be silent;

then, calling the serving-men of the three young gentlemen and her own

and the other ladies' women, who were four in number, before herself

and all being silent, she spoke thus: "In order that I may set you a

first example, by which, proceeding from good to better, our company

may live and last in order and pleasance and without reproach so long

as it is agreeable to us, I constitute, firstly, Parmeno, Dioneo's

servant, my seneschal and commit unto him the care and ordinance of

all our household and [especially] that which pertaineth to the

service of the saloon. Sirisco, Pamfilo's servant, I will shall be

our purveyor and treasurer and ensue the commandments of Parmeno.

Tindaro shall look to the service of Filostrato and the other two

gentlemen in their bed chambers, what time the others, being occupied

about their respective offices, cannot attend thereto. Misia, my

woman, and Filomena's Licisca shall still abide in the kitchen and

there diligently prepare such viands as shall be appointed them of

Parmeno. Lauretta's Chimera and Fiammetta's Stratilia it is our

pleasure shall occupy themselves with the ordinance of the ladies'

chambers and the cleanliness of the places where we shall abide; and

we will and command all and several, as they hold our favour dear, to

have a care that, whithersoever they go or whencesoever they return

and whatsoever they hear or see, they bring us from without no news

other than joyous." These orders summarily given and commended of all,

Pampinea, rising blithely to her feet, said, "Here be gardens, here be

meadows, here be store of other delectable places, wherein let each go

a-pleasuring at will; and when tierce[24] soundeth, let all be here,

so we may eat in the cool."

[Footnote 24: _i.e._ Nine o'clock a.m. Boccaccio's habit of measuring

time by the canonical hours has been a sore stumbling-block to the

ordinary English and French translator, who is generally terribly at

sea as to his meaning, inclining to render _tierce_ three, _sexte_ six

o'clock and _none_ noon and making shots of the same wild kind at the

other hours. The monasterial rule (which before the general

introduction of clocks was commonly followed by the mediæval public in

the computation of time) divided the twenty-four hours of the day and

night into seven parts (six of three hours each and one of six), the

inception of which was denoted by the sound of the bells that summoned

the clergy to the performance of the seven canonical offices _i.e._

_Matins_ at 3 a.m., _Prime_ at 6 a.m., _Tierce_ at 9 a.m., _Sexte_ or

Noonsong at noon, _None_ at 3 p.m., _Vespers_ or Evensong at 6 p.m.

and _Complines_ or Nightsong at 9 p.m., and at the same time served

the laity as a clock.]

The merry company, being thus dismissed by the new queen, went

straying with slow steps, young men and fair ladies together, about a

garden, devising blithely and diverting themselves with weaving goodly

garlands of various leaves and carolling amorously. After they had

abidden there such time as had been appointed them of the queen, they

returned to the house, where they found that Parmeno had made a

diligent beginning with his office, for that, entering a saloon on the

ground floor, they saw there the tables laid with the whitest of

cloths and beakers that seemed of silver and everything covered with

the flowers of the broom; whereupon, having washed their hands, they

all, by command of the queen, seated themselves according to Parmeno's

ordinance. Then came viands delicately drest and choicest wines were

proffered and the three serving-men, without more, quietly tended the

tables. All, being gladdened by these things, for that they were fair

and orderly done, ate joyously and with store of merry talk, and the

tables being cleared away,[25] the queen bade bring instruments of

music, for that all the ladies knew how to dance, as also the young

men, and some of them could both play and sing excellent well.

Accordingly, by her commandment, Dioneo took a lute and Fiammetta a

viol and began softly to sound a dance; whereupon the queen and the

other ladies, together with the other two young men, having sent the

serving-men to eat, struck up a round and began with a slow pace to

dance a brawl; which ended, they fell to singing quaint and merry

ditties. On this wise they abode till it seemed to the queen time to

go to sleep,[26] and she accordingly dismissed them all; whereupon the

young men retired to their chambers, which were withdrawn from the

ladies' lodging, and finding them with the beds well made and as full

of flowers as the saloon, put off their clothes and betook themselves

to rest, whilst the ladies, on their part, did likewise.

[Footnote 25: The table of Boccaccio's time was a mere board upon

trestles, which when not in actual use, was stowed away, for room's

sake, against the wall.]

[Footnote 26: _i.e._ to take the siesta or midday nap common in hot

countries.]

None[27] had not long sounded when the queen, arising, made all the

other ladies arise, and on like wise the three young men, alleging

overmuch sleep to be harmful by day; and so they betook themselves to

a little meadow, where the grass grew green and high nor there had the

sun power on any side. There, feeling the waftings of a gentle breeze,

they all, as their queen willed it, seated themselves in a ring on the

green grass; while she bespoke them thus, "As ye see, the sun is high

and the heat great, nor is aught heard save the crickets yonder among

the olives; wherefore it were doubtless folly to go anywhither at this

present. Here is the sojourn fair and cool, and here, as you see, are

chess and tables,[28] and each can divert himself as is most to his

mind. But, an my counsel be followed in this, we shall pass away this

sultry part of the day, not in gaming,--wherein the mind of one of the

players must of necessity be troubled, without any great pleasure of

the other or of those who look on,--but in telling stories, which, one

telling, may afford diversion to all the company who hearken; nor

shall we have made an end of telling each his story but the sun will

have declined and the heat be abated, and we can then go a-pleasuring

whereas it may be most agreeable to us. Wherefore, if this that I say

please you, (for I am disposed to follow your pleasure therein,) let

us do it; and if it please you not, let each until the hour of vespers

do what most liketh him." Ladies and men alike all approved the

story-telling, whereupon, "Then," said the queen, "since this pleaseth

you, I will that this first day each be free to tell of such matters

as are most to his liking." Then, turning to Pamfilo, who sat on her

right hand, she smilingly bade him give beginning to the story-telling

with one of his; and he, hearing the commandment, forthright began

thus, whilst all gave ear to him.

[Footnote 27: _i.e._ three o'clock p.m.]

[Footnote 28: _i.e._ backgammon.]

The Decameron of Giovanni Boccaccio · 第 14 / 114 题