The daring and audacity of the Mindanaos and Joloans in making

incursions with their fleets into the islands of Pintados had reached

such a state that it was now expected that they would come as far

as Manila, plundering and devastating. In order to check them, at

the beginning of the year six hundred and two, Governor Don Francisco

Tello, deriving strength from weakness, determined that the expedition

against Jolo should be made at once, without more delay, in order

to punish and pacify it, with the forces and men whom Captain and

Sargento-mayor Joan Xuarez Gallinato held in Sebu and in the Pintados,

together with more men, ships, and provisions, which were sent him,

accompanied by the necessary documents and instructions for him to

enter the island, chastise its king and inhabitants, and pacify and

reduce it to the obedience of his Majesty. By this means, until there

should be an opportunity to settle the affairs of Mindanao, which is

quite near Jolo, the audacity of the enemy would be checked; and by

bringing the war into his own country, he would not come out to commit

depredations. Captain Gallinato set out on this expedition with two

hundred Spanish soldiers, ships, artillery, enough provisions for four

months--the time which it was thought the expedition would last--and

with Indians as rowers for the ships and for other services that might

arise. When he arrived at Jolo, at the bar of the river of this island,

which is two leguas from the principal town and dwellings of the king,

he landed his men, artillery, and the necessary provisions and left

his ships under a sufficient guard. The islanders were all in the town

and dwellings of the king, which are situated on a very high hill

above some cliffs, and have two roads of approach through paths and

roads so narrow that they can be reached only in single file. They had

fortified the whole place, intrenched it with palms and other woods,

and a number of culverins. They had also collected provisions and

water for their sustenance, besides a supply of arquebuses and other

weapons. They had neither women nor children with them, for they had

taken them out of the island. They had requested aid from the people

of Mindanao, Borney, and Terrenate, and were awaiting the same, since

they had been informed of the fleet which was being prepared against

them in the Pintados. Gallinato determined to pitch his camp near the

town, before this aid should arrive, and to attack the fort. After

he had quartered himself at a distance of one-half legua, in a plain

facing the ascent, he sent interpreters with messages to the king and

chiefs of the island, calling on them to surrender, and telling them

that good terms would be given them. While waiting for an answer,

he fortified his quarters in that spot, intrenching himself wherever

necessary. He mounted the artillery in the best position for use,

and kept his men ready for any emergency. A false and deceptive answer

was returned, making excuses for the excesses that had been committed,

and for not complying just then with what had been asked of them, and

making loud promises to do so later. All this was with the object of

detaining the captain in that place, which is very unhealthy, until the

rains should set in, his provisions run short, and the arrival of the

expected aid. After this answer had been received the Joloans, thinking

that the Spaniards had become more careless on account of it, swarmed

down quickly from the said fort in a large body of probably somewhat

over one thousand; and armed with arquebuses and other weapons with

handles, campilans, and caraças, attacked and assaulted the quarters

and camp of the Spaniards. This could not be done so secretly as not

to be seen by the Spaniards, and allow them opportunity to prepare

to receive the Joloans before their arrival. This the Spaniards did,

and having permitted the natives to come all together in a body to

the very inside of the quarters and trenches, as soon as the Joloans

had discharged their arquebuses, the Spaniards opened fire upon them,

first with their artillery, and then with their arquebuses, killing

many, and forcing the rest to retire in flight to the fort. The

Spaniards pursued them, wounding and killing to the middle of the

hill. But seeing that farther on the paths were so narrow and rough,

they retreated before the heavy artillery fire from the heights,

and the large stones hurled down upon them, and returned to their

quarters. Upon many other days, efforts were made to reach the fort,

but without any result. Thereupon Gallinato, in consideration of the

war being prolonged beyond what had been expected, built two forts,

one where he kept his ships in order to defend them and the port;

and the other one-half legua farther on in a suitable place where

they could take refuge and communicate with the camp. The forts were

built of wood and fascines, and fortified with the artillery from the

ships. The Spaniards shut themselves up in these forts, whence from

time to time they sallied, making incursions as far as the enemy's

fort. The latter always remained shut up in their fort without ever

choosing to come down or to yield; for he was convinced that the

Spaniards could not remain long in the island. When Gallinato saw

that the rains were fast setting in, that his men were becoming ill,

and that his provisions were failing, without his having accomplished

the desired task, and that it could not be accomplished with his

remaining resources; and that the enemy from Mindanao with other

allies of theirs were boasting that they were gathering a large fleet

in order to drive the Spaniards from Jolo: he sent news of all that had

occurred to the governor of Manila, with a plan of the island and fort

and a relation of the difficulties which the enterprise presented. He

sent this in a swift vessel, by Captain and Sargento-mayor Pedro

Cotelo de Morales, toward the end of May of the year six hundred

and two, in order to obtain instructions as to his procedure, and

the necessary reënforcements of men and provisions. The captain was

charged to return quickly with the answer.

When the Moro Ocuña Lacasamana and his followers killed Diego Belloso,

Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonçales, and the Castilians and Portuguese with

them in the kingdom of Camboja, we said that Joan de Mendoça Gamboa

with father Fray Joan Malclonado, and his associate, Don Antonio

Malaver, Luys de Villafañe, and other Spaniards who escaped by

embarking with him in his vessel, descended the river with his vessel

toward the sea, defending themselves against some Cambodian and Malayan

praus which pursued them until they crossed the bar. Joan de Mendoça

pursued his voyage along the coast to Sian, where his main business

lay. Having reached the bar he ascended the river to the city of Odia,

the court of the king, and the latter received the letter and message

of Governor Don Francisco Tello, although with less pomp and courtesy

than Joan de Mendoça wished.

Then he bartered his merchandise, and was so stingy in the regular

custom of making some presents and gifts to the king and his favorites

that he even bargained closely over the presents offered. The king

was even inclined to seize the artillery of his ship, for which he

had a great longing. Joan de Mendoça, fearing this, sunk it in the

river with buoys, so that he could recover it at his departure,

and for appearances left in the ship only one iron gun and some

culverins. There was a Portuguese of the Order of St. Dominic in

Odia, who had been residing in that court for the last two years,

administering to the Portuguese who carried on trade in that

region. Among these Portuguese were some whom the king had brought

from Camboja and Pigu, when at war with both kingdoms. These and other

Portuguese had had some quarrels with Siamese in the city, and had

killed one of the king's servants. The king, being little inclined

to clemency, had fried some of the delinquents and had forbidden

the other Portuguese and the religious to leave the city or kingdom,

although they had urgently asked leave and permission to do so. On

seeing themselves deprived of liberty, less well treated than before,

and threatened daily, they conspired with Fray Joan Maldonado to be

smuggled aboard his vessel at its departure, and taken out of the

kingdom. The religious took the matter upon himself. After Joan de

Mendoça had concluded his business, although not as he had desired,

since the king gave him no answer for the governor, putting it off,

and his merchandise had not yielded much profit, he determined, at the

advice of Fray Joan Maldonado, to recover his artillery some night,

and to descend the river as rapidly as possible. On that same night

the Portuguese religious and his companions, about twelve in number,

were to leave the city secretly and wait eight leguas down the river

in an appointed place, where they would be taken aboard. This plan

was carried out, but when the king heard that Don Joan de Mendoça had

taken his ship and departed without his leave and dismissal, and that

he was carrying away the friar and the Portuguese who had been kept at

his court, he was so angered that he sent forty praus with artillery

and many soldiers in pursuit of him with orders to capture and bring

them back to court or to kill them. Although Joan de Mendoça made all

possible haste to descend the river, the ship, being without oars and

its sails not always to be depended upon, and the distance to cover

more than seventy leguas, he was overtaken by the Siamese in the

river. When they drew near, Joan de Mendoça assumed the defensive,

and gave them so much trouble with his artillery and musketry,

that they did not dare to board him. Nevertheless, they approached

him several times, and managing to break through, tossed artificial

fire aboard, which caused the Spaniards much trouble, for the combat

lasted more than one week, day and night. Finally, when near the bar,

in order that the ship might not escape them, all the praus surviving

the previous engagements attacked with one accord and made the last

effort in their power. Although the Siamese could not carry out their

intentions, and suffered the more killed and wounded, the Spaniards

did not escape without severe losses; for the pilot, Joan Martinez de

Chave, the associate of Fray Joan Maldonado, and eight other Spaniards

died in the conflict. Fray Joan Maldonado was badly wounded by a ball

from a culverin, which shattered his arm, and Captain Joan de Mendoça

also received dangerous wounds. Thereupon the Siamese reascended the

river, and the ship put to sea badly misused. As the weather was not

favorable for crossing by way of the shoals to Manila or Malaca, which

lay nearer to them, they steered for Cochinchina, where they put in

and joined a Portuguese vessel lying there, for which they waited until

it should sail to Malaca, in order to sail in its company. There Fray

Joan Maldonado and Captain Joan de Mendoça grew worse of their wounds,

and both died. Fray Joan Maldonado left a letter, written a few days

before his death, for his superior and the Order of St. Dominic, in

which he related his journeys, hardships and the cause of his death;

and informed them of the nature and condition of the affairs of Camboja

(whither he had been sent), of the slight foundation and motives for

them troubling themselves with that enterprise, and the slight gain

which could be hoped from it. He charged them upon their consciences

not again to become instruments of a return to Camboja. The ship

went to Malaca with its cargo, where everything was sold there by the

probate judge. Some of the Spaniards still living returned to Manila

sick, poor, and needy, from the hardships which they had undergone.

The affairs of Maluco continued to assume a worse appearance,

because the ruler of Terrenate was openly waging war against his

neighbor of Tidore and against the Portuguese who were with the

latter. He had allowed some ships which had come to Terrenate from

the islands of Holanda and Zelanda by way of India to trade with

him, and through them had sent a message to Inglaterra and to the

prince of Orange, concerning peace, trade, and commerce with the

English and the Dutch. To this he had received a favorable answer,

and he expected shortly a large fleet from Inglaterra and the islands,

with whose help he expected to accomplish great things against Tidore

and the Filipinas. Meanwhile, he kept some Flemings and Englishmen

in Terrenate who had remained as pledges, and a factor engaged in

purchasing cloves. These people had brought many fine weapons for this

trade, so that the island of Terrenate was exceedingly well supplied

with them. The king of Tidore and the chief captain wrote yearly to

the governor of the Filipinas, informing him of what was going on,

so that it might be remedied in time, and aid sent to them. Once,

Cachilcota, [146] brother of the king of Tidore, a brave soldier

and one of the most famous of all Maluco, came to Manila for that

purpose. They always received men, provisions, and some ammunition;

but what they most desired was that an expedition should be made

opportunely against Terrenate, before the English and Dutch came

with the expected fleet. This could not be done without an order

from his Majesty, and great preparation and equipment for such an

enterprise. The same message was always sent from Tidore. At last,

during this administration of Don Francisco Tello, Captain Marcos

Dias de Febra returned with this request, and brought letters to the

governor and to the Audiencia from the king [of Tidore], and from

the chief captain, Rui Gonçales de Sequeira, in which were detailed

contemporaneous events, and the necessity of at least sending succor

to Tidore. The king wrote specially about this to the king [of España]

and to Doctor Antonio de Morga, with the latter of whom he used to

correspond, the following letter, which was written in Portuguese

and signed in his own language.

To Doctor Morga, in the Filipinas Islands, from the king of Tidore.

I greatly rejoiced in receiving a letter from your Grace written on

the eighth of November last, because by it I particularly understand

your great sincerity in remembering me and my affairs; for this, may

God reward your Grace with long life and prosperity for the service

of the king, my sovereign. For I understood that he keeps your Grace

in these islands with the hope of their increase, and I am aware that

your being there will serve as a remedy for this fortress and island of

Tidore. I have written to the governor and to the Audiencia in Manila,

concerning the succor for which I beg, for I have asked it so often,

on account of the great necessity of it; for through its means the

injury may be checked; otherwise it may later cost much to the king

our sovereign. I beg your Grace to favor me in this, or at least in

what may be necessary for the future, for thus it will render a great

service to God and to the king, my sovereign. May God preserve your

Grace with life for many years. From this island of Tidore, today,

March eight, one thousand six hundred and one.

THE KING OF TIDORE

The bearer, namely, Marcos Dias, will give your Grace a flagon and a

little flask of Moorish brass workmanship. I send them in order that

your Grace may remember this your friend. [147]

Marcos Dias returned to Tidore at the first monsoon, in the beginning

of the year six hundred and two, bearing an answer to his message,

and taking the reënforcements that had been asked, of provisions,

ammunition, and a few soldiers. He was satisfied therewith, until a

fitting opportunity should offer for making the desired expedition

from Manila.

Of the government of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and president

of the Filipinas, and of what happened during his administration,

until his death in June of the year six hundred and six, after his

return to Manila from Maluco, where he had completed the conquest of

the islands subject to the king of Terrenate.

CHAPTER SEVENTH

In the month of May of six hundred and two, four ships came to Manila

from Nueva España, with a new governor and president of the Audiencia,

named Don Pedro de Acuña, knight of the Order of St. John, comendador

of Salamanca, and lately governor of Cartagena in Tierra Firme. He was

received into the government to the great satisfaction of the whole

country, on account of the need there of one who would be as skilled

in matters of war as watchful and careful in the government. Don

Francisco Tello, his predecessor, awaiting his residencia which

was to be taken, had to remain in Manila until the following year,

six hundred and three, and in the month of April he died of an acute

illness. The new governor, upon seeing things in so great need of

stability, and so limited resources in the royal treasury for the

purpose, found that his lot was not so good as he had imagined when

he had been appointed; since the state of affairs obliged him to risk

a part of his reputation without his being able to remedy matters

as quickly as was to be desired. He took heart as much as possible,

however, and without sparing himself any personal labor in whatever

presented itself, he began with what was to be done in Manila and

its environs. He began to construct galleys and other vessels in

the shipyard, for there was great need of these, in order to defend

the sea, which was full of enemies and pirates from other islands,

especially from Mindanao. He discussed going immediately in person

to visit the provinces of Pintados, in order to supply more quickly

the needs of that region, which was causing the greatest anxiety. But

he had to postpone that several months to arrange for the despatch of

Japon and Jolo matters, and for the ships which were to make the voyage

to Nueva España, all of which came at once and had to be seen to.

Chiquiro, the Japanese, having arrived in Manila, delivered his

message and present to Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, who had been in

the government but a few days. The matter and its determination,

together with the reply, were immediately considered. It required

the greatest amount of thought to decide how this was to be made,

in the most fitting manner possible. For, although friendship with

Daifusama was held to be a good thing and of great profit, and a

necessity to obtain and conclude, even should certain difficulties

have to be overcome; and although the sailing to Quanto and its

commerce were not of much account to the Spaniards; nevertheless

those things would be fulfilled by sending a ship there with some

goods for exchange. But the rest, namely, the trade and friendship

with Nueva España, and the sending of masters and workmen to build

ships in Japon for that navigation, which Daifu insisted upon, and

which Fray Geronymo had assured him would be done, was a serious

matter and impossible to be carried out, as it was very harmful

and prejudicial to the Filipinas. For their greatest security from

Japon had ever been the Japanese lack of ships and their ignorance

of navigation. As often as the latter had intended to attack Manila,

they had been prevented by this obstacle. Now to send the Japanese

workmen and masters to make Spanish ships for them and show them how

such vessels were made, would be to give them the weapons that they

needed for their own [i.e., the Filipinas'] destruction, while their

navigation to Nueva España, and making long voyages, would cause very

great troubles. [148] Each matter singly was of great importance and

consideration, and such that the governor could not decide them, and

they could not be decided in Manila, without informing his Majesty

and the latter's viceroy of Nueva España, who was so much concerned,

thereof. In order to take measures in the matter, and not to delay the

Japanese from returning with his reply, a moderate present of Spanish

articles was sent to Daifu, in the same ship which had come, in return

for what it had brought. These Fray Geronymo was to give Daifu in

person. The former was written to tell Daifu with what pleasure the

governor received the good-will that he manifested to him, and the

peace and friendship with the Spaniards, and all the other things that

he was doing for them; and that he, the governor, would keep it and

observe it in so far as he was concerned, and that very year he would

send a Spanish ship to trade at Quanto according to Daifu's desire,

and that he would despatch it quickly. As to the navigation which

the latter wished to undertake to Nueva España and his desire to have

masters sent him for that purpose, to build ships for that voyage, that

was a matter which--although the governor would do his best to effect,

and to please him in everything--was not within his control, without

first informing his Majesty and the latter's viceroy in Nueva España

thereof; for he, the governor, had no power or authority outside of

the affairs of his government of the Filipinas. He said that he would

write and would treat of it immediately, and hoped that it would be

properly settled there. Until the reply came from España, which would

necessarily have to be delayed three years, because that country was

so far, he begged Daifu to be patient and suffer it, since it was not

in his control, and nothing else could be done. The governor wrote

Fray Geronymo to humor Daifu in everything, with the best words he

could use to please him, but not to embarrass himself thenceforward by

promising him and expediting such things for him. With this despatch,

Chiquiro sailed for Japon with his ship, but was so unfortunate

on the voyage that he was wrecked off the head of Hermosa Island,

and neither the vessel nor its crew escaped. News thereof was not

received in Manila or in Japon until many days afterward.

Upon the arrival of the letters from Fray Geronymo de Jesus, and the

news of the changed conditions which he wrote existed in Japon, and the

permission which he said that Daifu had given him to make Christians

and build churches, not only the discalced religious of St. Francis

but those of the other orders of St. Dominic and St. Augustine, set

about going to Japon without loss of time; and, in order to be taken,

each one made use of the Japanese ships and captains which were then

at Manila, having come with flour, and which were about to return. In

particular, the Order of St. Dominic sent to the kingdom of Zazuma

four religious, under Fray Francisco de Morales, [149] Prior of Manila,

in a ship about to go to that island and province. They said that they

had been summoned by its king, the only one who had not yet rendered

homage to Daifusama. The Order of St. Augustine sent two religious to

the kingdom of Firando in a ship which had come from that port, under

Fray Diego de Guebara, [150] Prior of Manila, because they had heard

that they would be well received by the king of that province. The

Order of St. Francis, in the ships about to sail to Nangasaqui,

sent Fray Augustin Rodrigues, [151] who had been in Japon before,

in company with the martyrs, and a lay-brother, with orders to go to

Miaco, to become associates of Fray Geronymo de Jesus. Although some

difficulties presented themselves to the governor in regard to the

departure of these religious from Manila, and their going to Japon

so hastily, yet on account of the great pressure which they brought

to bear upon him, these were not sufficient to cause him to refuse

them the permission which they requested. The religious reached the

provinces to which they were going and were received there, although

more coolly than they had expected, and with fewer conveniences than

they needed for their support, and less inclination than they desired

for the matters of the conversion, in which they had imagined that

they were to have great and immediate results, for very few of the

Japanese became Christians. In fact, the kings and tonos of those

provinces kept them in order, by means of them, to open intercourse

and commerce in their lands with the Spaniards--which they desired

for their own interests rather than for the religion, to which they

were not inclined.

The governor, Don Pedro de Acuña, in fulfilment of his letter,

namely, that he would send a ship to Quanto, prepared and then sent

out a medium-sized ship, named "Santiago el Menor" [i.e., St. James

the Less], with a captain and the necessary seamen and officers, and

some goods consisting of red wood, [152] deerskins, raw silk [153]

and other things. This ship set out with orders to go to Quanto,

where it would find discalced Franciscan religious and there to sell

its goods and return with the exchange--and with the permission of

Daifusama--to Manila. Thus Japanese matters were provided for, as

far as seemed necessary, according to the state of affairs.

History of the Philippine Islands · 第 14 / 36 段