Nueva España, and the ship "Sanctiago" with the religious for Japon,
there was more time to discuss further the matter started by the
coming of the Chinese mandarins. For finding themselves unoccupied
with other matters, fear of the Sangleys became universal, and the
suspicions that were current that the Sangleys were about to commit
some mischievous outbreak. This the archbishop and some religious
affirmed and told, publicly and privately. At this time, a considerable
number of Chinese were living in Manila and its environs. Some of
them were baptized Christians living in the settlements of Baibai
and Minondoc, [176] on the other side of the river, opposite the
city. Most of them were infidels, occupied and living in these same
settlements and in the shops of the parián in the city; [they were
employed] as merchants and in all other occupations. The majority of
them were fishermen, stonecutters, charcoal-burners, porters, masons,
and day-laborers. Greater security was always felt in regard to the
merchants, for they are the better class of people, and those who are
most interested, because of their property. So great security was not
felt about the others, even though they were Christians; because, as
they are a poor and covetous people, they would be inclined to any act
of meanness. However, it was always thought that it would be difficult
for them to cause any commotion, unless a strong fleet came from China,
on which they could rely. Talk continued to increase daily, and with
it suspicion; for some of the Chinese themselves, both infidels and
Christians, in order to prove themselves friends of the Spaniards,
and clean from all guilt, even told the Spaniards that there was
to be an insurrection shortly, and other similar things. Although
the governor always considered these statements as fictions and the
exaggerations of that nation, and did not credit them, yet he was
not so heedless that he did not act cautiously and watch, although
with dissembling, for whatever might happen. He took pains to have
the city guarded and the soldiers armed, besides flattering the most
prominent of the Chinese and the merchants, whom he assured of their
lives and property. The natives of La Pampanga and other provinces
near by were instructed beforehand to supply the city with rice and
other provisions, and to come to reënforce it with their persons and
arms, should necessity arise. The same was done with some Japanese in
the city. As all this was done with some publicity, since it could
not be done secretly, as so many were concerned, one and all became
convinced of the certainty of the danger. Many even desired it,
in order to see the peace disturbed, and to have the opportunity
to seize something. [177] From that time, both in the city and its
environs, where the Sangleys were living scattered, these people began
to persecute the Sangleys by word and deed. The natives, Japanese and
soldiers of the camp took from them their possessions and inflicted on
them other ill-treatment, calling them dogs and traitors, and saying
that they knew well that they meant to rebel. But they said they would
kill all the Sangleys first, and that very soon, for the governor was
preparing for it. This alone was sufficient to make it necessary for
the Sangleys to do what they had no intention of doing. [178] Some
of the most clever and covetous set themselves to rouse the courage
of the others, and to make themselves leaders, telling the Sangleys
that their destruction was sure, according to the determination which
they saw in the Spaniards, unless they should anticipate the latter,
since they [the Sangleys] were so numerous, and attack and capture the
city. They said that it would not be difficult for them to kill the
Spaniards, seize their possessions, and become masters of the country,
with the aid and reënforcements that would immediately come to them
from China, as soon as the auspicious beginning that they would have
made in the matter should be known. In order to do this when the time
came, it was advisable to build a fort and quarters in some retired and
strong place near the city, where the people could gather and unite,
and where arms and supplies could be provided for the war. At least
such a fort would be sufficient to assure there their lives from the
outrages that they were expecting from the Spaniards. It was learned
that the chief mover in this matter was a Christian Sangley, an
old-time resident in the country, named Joan Bautista de Vera. [179]
He was rich and highly esteemed by the Spaniards, and feared and
respected by the Sangleys. He had often been governor of the latter,
and had many godchildren and dependents. He had become an excellent
Spaniard, and was courageous. He himself, exercising duplicity and
cunning, did not leave the city, or the houses of the Spanish during
this time, in order to arouse less suspicion of himself. From there
he managed the affair through his confidants; and in order to assure
himself better of the result, and to ascertain the number of men of
his race, and to make a census and list of them, he cunningly had
each of them ordered to bring him a needle, which he pretended to
be necessary for a certain work that he had to do. These needles he
placed, as he received them, in a little box; and when he took them
out of it, he found that he had sufficient men for his purpose. They
began to construct the fort or quarters immediately at a distance of
slightly more than one-half legua from the village of Tondo, among some
estuaries and swamps, and in a hidden location. [180] They stored there
some rice and other provisions, and weapons of little importance. The
Sangleys began to gather there, especially the masses--the common
people and day-laborers; for those of the parián, and the mechanics,
although urged to do the same, did not resolve to do it, and remained
quiet, guarding their houses and property. The restlessness of the
Sangleys daily continued to become more inflamed. This, and the
advices given to the governor and the Spaniards, kept the latter
more anxious and apprehensive, and made them talk more openly of the
matter. The Sangleys, seeing that their intention was discovered, and
that delay might be of so great harm to them, determined, although the
insurrection was planned for St. Andrew's day, the last of November,
to anticipate that day, and to lose no more time. On Friday, the third
day of the month of October, the eve of St. Francis, they collected
very hurriedly in the above-mentioned fort; consequently, by nightfall,
there were two thousand men in it. Joan Bautista de Vera--a thief in
the rôle of an honest man, since he was the leader and organizer of the
treason--went immediately to the city and told the governor that the
Sangleys had risen, and that they were collecting on the other side of
the river. The governor, suspecting the mischief, had him immediately
arrested and carefully guarded; and he was afterward executed. Then,
without tap of drum, the governor ordered the companies, both of
the camp and the city, to be notified, and all to hold their arms in
readiness. Very shortly after nightfall, Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was
living near the monastery and church of Minondoc, on the other side of
the river, came hurriedly to the city to advise the governor that the
Sangleys had revolted. He asked for twenty soldiers to go to the other
side [of the river], where he would guard the said monastery. Cristoval
de Axqueta, sargento-mayor of the camp, went with these men, together
with Don Luys. As the silence of night deepened, the noise made by the
Sangleys grew louder, for they were continuing to assemble and were
sounding horns and other instruments, after their fashion. Don Luys
remained to guard the monastery, with the men brought from Manila,
where he had placed in shelter many women and children of Christian
Sangleys, with the religious. The sargento-mayor returned immediately
to the city, where he told of what was being done. The call to arms
was sounded, for the noise and shouts of the Sangleys, who had sallied
out to set fire to some houses in the country, was so great that it
was thought that they were devastating that district. The Sangleys
burned, first, a stone country-house belonging to Captain Estevan
de Marquina. The latter was living there with his wife and children;
and none of them escaped, except a little girl, who was wounded, but
who was hidden in a thicket. [181] Thence the Sangleys went to the
settlement of Laguio, [182] situated on the shore of the river, and
burned it. They killed several Indians of that settlement, and the rest
fled to the city. There the gates were already shut and all the people,
with arms in hand, manned the walls and other suitable posts, ready
for any emergency, until dawn. The enemy, who now had a greater number
of men, retired to their fort, to make another sally thence with more
force. Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was guarding the church and monastery
of Minondoc, expected hourly that the enemy was about to attack him,
and sent a messenger to the governor to beg for more men. These were
sent him, and consisted of regulars and inhabitants of the city,
under Captains Don Tomas Brabo de Acuña (the governor's nephew),
Joan de Alcega, Pedro de Arzeo, and Gaspar Perez, by whose counsel and
advice Don Luys was to be guided on this occasion. All was confusion,
shouting, and outcry in the city, particularly among the Indians, and
the women and children, who were coming thither for safety. Although,
to make certain of the Sangleys of the parián, their merchants had
been asked to come into the city, and bring their property, they did
not dare to do so; for they always thought that the enemy would take
the city because of their great force of numbers, and annihilate the
Spaniards, and they would all be in danger. Consequently they preferred
to remain in their parián, in order to join the victorious side. Don
Luys Dasmariñas thought it advisable to go in search of the enemy
immediately with the reënforcements sent him by the governor, before
they should all assemble and present a strong front. He left seventy
soldiers in Minondoc, in charge of Gaspar Perez; while with the rest,
about one hundred and forty of the best picked arquebusiers, he
went to the village of Tondo, in order to fortify himself in the
church, a stone building. He arrived there at eleven o'clock in the
morning. The Chinese, in number one thousand five hundred, arrived
at the same place at the same time, bent on the same purpose. An
hour's skirmish took place between the two sides, as to which one
would gain the monastery. Captain Gaspar Perez came up with the
reënforcement of the men left at Minondoc. The enemy retired to his
fort, with a loss of five hundred men. Gaspar Perez returned to his
post, where Pedro de Arzeo was also stationed. Don Luys Dasmariñas,
exultant over this fortunate engagement, determined immediately to
press forward in pursuit of the enemy with his men, notwithstanding
the heat of the sun and without waiting to rest his followers. He sent
Alferez Luys de Ybarren to reconnoiter. The latter brought word that
the enemy was in great force, and near by. Although Juan de Alcega
and others requested Don Luys to halt and rest his men, and await
the governor's orders as to what was to be done, his desire not to
lose the opportunity was so great that, rousing his men with harsh
words, in order to make them follow him, he marched forward until
they reached a swamp. After leaving the swamp, they came suddenly
into a large clearing, where the enemy was stationed. The latter,
upon seeing the Spaniards, surrounded them in force on all sides,
armed with clubs, some with catans, and a few with battle-axes. Don
Luys and his men, not being able to retreat, fought valiantly, and
killed a number of Sangleys. But finally, as the latter were in so
great force, they cut all the Spaniards to pieces, only four of whom
escaped, badly wounded; and these carried the news to Manila. [183]
This result was of great importance to the Sangleys, both because so
many and the best Spanish soldiers were killed in this place, and
because of the weapons that the Sangleys took from them, and which
they needed. With these arms they flattered themselves that their
object was more certain of accomplishment. Next day, October five,
the Sangleys sent the heads of Don Luys, Don Tomas, Joan de Alcega,
and other captains to the parián; and they told the Sangleys there
that, since the flower of Manila had been killed, they should revolt
and join them, or they would immediately come to kill them. The
confusion and grief of the Spaniards in the city was so great that
it prevented them from taking the precautions and exercising the
diligence demanded by the affair. But the sight of their necessity,
and the spirit of their governor and officials made them all remain
at their posts on the walls, arms in hand. They fortified as strongly
as possible the gates of the parián and of Dilao, and all that part of
the wall where the enemy might make an assault. They mounted a piece of
artillery above each gate, and stationed there the best men, among whom
were religious of all the orders. Upon that day, Sunday, the enemy,
flushed with the victory of the preceding day and their army swelled
by the additional men that joined them, attacked the city. Burning
and destroying everything in their path, they went to the river, for
there was no vessel with which to resist them, as all those of the
fleet were in the provinces of the Pintados. They entered the parián,
[184] and furiously assaulted the city gate, but were driven back
by the arquebuses and muskets, with the loss of many Sangleys. They
went to the church of Dilao, and there assaulted the gate and walls
(which were there lower), by means of scaling-ladders, with the same
determination. But they experienced the same resistance and loss,
which compelled them, on the approach of night, to retire with great
loss to the parián and to Dilao. That whole night the Spaniards
spent in guarding their wall, and in preparing for the morrow. The
enemy passed the night in the parián and at Dilao, making carts,
mantelets, scaling-ladders, artificial fire, and other contrivances,
for approaching and assaulting the wall, and for burning the gates,
and setting fire to everything. At dawn of the next day, Monday, the
Sangleys came together with these arms and tools, and having reached
the wall with their bravest and best-armed men, attacked it with
great fury and resolution. The artillery destroyed their machines, and
caused them so great injury and resistance with it and the arquebuses,
that the Sangleys were forced to retire again to the parián and
to Dilao, with heavy loss. Joan Xuarez Gallinato, accompanied by
some soldiers and a Japanese troop, made a sally from the Dilao gate
upon the Sangleys. They reached the church, when the Sangleys turned
upon them and threw the Japanese into disorder. The latter were the
cause of all retreating again to seek the protection of the walls,
whither the Sangleys pursued them. At this juncture Captain Don Luys de
Velasco entered Manila. He came from the Pintados in a stout caracoa,
manned by some good arquebusiers, while others manned some bancas that
sailed in the shelter of the caracoa. They approached the parián and
Dilao by the river, and harassed the enemy quartered there on that and
the two following days, so that they were compelled to abandon those
positions. These vessels set fire to the parián, and burned everything,
and pursued the enemy wherever they could penetrate. The Sangleys,
upon beholding their cause waning, and their inability to attain the
end desired, resolved to retire from the city, after having lost more
than four thousand men; to advise China, so that that country would
reënforce them; and for their support to divide their men into three
divisions in different districts--one among the Tingues of Passic, the
second among those of Ayonbon, and the third at La Laguna de Bay, San
Pablo, and Batangas. On Wednesday they abandoned the city completely,
and, divided as above stated, marched inland. Don Luys de Velasco,
with some soldiers and armed Indians who came from all sides to the
relief of Manila, accompanied by some Spaniards who guided them, and
the religious from their missions, went by way of the river in pursuit
of them, and pressed them, so that they killed and annihilated the
bands bound for the Tingues of Passic and for Ayombon. The majority
and main body of the Sangleys went to La Laguna de Bay, the mountains
of San Pablo, and Batangas, where they considered themselves more
secure. Burning towns and churches, and everything in their path, they
fortified themselves in the above-mentioned sites. Don Luys de Velasco,
with seventy soldiers, continued to pursue them, killing each day a
great number of them. On one occasion Don Luys was so closely engaged
with the enemy, that the latter killed him and ten soldiers of his
company, and fortified themselves again in San Pablo and Batangas,
where they hoped to be able to sustain themselves until the arrival
of reënforcements from China. [185]
The governor, fearful of this danger, and desirous of finishing
the enemy, and giving entire peace to the country, sent Captain
and Sargento-mayor Cristoval de Axqueta Menchaca with soldiers
to pursue and finish the enemy. This man left with two hundred
Spaniards--soldiers and volunteers--three hundred Japanese, and
one thousand five hundred Pampanga and Tagál Indians, [186] on the
twentieth of October. He was so expeditious, that with little or no
loss of men, he found the Sangleys fortified in San Pablo and Batangas,
and, after fighting with them, killed and destroyed them all. None
escaped, except two hundred, who were taken alive to Manila for the
galleys. The captain was occupied in this for twenty days, and with it
the war was ended. Very few merchants were left in Manila, and they had
taken the good counsel to betake themselves, with their possessions,
among the Spaniards in the city. At the beginning of the war there were
not seven hundred Spaniards in the city capable of bearing arms. [187]
After the end of the war, the need of the city began, for, because
of not having Sangleys who worked at the trades, and brought in
all the provisions, there was no food, nor any shoes to wear,
not even at excessive prices. The native Indians are very far from
exercising those trades, and have even forgotten much of farming, and
the raising of fowls, cattle, and cotton, and the weaving of cloth,
which they used to do in the days of their paganism and for a long
time after the conquest of the country. [188] In addition to this,
people thought that Chinese vessels would not come to the islands
with food and merchandise, on account of the late revolution. Above
all, they lived not without fear and suspicion that, instead of
the merchant vessels, an armed fleet would attack Manila, in order
to avenge the death of their Sangleys. All conspired to sadden the
minds of the Spaniards. After having sent Fray Diego de Guevara,
prior of the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, to the court of
España by way of India, with news of this event--but who was unable
to reach Madrid for three years, because of his various fortunes
in India, Persia, and Italia, through which countries he went--they
immediately sent Captain Marco de la Cueva, together with Fray Luys
Gandullo of the Order of St. Dominic, to the city of Macao in China,
where the Portuguese were living, with letters for the chief captain
and the council of that city. These letters advised the latter of
the revolt of the Sangleys, and of the result of the war, so that,
if they should hear any rumors of a Chinese fleet, they could send
word. At the same time letters were taken from the governor to the
Tutons, Aytaos, and visitors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo,
recounting the outbreak of the Chinese, which obliged the Spaniards
to kill them. Upon their arrival at Macao, Marcos de la Cueva and
Fray Luys Gandullo found no news of a fleet, but that everything was
quiet--although the Chinese had already heard of the insurrection and
much of the result, from some Sangleys who had fled from Manila in
champans, upon that occasion. It was immediately learned in Chincheo
that these Spaniards were in Macao, whereupon Captains Guansan Sinu
and Guachan, wealthy men and usually engaged in trade with Manila,
went to look for them. Having learned the truth of the event, they
took the letters for the mandarins and promised to deliver them. They
urged other merchants and vessels of Chincheo, who were afraid, to go
to Manila that year. This was very useful, for through them much of the
necessity that the city [of Manila] was suffering was supplied. With
this result and with some powder, saltpeter, and lead which Marcos
de la Cueva had provided for the magazines, the latter left Macao,
and sailed to Manila, which he reached in May, to the universal joy
of the city over the news that he brought--which began to be verified
immediately by the coming of the fleet of thirteen Chinese vessels
bearing food and merchandise.
In the month of June of this year six hundred and three, [189] two
vessels were despatched from Manila to Nueva España, under command
of Don Diego de Mendoça who had been sent that year by the viceroy,
Marques de Montesclaros, with the usual reënforcements for the
islands. The flagship was "Nuestra Señora de los Remedios" and the
almiranta "Sant Antonio."
Many rich men of Manila, warned by the past troubles, took passage
in these vessels with their households and property, for Nueva
España--especially in the almiranta--with the greatest wealth that
has ever left the Filipinas. Both vessels experienced so severe
storms during the voyage, in the altitude of thirty-four degrees,
and before having passed Japon, that the flagship, without masts and
greatly lightened and damaged, put back in distress to Manila. The
almiranta was swallowed up in the sea, and no one was saved. This was
one of the greatest shipwrecks and calamities that the Filipinas have
suffered since the past ones.
During the rest of that year and that of six hundred and five, until
the sailing of the vessels which were to go to Castilla, [190] the
governor occupied himself in repairing the city, and supplying it with
provisions and ammunition, with the special object and care that the
decision which he was awaiting from the court for making an expedition
to Maluco--of which he had been advised and warned--should not find
him so unprepared as to cause him to delay the expedition. In this
he was very successful, for at that same time, the master-of-camp,
Joan de Esquivel, had arrived in Mexico with six hundred soldiers
from España. In Mexico more men were being enrolled, and a great
preparation was made of ammunition, food, money, and arms, which the
viceroy sent to the governor from Nueva España in March of that year,
by order of his Majesty, in order that he might go to Maluco. All
this arrived safely and in due season at Manila.
Shortly after the ships had left Manila for Nueva España, and those
despatched thence by the viceroy had entered, Archbishop Don Fray
Miguel de Benavides died of a long illness. His body was buried
amid the universal devotion and grief of the city. [191] At this
same time, Don Pedro de Acuña received three letters, by the ships
that continued to come from China that year, with the merchandise and
with their principal captains. They were all of the same tenor--when
translated into Castilian--from the Tuton and Haytao, and from the
inspector-general of the province of Chincheo, and were on the matter
of the insurrection of the Sangleys and their punishment. They were
as follows:
[This letter occupies folios 113b-115a of the original edition of
Morga. We have already presented that document in our V0L. XIII,
p. 287, which is translated from a copy of the original manuscript. The
answer of Acuña to this letter will be found in V0L. XIV, in the
second document of that volume.]
The letter of the inspector-general was written on the twelfth of
the second month--which according to our reckoning is March of the
twenty-third year of the reign of Vandel [i.e., Wanleh]. The eunuch's
[192] letter was written on the sixteenth of the said month and year;
and that of the viceroy, on the twenty-second of the month.
The governor answered these letters through the same messengers,
civilly and authoritatively. He gave an explanation of the deed and
justified the Spaniards, and offered friendship and trade anew with the
Chinese. He said that their property, which had remained in Manila,
would be restored to the owners, and that those imprisoned in the
galleys would be freed in due season. First, however, he intended to
use them for the Maluco expedition, which he was undertaking.
The entrances into various provinces of Japon by the discalced
religious of St. Francis and those of St. Dominic and St. Augustine,
continued to be made, both in the Castilian vessel itself which was
despatched that year to the kingdoms of Quanto, [193] and in other
Japanese vessels which came to Manila with the silver and flour of the
Japanese, in order to trade. This was permitted and allowed by Daifu,
now called Cubosama, who that year sent the governor, through one of
his servants, certain weapons and presents, in return for others which
the governor had sent him. He answered the latter's letter as follows:
Letter from Daifusama, lord of Japon, to governor Don Pedro de Acuña,
in the year one thousand six hundred and five.
I received two letters from your Lordship, and all the gifts and
presents mentioned in the memorandum. Among them, when I received them,
the wine made from grapes pleased me greatly. During former years,
your Lordship requested permission for six vessels, and last year for
four, and I always granted your request. But, what angers me greatly is
that among the four vessels that your Lordship requested was that one
called "Antonio," which made the voyage without my orders. This was a
very lawless act, and in contempt of me. Can it be, perhaps, that your
Lordship would send to Japon without my permission any vessel that you
wished? Besides this, your Lordship and others have often negotiated
about the sects of Japon, and requested many things in regard to
them. This likewise I cannot concede; for this region is called Xincoco
[Shinkoku], or "dedicated to the idols." These have been honored with
the highest adoration from the time of our ancestors until now, and
their acts I alone cannot undo or destroy. Consequently, it is not at
all advisable that your religion be promulgated or preached in Japon;
and if your Lordship wish to preserve friendship with these kingdoms of
Japon and with me, do what I wish, and never do what is displeasing to
me. Lastly, many have told me that many wicked and perverse Japanese,
who go to that kingdom and live there for many years, afterward return
to Japon. This makes me very angry. Consequently, your Lordship will,
in the future, allow no one of the Japanese to come here in the
vessels that come from your country. In other matters, your Lordship
shall act advisedly and prudently, and shall so conduct affairs,
that henceforth I may not be angered on account of them.
The governor, carrying out his dearest wish, was to make the
expedition to Terrenate in the Malucos, which should be done quickly,
before the enemy could gather more strength than he had then; for
he had been informed that the Dutch, who had seized the island
and fortress of Amboino, had done the same with that of Tidore,
whence they had driven the Portuguese who had settled therein, and
had entered Terrenate, where they had established a trading-post for
the clove-trade. Accordingly, as soon as the despatches in regard to
this undertaking arrived from España, in June of six hundred and five,
and the men and supplies from Nueva España, which were brought at the
same time by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel, the governor spent
the balance of this year in preparing the ships, men, and provisions
that he deemed necessary for the undertaking. Leaving behind in
Manila sufficient force for its defense, he went to the provinces of
Pintados, where the fleet was collected, in the beginning of the year
six hundred and six.
By the fifteenth day of the month of March, the governor had thoroughly
prepared the fleet--which consisted of five ships, four galleys with
poop-lanterns [galeras de fanal], three galliots, four champans, three
funeas, two English lanchas, two brigantines, one barca chata [194]
for the artillery, and thirteen fragatas with high freeboard. There
were one thousand three hundred Spaniards, counting regulars, captains
and officers, substitutes [entretenidos], and volunteers. Among
them were some Portuguese captains and soldiers, under charge of
the chief captain of Tidore, [195] who was at that island when the
Dutch seized it. These Portuguese came from Malaca to serve in the
expedition. There were also four hundred Indian pioneers--Tagáls and
Pampangos of Manila--who went to serve at their own cost, under their
own officers, and with their own weapons. There was a quantity of
artillery of all kinds, ammunition, tools, and provisions for nine
months. [196] Don Pedro de Acuña left the point of Hilohilo, which
is near the town of Arevalo in the island of Panai, [on the above
day] with all this equipment, and coasting the island of Mindanao,
made port at La Caldera, in order to replenish his water, wood,
and other necessaries.
The governor embarked in the galley "Santiago" and took under
his charge the other galleys and oared vessels. The ship "Jesus
Maria" acted as flagship of the other vessels, and was commanded
by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel. Captain and Sargento-mayor
Cristoval de Azcueta Menchaca acted as admiral of the fleet, which,
after attending to its necessities at La Caldera, left that port. On
setting sail, the flagship, which was a heavy vessel, was unable to
leave port, and the currents drove it shoreward so that, without the
others being able to help it, it grounded. It was wrecked there, but
the crew, artillery, and a portion of its ammunition and clothing,
were saved. After setting fire to the ship, and taking what nails and
bolts they could, so that the Mindanaos could not make use of them,
the fleet continued its voyage. The galleys coasted along the island
of Mindanao, and the ships and other deep-draught vessels sailed in
the open sea, all making for the port of Talangame, in the island of
Terrenate. The vessels, although experiencing some changes of weather,
first sighted the islands of Maluco, after they had been reconnoitered
by a large Dutch ship, well equipped with artillery, which was anchored
at Terrenate. This vessel fired some heavy artillery at our vessels,
and then immediately entered the port, where it fortified itself under
shelter of the land, and with its artillery and crew and the people
of Terrenate. The master-of-camp went with his vessels to the island
of Tidore, where he was well received by the Moro chiefs and cachils;
for the king was away, as he had gone to the island of Bachan to be
married. The master-of-camp found four Dutch factors there, who were
trading for cloves. He learned from them that the ship at Terrenate
was from Holland, and was one of those which had sailed from Amboino
and seized Tidore, whence it had driven the Portuguese, and that it was
being laden with cloves. It was awaiting other vessels of its convoy,
for they had made friendship and treaties with Tidore and Terrenate,
in order to be protected against the Castilians and Portuguese. The
master-of-camp had the king of Tidore summoned immediately, and,
while awaiting Don Pedro de Acuña, rested his men and cleaned the
ships, and made gabions and other things necessary for the war. Don
Pedro de Acuña, through his pilots' fault, had gone thirty leguas
to leeward of the island of Terrenate toward the island of Celebes,
otherwise called Mateo. Recognizing that island, he returned to
Terrenate, and passing in sight of Talangame, discovered the Dutch
vessel. He tried to reconnoiter it, but after seeing that it was
harming his galleys with its artillery, and that the master-of-camp
was not there, he proceeded to Tidore, where he found the latter,
to the great joy of all. There they spent the remainder of the month
of March. At this juncture the king of Tidore arrived, with twelve
well-armed caracoas. He expressed joy at the governor's coming, to
whom he complained at length of the tyranny and subjection in which
he was kept by Sultan Zayde, [197] king of Terrenate, who was aided
by the Dutch. He offered to go in person to serve his Majesty in the
fleet, with six hundred men of Tidore. Don Pedro received him and
feasted him. Then, without any further delay at Tidore, or any more
concern about the ship at Talangame, he set about the chief purpose
for which they had come. On the last of March he started to return to
Terrenate. On that day he anchored in a harbor between the settlement
and the port, as did also the king of Tidore with his caracoas. That
same night the Dutch ship weighed anchor and went to Amboino. At dawn
of next day, April first, soldiers were landed with some difficulty,
with the intention of marching along the shore (which was a very close
and narrow stretch) to the fort, in order to plant the artillery,
with which to bombard it. As the governor thought that mischief would
ensue because of the narrowness and closeness of the pass, he landed
a number of pioneers on the high ground, to open another road, so
that the remainder of the army might pass, and the enemy be diverted
in several directions. By these efforts, he placed his camp under
the walls, although a great number of Terenatans came from various
directions to prevent him. The vanguard of the camp was in charge
of Joan Xuarez Gallinato and Captains Joan de Cuevas, Don Rodrigo
de Mendoça, Pasqual de Alarcon, Joan de Cervantes, Captain Vergara,
and Cristoval de Villagra, with their companies. The other captains
were in the body of the squadron. The rearguard was under command of
Captain Delgado, while the master-of-camp aided in all parts. The
army came up within range of the enemy's artillery, which suddenly
began to play. The governor came to see how the troops were formed,
and, leaving them at their post, returned to the fleet to have the
pieces brought out for bombarding, and to obtain refreshment for
the soldiers. Some high trees intervened between the troops and the
wall, in which the enemy had posted some scouts to reconnoiter the
field. They were driven down, and our own scouts posted there, who gave
advice from above of what was being done in the fort. Captain Vergara,
and after him, Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and Alarcon, went to reconnoiter
the walls, the bastion of Nuestra Señora, and the pieces mounted on
the ground there, and a low wall of rough stone which extended to
the mountain, where there was a bastion in which the wall ended. It
was called Cachiltulo, and was defended with pieces of artillery and
a number of culverins, muskets, arquebuses, and pikes; while many
other weapons peculiar to the Terenatans were placed along the wall
for its defense. Having seen and reconnoitered all this, although not
with impunity, because the enemy had killed six soldiers with the
artillery and wounded Alferez Joan de la Rambla in the knee with a
musket-ball, the Spaniards returned to the army. A trifle past noon,
a lofty site was reconnoitered, in the direction of the bastion of
Cachiltulo, whence the enemy could be attacked and driven from the
wall; and Captain Cuevas was ordered to occupy it with twenty-five
musketeers. Having done this, the enemy sent out a crowd of men
to prevent him from occupying it. A skirmish ensued, and the Moros
turned and retreated to their wall. Cuevas followed them so closely
and persisted so long, that he needed reënforcement. The scouts in
the trees gave information of what was being done, whereupon Captains
Don Rodrigo de Mendoça, Alarcon, Cervantes, and Vergara reënforced
him with their light-armed pikemen and halberdiers. They pursued the
enemy with so great rapidity and resolution that they entered the
walls behind them. However, some of the Spaniards were wounded, and
Captain Cervantes was pushed down from the wall and his legs broken,
which caused his death. Captain Don Rodrigo de Mendoça, pursuing the
enemy, who were retiring, ran inside the wall as far as the cavalier
of Nuestra Señora, while Vergara ran in the opposite direction along
the curtain of the wall to the bastion of Cachiltulo, and went on
as far as the mountain. By this time the main body of the army had
already assaulted the wall. Mutually aiding one another, they mounted
the wall and entered the place on all sides, although with the loss of
some dead and wounded soldiers. The soldiers were stopped by a trench
beyond the fort of Nuestra Señora, for the enemy had retreated to a
shed, which was fortified with a considerable number of musketeers and
arquebusiers, and four light pieces. They discharged their arquebuses
and muskets at the Spaniards, and threw cane spears hardened in fire,
and bacacaes, [198] after their fashion. The Spaniards assaulted the
shed, whereupon a Dutch artilleryman trying to fire a large swivel-gun,
with which he would have done great damage, being confused did not
succeed, and threw down the linstock, turned, and fled. The enemy
did the same after him, and abandoned the shed, fleeing in all
directions. Those who would do so embarked with the king and some
of his wives and the Dutch in one caracoa and four juangas [199]
which they had armed near the king's fort. Captain Vergara entered the
fort immediately, but found it deserted. Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and
Villagra pursued the enemy toward the mountain for a long distance,
and killed many Moros. With this, at two o'clock in the afternoon,
the settlement and fort of Terrenate was completely gained. The
Spanish banners and standards were flung from it, without it having
been necessary for them to bombard the walls, as they had expected;
and the fort was taken at so slight cost to the Spaniards. Their dead
numbered fifteen men, and the wounded twenty more. The whole town was
reconnoitered, even its extremity--a small fort, called Limataen--which
contained two pieces of artillery, and two other pieces near the
mosque on the seashore. The loot of the place was of small importance,
for already the things of most value, and the women and children,
had been removed to the island of Moro, whither the king fled and
took refuge in a fort that he had there. Some products of that land
were found, and a great quantity of cloves. In the factory of the
Dutch were found two thousand ducados, some cloth goods and linens,
and many weapons, while in many places were excellent Portuguese and
Dutch artillery, a number of culverins and a quantity of ammunition,
of which possession was taken for his Majesty. [200] A guard was
placed over what was gained, and the place was put in a condition
for defense with some pieces taken from the fleet, while the governor
ordered and provided whatever else was advisable.