[158] Andrea Furtado de Mendoza began his military career at the

age of sixteen, when he accompanied King Sebastian on his ill-fated

expedition to Morocco. A year or two later he went to India and

became famous by his relief of Barcelor. He had charge of many arduous

posts and achieved many military and naval successes. He opposed the

Dutch attempts of Matelief at Malacca. In 1609, he was elected as

thirty-seventh Portuguese governor of India, and filled the office

with great credit to himself and country. (Voyage of Pyrard de Laval,

Hakluyt Society ed., London, 1888, part i, vol. ii, p. 267, note 3.)

[159] The accounts of voyages made for the Dutch East India Company

(Recueil des voyages, Amsterdam, 1725) mention a town Jaffanapatan

in Ceylon, evidently the Jabanapatan of our text.

[160] Hernando de los Rios attributed to these wars of the Moluccas the

reason why the Philippines were at first more costly than profitable to

the king, in spite of the immense sacrifices of the inhabitants in the

almost gratuitous construction of galleons, in their equipment, etc.;

and in spite of the tribute, duty, and other imposts and taxes. These

Molucca expeditions, so costly to the Philippines, depopulated the

islands and depleted the treasury, without profiting the country at

all, for they lost forever and shortly what had been won there so

arduously. It is also true that the preservation of the Philippines

for Spain must be attributed to the Moluccas, and one of the powerful

arguments presented to Felipe II as to the advisability of sustaining

those islands was for the possession of the rich spice islands.--Rizal.

[161] Argensola says that the following things were also sent for

this expedition: "300 blankets from Ilocos, 700 varas of wool from

Castilla, 100 sail-needles, and 30 jars of oil; while the whole cost

of the fleet amounted to 22,260 pesos per month." The expedition,

which was profitless, lasted six months.--Rizal.

[162] See VOLS. XII and XII for documents concerning the coming of

these mandarins, and the subsequent Chinese insurrection.

[163] Ignacio or Iñigo de Santa Maria, of the Dominican convent of

Salamanca, on arriving at the Philippines, was sent to Cagayan. He

was later elected prior of the Manila convent, and then definitor. In

1603 he went to Camboja as superior of that mission. Returning thence

for more workers that same year, he died at sea. (Reseña Biográfica,

Manila, 1891.)

[164] Diego de Soria was born in Yébenes, in the province and

diocese of Toledo, and took the Dominican habit in Ocaña. Showing

signs of a great preacher he was sent to the College of Santo Tomás

in Alcalá de Henares. Thence he went to Manila in 1587 and was one

of the founders of the Dominican convent in Manila, of which he was

vicar-president until June 10, 1588, when he was chosen its prior in

the first provincial chapter of the Philippine province. In 1591 he

was sent to Pangasinan, where he remained until 1595, whence he was

sent to Cagayan at the instance of Luis Perez Dasmariñas. In 1596,

after many successes in Cagayan, he was recalled to Manila as prior of

the convent for the second time. Shortly after he was sent to Spain

and Rome as procurator. He refused the nomination to the bishopric

of Nueva Cáceres, but was compelled to accept that of Nueva Segovia,

and reached the islands somewhat later. In 1608 he was in Vigan,

his residence. He died in 1613 and was buried in the parish church of

Vigan. In 1627 his remains were removed to the Dominican convent at

Lallo-c, in accordance with his wishes. (Reseña Biográfica, Manila,

1891.)

[165] Buzeta and Bravo say that Baltasar Covarrubias was appointed

to the bishopric in 1604, at which time he entered upon his duties;

but that he died in 1607 without having been consecrated.

[166] Copied and condensed from Purchas: His Pilgrimes (London, 1625),

book ii, chap. iiii, pp. 55-71, "the third circumnavigation of the

globe." For other accounts of Candish, see Purchas: ut supra, iv,

book vi, chap. vi, pp. 1192-1201, and chap. vii, pp. 1210-1242; Bry:

Collectiones peregrinationum (Francofurti, 1625), ser. i, vol. iii,

pars viii, pp. 35-59; Pieter van der Aa: Zee en landreysen (Leyden,

1706) xx deel, pp. 1-64; and Hakluyt's Voyages (Goldsmid ed.,

Edinburgh, 1890), xvi, pp. 1-84.

[167] The area of England and Wales is 58,186 sq. mi., that of

Scotland, with its 787 islands, 30,417 (mainland 26,000) sq. mi.,

and that of Luzón, about 41,000 sq. mi.

[168] See also VOL. XI of this series.

[169] Oliver van Noordt was the first Dutch circumnavigator. For

an account of the fight with the Spanish from the side of the Dutch,

see Stanley's translation of Morga, pp. 173-187.

[170] "L'Amsterdam ... avoit été amené à Manille avec 51 morts à son

bord ... que le yacht le Faucon en avoit 34 ... que le Faucon avoit

été aussí emmené avec 22 morts."

[171] Spanish accounts, some of which will be published later in this

series, relate Spielberg's bombardment of Iloilo, and his defeat,

after disembarking by Diego Quinones in 1616; while he was later

completely defeated by Juan Ronquillo at Playa Honda, in 1617.

[172] Following in a translation of the title-page of the other

edition of Morga's work, which shows that a second edition of the

Sucesos was published in the same year as was the first. A reduced

facsimile of this title-page--from the facsimile reproduction in

the Zaragoza edition (Madrid, 1887)--forms the frontispiece to the

present volume. It reads thus: "Events in the Philipinas Islands:

addressed to Don Christoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas, duke de Cea,

by Doctor Antonio de Morga, alcalde of criminal causes in the royal

Audiencia of Nueva España, and consultor for the Holy Office of the

Inquisition. At Mexico in the Indias, in the year 1609." In the lower

left-hand corner of the engraved title appears the engraver's name:

"Samuel Estradanus, of Antwerp, made this."

[173] The month is omitted in the text.--Stanley.

[174] Fray Diego Bermeo, a native of Toledo, became a Franciscan

friar; and in 1580 went to Mexico, and three years later to the

Philippines. After spending many years as a missionary in Luzón and

Mindoro, he was elected provincial of his order in the islands (in

1599, and again in 1608). Going to Japan as commissary provincial--in

1603, according to Morga, but 1604 as given by Huerta (Estado,

p. 446)--he was obliged by severe illness to return to Manila; he

died there on December 12, 1609.

[175] Luis Sotelo, belonging to an illustrious family of Sevilla,

made his profession as a Franciscan in 1594. Joining the Philippine

mission, he reached the islands in 1600; and he spent the next two

years in ministering to the Japanese near Manila, and in the study of

their language. In 1600 he went to Japan, where he zealously engaged

in missionary labors. Ten years later, he was sentenced to death for

preaching the Christian religion; but was freed from this danger by

Mazamune, king of Boxu, who sent the Franciscan as his ambassador to

Rome and Madrid. Returning from this mission, Sotelo arrived in the

Philippines in 1618, and four years later resumed his missionary

labors in Japan. In 1622 he was again imprisoned for preaching,

and was confined at Omura for two years, during which time he wrote

several works, in both the Spanish and Japanese languages. Sotelo was

finally burned at the stake in Omura, August 25, 1624. See Huerta's

Estado, pp. 392-394.

[176] The present towns of San Nicolás, San Fernando, etc., lying

between Binondo and the sea.--Rizal.

[177] This remark of Morga can be applied to many other insurrections

that occurred later--not only of Chinese, but also of natives--and

probably even to many others which, in the course of time, will be

contrived.--Rizal.

[178] These devices, of which certain persons always avail themselves

to cause a country to rebel, are the most efficacious to bring such

movements to a head. "If thou wishest thy neighbor's dog to become mad,

publish that it is mad," says an old refrain.--Rizal.

[179] This is the famous Eng-Kang of the histories of

Filipinas.--Rizal.

[180] The Rizal edition of Morga omits the last part of this

sentence, the original of which is "entre vnos esteros y cienagas,

lugar escondido."

[181] "The Chinese killed father Fray Bernardo de Santo Catalina,

agent of the holy office, of the order of St. Dominic ... They attacked

Quiapo, and after killing about twenty people, set fire to it. Among

these they burned alive a woman of rank, and a boy."--Rizal. This

citation is made from Leonardo de Argensola's Conquistas de las Molucas

(Madrid, 1609), a synopsis of which will follow Morga's work.

[182] We are unaware of the exact location of this settlement of

Laguio. It is probably the present village of Kiapo, which agrees

with the text and is mentioned by Argensola. Nevertheless, from the

description of this settlement given by Morga (post, chapter viii)

and Chirino, it can be inferred that Laguio was located on the present

site of the suburb of La Concepción. In fact, there is even a street

called Laguio between Malate and La Ermita.--Rizal.

[183] "Fine helmets were found broken in with clubs... About thirty

also escaped (among whom was Father Farfan), who were enabled to do so

because of being in the rear, and lightly armed" (Argensola).--Rizal.

[184] Argensola says that the Chinese killed many peaceful merchants in

the parián, while others hanged themselves of their own accord. Among

these Argensola mentions General Hontay and the rich Chican--according

to the relation of Fray Juan Pobre, because the latter had refused

to place the famous Eng-Kang at the head of the movement.--Rizal.

[185] "And they tried to persuade the natives to unite with them;

but the latter refused, and on the contrary killed as many of the

Sangleys as they caught" (Argensola).--Rizal.

[186] Argensola says that "four thousand Pampangos, armed in the

custom of their country, with bows and arrows, half-pikes, shields,

and long broad daggers," were sent by the alcalde of Pampanga to the

relief of Manila, which now needed soldiers.--Rizal.

[187] In this struggle many cruelties were committed and many quiet

and friendly Chinese killed. Don Pedro de Acuña, who could not

prevent or stifle this terrible insurrection in its beginnings, also

contributed to the horrible butcheries that ensued. "Accordingly

many Spaniards and natives went to hunt the disbanded Sangleys,

at Don Pedro's order." Hernando de Avalos, alcalde of La Pampanga,

seized more than 400 pacific Sangleys, "and leading them to an estuary,

manacled two and two, delivered them to certain Japanese, who killed

them. Father Fray Diego de Guevara of the order of St. Augustine, prior

of Manila, who made this relation, preached to the Sangleys first,

but only five abandoned their idolatry." ... Would he not have done

better to preach to Alcalde Avalos, and to remind him that he was a

man? The Spanish historians say that the Japanese and Filipinos showed

themselves cruel in the killing of the Chinese. It is quite probable,

considering the rancor and hate with which they were regarded. But

their commanders contributed to it also by their example. It is said

that more than 23,000 Chinese were killed. "Some assert that the number

of Sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegality

committed in allowing so many to enter the country contrary to the

royal prohibitions might not be known, the officials covered up or

diminished the number of those who perished" (Argensola).--Rizal.

[188] The coming of the Spaniards to the Filipinas, and their

government, together with the immigration of the Chinese, killed the

industry and agriculture of the country. The terrible competition

of the Chinese with any individual of another race is well known,

for which reason the United States and Australia refuse to admit

them. The indolence, then, of the inhabitants of the Filipinas, is

derived from the lack of foresight of the government. Argensola says

the same thing, and could not have copied Morga, since their works

were published in the same year, in countries very distant from one

another, and the two contain wide differences.--Rizal.

The Chinese question has always been of great importance in the

Philippines. The dislike of the Filipino for the Chinese seemed

instinctive and was deep-rooted. The subject of the Chinese immigration

to the islands has served for special legislation on many occasions

in Spain, but they have nevertheless persisted in their trading and

occupations therein. See Stanley's edition of Morga, appendix II,

pp. 363-368; and Los Chinos en Filipinos (Manila, 1886).

[189] This should be six hundred and four.--Rizal.

[190] Nueva España.--Rizal.

[191] This archbishop seems to have been a principal cause of the

disturbance and massacre of the Chinese, by taking a leading part in

exciting suspicion against them.--Stanley.

[192] The Arab travelers of the ninth century mention that eunuchs

were employed in China, especially for the collection of the revenue,

and that they were called thoucam.--Stanley.

[193] "In earlier times a barrier, which ran from Osaka to the

border of Yamato and Omi, separated the thirty-three western from the

thirty-three eastern provinces. The former were collectively entitled

Kuwansei (pronounce Kánsé), i.e., westward of the Gate; the latter

Kuwantô (pronounce Kántô), i.e., eastward of the Gate. Later, however,

when under the Tokugawa régime the passes leading to the plain in which

Yedo, the new capital of Shôgune, grew up were carefully guarded;

by the Gate (Kuwan) was understood the great guard on the Hakone

Pass, and Kuwantô or Kuwantô-Hashiu, the eight provinces east of it:

Sagami, Musashi, Kôtsuke, Shimotsuke, Hitachi, Shimosa, Katsusa,

and Awa." Thus defined by Rein, in his Japan, p. II, Cf. Griffis,

Mikado's Empire, p. 68, note.

[194] A flat-bottomed boat, capable of carrying heavy loads.

[195] Pedro Alvares de Abreu.--Rizal.

[196] According to Argensola, who gives a succinct relation of this

expedition, the number engaged in it were as follows: Spaniards

and their officers, 1,423; Pampangos and Tagáls (without their

chiefs), 344; idem, for maritime and military service, 620; rowers,

649; Indian chiefs, 5; total 3,041. But he adds that all those

of the fleet, exclusive of the general's household and followers,

numbered 3,095. Probably the 54 lacking in the above number were the

Portuguese under command of Abreu and Camelo, although Argensola

does not mention Portuguese soldiers.... The names of the Indian

chiefs attending the expedition at their own cost were: Don Guillermo

(Palaot), master-of-camp; and Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don Juan

Lit, Don Luis Lont, and Don Agustin Lont. These must have behaved

exceedingly well, for after the assault on Ternate, Argensola says:

"Not a person of consideration among the Spaniards or the Indians

remained unwounded."--Rizal.

[197] Said Dini Baraka ja.--Rizal.

[198] Combés (Mindanao, Retana's ed., cols. 73, 74) describes the

bagacay as a small, slender reed, hardened in fire and sharp-pointed;

it is hurled by a Moro at an enemy with unerring skill, and sometimes

five are discharged in one volley. He narrates surprising instances of

the efficacy of this weapon, and says that "there is none more cruel,

at close range."

[199] Stanley translates this "flat-boats." Retana and Pastells

(Combés's Mindanao, col. 787) derive this word from Chinese chun,

"a boat," and regard the joanga (juanga) as a small junk.

[200] "The soldiers, having entered the city, gave themselves

universally to violence and pillage. Don Pedro had issued a

proclamation conceding that all of the enemy captured within those

four days, should be slaves" (Argensola). During the sack, which

Don Pedro was unable to restrain, neither children nor young girls

were spared. One girl was killed because two soldiers disputed for

her.--Rizal.

[201] "The prince's name was Sulamp Gariolano. This step was contrary

to the advice of Queen Celicaya" (Argensola).--Rizal.

[202] Sangajy, a Malay title (Marsden).--Stanley.

[203] The Jesuit Father Luis Fernández, Gallinato, and Esquivel

made negotiations with the king for this exile, and Father Colin

attributes its good outcome to the cleverness of the former. What was

then believed to be prudent resulted afterward as an impolitic measure,

and bore very fatal consequences; for it aroused the hostility of all

the Molucas, even that of their allies, and made the Spanish name

as odious as was the Portuguese. The priest Hernando de los Rios,

Bokemeyer, and other historians, moreover, accuse Don Pedro de Acuña

of bad faith in this; but, strictly judged, we believe that they do

so without foundation. Don Pedro in his passport assured the lives of

the king and prince, but not their liberty. Doubtless a trifle more

generosity would have made the conqueror greater, and the odium of

the Spanish name less, while it would have assured Spanish domination

of that archipelago. The unfortunate king never returned to his own

country. Hernando de los Rios says that during Don Pedro de Acuña's

life he was well treated, but that during the administration of Don

Juan de Silva "I have seen him in a poor lodging where all the rain

fell on him, and they were starving him to death." He is described by

Argensola as of "robust proportions, and his limbs are well formed. His

neck and much of his breast are bare. His flesh is of a cloudy color,

rather black than gray. The features of his face are like those of an

European. His eyes are large and full, and he seems to dart sparks

from them. His large eyelashes, his thick bristling beard, and his

mustaches add to his fierceness. He always wears his campilan, dagger,

and kris, both with hilts in the form of gilded serpents' heads." This

description was taken from a picture sent to Spain.--Rizal.

[204] Other disturbances occurred also, because of Don Pedro's enemies

having spread the news that the expedition had been destroyed, and

most of those making it killed. "This report, having come to the ears

of the Indians, was so harmful that they began to mutiny, especially

in the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who instructed

them could already do, nothing with them, for they asked why, since

the inhabitants of the Malucos were victorious, should they be subject

to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They said

that the Moros would plunder them daily with the help of Ternate,

and that it would be worse henceforth" (Argensola).--Rizal.

La Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, p. 103) that these

Japanese were settled in Dilao; and that the immediate cause of their

mutiny was the killing of a Japanese by a Spaniard, in a quarrel.

[205] The authors of this poisoning were then known in Manila,

and according to Argensola were those envious of the governor. "But

although they were known as such, so that the suspicion of the crowd

makes them the authors of the poisoning we shall repress their names

... for all are now dead" (Argensola).--Rizal.

Cf. La Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, pp. 105, 106); he ascribes

the report of Acuña's poisoning to the physicians, who sought thus

to shield their own ignorance of his disease.

[206] These were the results of having taken the king and his chiefs,

who had entrusted themselves to Don Pedro de Acuña, prisoners to

Manila, the king of Tidore, the ally of España, had already found

means to break the alliance. The governors appointed by the captive

king refused to have anything to do with the Spaniards. Fear was

rampant in all parts, and the spirit of vengeance was aroused. "When

his vassals saw the ill-treatment that the Spaniards inflicted on

their king, they hated us so much that they acquired an equal liking

for our enemies. (Her. de los Rios)." Don Pedro lacked the chief

characteristic of Legazpi.--Rizal.

[207] This relation forms an appendix to Theodore de Bry's Ninth

part of America (Frankfort, 1601), and was printed by Matthew Becker

(Frankfort, 1602). The copper plates are different from those of the

Dutch edition of the relation.--Stanley.

The plates representing Oliver van Noordt's fleet, presented

in the preceding volume, are taken from tome xvi of Theodore de

Bry's Peregrinationes (first ed.), by courtesy of the Boston Public

Library. The title-page of the relation reads in part: "Description

dv penible voyage faict entovr de l'univers ou globe terrestre, par

Sr. Olivier dv Nort d'Avtrecht, ... Le tout translaté du Flamand en

Franchois, . . . Imprimé a Amsterdame. Ches Cornille Claessz fur l'Eau

au Livre a Escrire, l'An 1602." This relation was reprinted in 1610,

and numerous editions have appeared since.

[208] One of the Canary Islands.

[209] This anchor was given him by a Japanese captain, in Manila Bay,

on December 3, 1600.--Stanley.

[210] What we now call Java used to be called Java major, and the

island of Bali was Java minor.--Stanley.

[Note: Inasmuch as Morga enters somewhat largely into the ancient

customs of the Tagáls and other Filipino peoples in the present

chapter, and as some of Rizal's notes indicative of the ancient culture

of those peoples are incorporated in notes that follow, we deem it

advisable to invite attention to Lord Stanley's remarks in the preface

to his translation of Morga (p. vii), and Pardo de Tavera's comment

in his Biblioteca Filipina (Washington, 1903), p. 276. Stanley says:

"The inhabitants of the Philippines previous to the Spanish settlement

were not like the inhabitants of the great Indian Peninsula, people

with a civilization as that of their conquerors. Excepting that they

possessed the art of writing, and an alphabet of their own, they do

not appear to have differed in any way from the Dayaks of Borneo as

described by Mr. Boyle in his recent book of adventures amongst that

people. Indeed there is almost a coincidence of verbal expressions in

the descriptions he and De Morga give of the social customs, habits,

and superstitions of the two peoples they are describing; though many

of these coincidences are such as are incidental to life in similar

circumstances, there are enough to lead one to suppose a community of

origin of the inhabitants of Borneo and Luzon." Pardo de Tavera says

after quoting the first part of the above: "Lord Stanley's opinion is

dispassionate and not at all at variance with historical truth." The

same author says also that Blumentritt's prologue and Rizal's notes

in the latter's edition of Morga have so aroused the indignation of

the Spaniards that several have even attacked Morga.]

[211] More exactly from 25º 40' north latitude to 12º south latitude,

if we are to include Formosa in the group, which is inhabited likewise

by the same race.--Rizal.

[212] We confess our ignorance with respect to the origin of this

belief of Morga, which, as one can observe, was not his belief in

the beginning of the first chapter. Already from the time of Diodorus

Siculus (first century B. C.), Europe received information of these

islands by one Iamboule, a Greek, who went to them (to Sumatra at

least), and who wrote afterward the relation of his voyage. He gave

therein detailed information of the number of the islands, of their

inhabitants, of their writing, navigation, etc. Ptolemy mentions

three islands in his geography, which are called Sindæ in the Latin

text. They are inhabited by the Aginnatai. Mercator interprets those

islands as Celebes, Gilolo, and Amboina. Ptolemy also mentions the

island Agathou Daimonos (Borneo), five Baroussai (Mindanao, Leite,

Sebu, etc.), three Sabadeibai (the Java group--Iabadiou) and ten

Masniolai where a large loadstone was found. Colin surmises that

these are the Manilas.--Rizal.

History of the Philippine Islands · 第 32 / 36 段