and a Japanese woman, who lived in Japon, collected some mestizo
companions, as well as Japanese and Portuguese, on a junk which
he owned in the port of Nangasaqui, with the intention of coasting
along China, Champan, and Camboja, to seek adventures and to barter,
but mainly to make prizes of what they might meet at sea. With them
embarked a Castilian who had lived in Nangasaqui after the wreck of
the galleon "San Felipe," while on its way to Nueva España in the
year ninety-six. His name was Don Antonio Malaver, and he had been
a soldier in Italia. He came to the Filipinas from Nueva España as
captain and sargento-mayor of the troops brought that year by Doctor
Antonio de Morga in the fleet from Nueva España to Manila. Don Antonio
Malaver, who had no wish to return to the Filipinas, thinking that
by that way he could go to India and thence to España, and that on
the road there might fall to him some share of the illgotten gains
of that voyage, embarked with Govea and his company. After they had
run down the coast and heard some news of the entry of Spaniards
into Camboja, Don Antonio persuaded Govea to enter the river of
Camboja, where they would find Spaniards, and affairs in such a
state that they might take some effective action in that kingdom,
and thrive better than at sea. They went up as far as Chordemuco,
joined the Castilians and Portuguese and were received into their
company and list. As they all--and they were a considerable number of
men--saw the delay of Don Luis Dasmariñas, they proclaimed as leaders
Fray Joan Maldonado, Diego Belloso, and Blas Ruis. Then they began
to treat with King Prauncar on their own account concerning their
establishment and comfort, and to request lands and rice for their
maintenance and other things which had been promised them, alleging
that they did not derive the necessary usufruct and profit out of
his concessions to Belloso and Blas Ruis. Although the king gave
them good hopes for everything he brought nothing to a conclusion,
being hindered in this by his stepmother and the mandarins of her
party, who would have liked to see the Spaniards out of the kingdom;
and in this they gained more animus every day by the non-arrival of
Don Luis Dasmariñas. Consequently, the Spaniards spent the time in
going to and fro between their quarters and the city to negotiate
with the king, with whose answers and conversations they sometimes
returned satisfied and at other times not so much so.
Ocuña Lacasamana and his Malays had their quarters near those of the
Spaniards, and since they were Moros, so opposed in religion and
pretension, the two parties had no affinity. Once a quarrel arose
between Spaniards and Malays, and several men were severely wounded on
both sides. Among them Alférez Luys Ortiz, commander of the galliot,
had both legs run through and was in great danger. King Prauncar was
angry at this, but did not dare to inflict any punishment or make
any reparation for these injuries. While matters were at such a heat
and the Malays were ill-disposed toward the Spaniards, one day while
Fray Joan Maldonado, Diego Belloso, and Blas Ruyz were in the city,
and Luys de Villafañe was in command of the quarters, on account of
the wounds and illness of Luys Ortiz, another quarrel arose in the
quarters with the Malays. Luys de Villafañe, taking advantage of this
opportunity, determined, with a few Spaniards who followed him, to
unite with Govea and his men, and attack the Malays, their quarters,
and the goods that they possessed, and sack them. Incited by anger and
still more by covetousness, they carried this out, and after having
killed many Malays and taken a quantity of property from them, they
retired and fortified themselves in their own quarters and in the
Japanese ship. The king and his mandarins were very angry at this,
and not less so were Fray Joan Maldonado, Belloso, and Blas Ruyz,
who were in Chordemuco; but Ocuña Lacasamana was far the angriest,
at seeing the injury and insult done him, and at the breaking of the
peace so recently made in reference to former quarrels. Although Fray
Joan Maldonado, Belloso, and Blas Ruiz went at once to the quarters
to remedy the matter, they found it so complicated that not even
King Prauncar, who tried to intervene, could compose it. The latter
warned the Spaniards to look to their personal safety, for he saw
their party fallen and in great danger, without his being able to
help it. Fray Joan Maldonado and his companion, although facing the
matter in company with Diego Belloso and Bias Ruis, yet took refuge
in Joan de Mendoça's ship for greater security, and some Spaniards
did the same. Diego Belloso, Blas Ruiz, and the others relying on
the king's friendship, and their services in the country, remained
on shore, although they took every precaution and kept the closest
possible guard over their safety. [119]
The Malay Lacasamana, aided by his men and the mandarins of his
party, and supported by the king's step-mother, lost no more
time, nor the present opportunity, but attacked the Castilians,
Portuguese, and Japanese, at once, both by land and sea. Finding them
separated--although some offered as much resistance as possible--he
killed them all, including Diego Belloso and Blas Ruiz de Hernan
Gonçales. Then he burned their quarters and vessels except that of
Joan de Mendoça, who, fearing the danger, descended the river toward
the sea and defended himself against some praus that had followed
him. He took with him Fray Joan Maldonado, the latter's associate, and
some few Spaniards. On shore there remained alive only one Franciscan
religious, five Manila Indians, and a Castilian named Joan Dias, whom
the king, who grieved exceedingly for the deaths of the Spaniards,
had hid carefully in the open country. Although the king advised
the friar not to appear in public until the Malays were appeased,
that religious, imagining that he could escape their fury, emerged
with two Indians in order to escape from the kingdom. But they were
found and killed like the others. Joan Dias and three Indians remained
many days in concealment, and the king maintained them, until, after
other events, they could appear. Thus the cause of the Spaniards in
Camboja came to an end, and was so entirely defeated that the Moro
Malay and his partisans remained complete masters. They managed the
affairs of the kingdom with so little respect for King Prauncar,
that finally they killed him also. Thereupon a fresh insurrection
broke out, the provinces revolted, each man seized whatever he could,
and there was more confusion and disturbance than before.
The Spanish garrison left in La Caldera, at the withdrawal of Don
Joan Ronquillo's camp from the river of Mindanao, passed into command
of Captain Villagra at the death of Captain Joan Pacho in Jolo, and
was suffering for lack of provisions; for neither the people of the
river could give them to the Spaniards, nor would the Joloans furnish
any on account of the war declared upon them. Therefore the garrison
urgently requested Governor Don Francisco Tello either to aid their
presidio with provisions, soldiers, and ammunition, or to allow them
to retire to Manila--a thing of which they were most desirous--since
there they gained no other special result than that of famine, and
of incarceration in that fort, and of no place wherein to seek their
sustenance. The governor, in view of their insistence in the matter;
and having but little money in the royal exchequer, with which to
provide for and maintain the said presidio--and for the same reason
the punishment that was to be inflicted upon the Joloans for their
outrages upon the Spaniards, and their insurrection was deferred--and
thinking that the return to Mindanao matters would be a long question:
he was inclined to excuse the difficulty and anxiety of maintaining
the presidio of La Caldera. In order to do it with a reasonable
excuse he consulted the Audiencia and other intelligent persons, and
requested them to give him their opinion. But he first communicated
his wishes to them and gave them some reasons with which he tried to
persuade them to give him the answer that he desired. The Audiencia
advised him not to remove or raise the garrison of La Caldera, but to
reënforce and maintain it, and to attend to the affairs of Jolo and
the river of Mindanao as soon as possible, even if what was necessary
for those two places should be withdrawn from some other section. They
said that this was the most urgent need, and the one which required
the greatest attention in the islands, both in order to pacify those
provinces and to keep them curbed; lest, seeing the Spaniards totally
withdrawn, they should gain courage and boldly venture still farther,
and come down to make captures among the Pintados and carry the war
to the very doors of the Spaniards. [120] Notwithstanding this reply
the governor resolved to raise and withdraw the garrison, and sent
orders to Captain Villagra immediately to burn the fort which had
been built in La Caldera, to withdraw with all his men and ships,
and return to Manila. This was quickly done, for the captain and the
soldiers of the garrison waited for nothing more than to dismantle
the fort and leave. When the Joloans saw the Spaniards abandoning the
country, they were persuaded that the latter would return to Mindanao
no more, and that they had not sufficient forces to do so. Thereupon
they gained fresh resolution and courage, and united with the people
of Buhahayen on the river, and equipped a number of caracoas and other
craft, in order to descend upon the coast of Pintados to plunder them
and make captives. The people of Tampacan, who lost hope of receiving
further help from the Spaniards, and of the latter's return to the
river, since they had also abandoned the fort of La Caldera and left
the country, came to terms with and joined the people of Buhahayen,
their neighbors, in order to avoid the war and injuries that they
were suffering from the latter. Then all turned their arms against
the Spaniards, promising themselves to make many incursions into their
territory and gain much plunder. Accordingly they prepared their fleet,
and appointed as leaders and commanders of it two of the experienced
chiefs, of the river of Mindanao, called Sali and Silonga. They left
the Mindanao River in the month of July of the year ninety-nine, in
the season of the vendavals, with fifty caracoas, containing more than
three thousand soldiers armed with arquebuses, campilans, carasas,
other weapons with handles, and many culverins, and steered toward
the islands of Oton and Panay, and neighboring islands. They passed
Negros Island and went to the river of Panay, which they ascended
for five leguas to the chief settlement, where the alcalde-mayor and
some Spaniards were living. They sacked the settlement, burned the
houses and churches, captured many native Christians--men, women,
and children--upon whom they committed many murders, cruelties,
and outrages. They pursued these in boats more than ten leguas up
the river, and destroyed all the crops. For the alcalde-mayor, and
those who could, fled inland among the mountains, and accordingly the
enemy had a better opportunity to do what they pleased. After they had
burned all the vessels in the river, they left the river of Panay with
their boats laden with pillaged goods and captive Christians. They
did the same in the other islands and towns which they passed. Then
they returned to Mindanao, without any opposition being offered, with
a quantity of gold and goods and more than eight hundred captives,
besides the people whom they had killed. In Mindanao they divided
the spoil, and agreed to get ready a larger fleet for the next year,
and return to make war better prepared. [121]
This daring attack of the Mindanaos worked great injury to the islands
of Pintados, both on account of their deeds there and also on account
of the fear and terror with which they inspired the natives; because
of the latter being in the power of the Spaniards, who kept them
subject, tributary, and disarmed, and neither protected them from
their enemies, nor left them the means to defend themselves, as they
used to do when there were no Spaniards in the country. Therefore
many towns of peaceful and subjected Indians revolted and withdrew
to the tingues, [122] and refused to descend to their houses,
magistrates, and encomenderos. As was reported daily, they all
had a great desire to revolt and rebel, but they were appeased and
reduced again to subjection by a few promises and presents from their
encomenderos and religious who showed great pity and sadness over
their injuries. Although in Manila people regretted these injuries,
and still more those which were expected in the future from the enemy,
they did nothing but regret them--since the governor was ill provided
with ship and other necessities for the defense--and reckon them with
the loss which they had suffered for having raised the camp on the
river of Mindanao and dismantled the presidio of La Caldera.
As soon as the weather permitted, the Mindanaos and Joloans returned
with a large fleet of more than seventy well-equipped ships and more
than four thousand fighting men, led by the same Silonga and Sali,
and other Mindanao and Jolo chiefs, to the same islands of Pintados,
with the determination of taking and sacking the Spanish town of
Arevalo, which is situated in Oton. Captain Joan Garcia de Sierra,
alcalde-mayor of that province, having heard of this expedition and
of the designs entertained by the enemy, took the most necessary
precautions, and, gathering into the town all the Spaniards who
lived there and in its neighborhood, shut himself up in it with all
of them. Then, having repaired, as well as possible, a wooden fort
there, he gathered there the women and their possessions. He and
the Spaniards--about seventy men--armed with arquebuses, awaited the
enemy. The latter, who intended to attack the river of Panay again,
passed Negros Island and made for the town of Arevalo, where they
anchored close to the native settlement. Then they landed one thousand
five hundred men armed with arquebuses, campilans, and carasas, and,
without stopping on the way marched against the Spanish town which
was the object of their attack. The Spaniards, divided into troops,
sallied forth and opened fire with their arquebuses upon the enemy
with such vehemence that they forced them to retreat and take refuge
on board their caracoas. So great was the enemy's confusion that many
Mindanaos were killed before they could embark. Captain Joan Garcia
de Sierra, who was on horseback, pursued the enemy so closely to the
water's edge that the latter cut off the legs of his mount with their
campilans and brought him to the ground where they killed him. The
enemy embarked with a heavy loss of men, and halted at the island of
Guimaraez, [123] in sight of Arevalo. There they counted their men,
including the dead and the wounded, who were not a few, and among whom
was one of the most noted chiefs and leaders. Then they sailed for
Mindanao, making a great show of grief and sorrow, and sounding their
bells and tifas. [124] They made no further delay at the Pintados,
deriving little profit or gain from the expedition, but much injury,
and loss of men and reputation, which was felt more deeply upon their
arrival in Jolo and Mindanao. In order to remedy this disaster, it
was proposed to renew their expedition against the Pintados at the
first monsoon with more ships and men, and it was so decided.
When the affairs of Japon were discussed above, we spoke of the loss
of the ship "San Felipe" in Hurando, in the province of Toca; of the
martyrdom of the discalced Franciscan religious in Nangasaqui; and of
the departure of the Spaniards and religious who had remained there,
with the exception of Fray Geronymo de Jesus, who, changing his habit,
concealed himself in the interior of the country. We related that
Taicosama, after he had given an answer to the governor of Manila,
through his ambassador, Don Luis Navarrete, excusing himself for what
had happened, was induced, at the instigation of Faranda Quiemon and
his supporters, to send a fleet against Manila; that he had supplied
Faranda with rice and other provisions in order to despatch it; and
that the latter had begun preparations, but not having managed to
bring the matter to the point that he had promised, the enterprise
was dragged on and left in that condition. What happened after these
events is that Taicosama was seized with a severe sickness in Miaco and
died, not without having first had time to dispose of the succession
and government of his kingdom, and to see that the empire should be
continued in his only son, who was ten years old at that time. For
this purpose he fixed his choice on the greatest tono in Japon,
called Yeyasudono, lord of Quanto--which are certain provinces in
the north--who had children and grandchildren, and more influence and
power in Japon than any other man in the kingdom. Taicosama summoned
Yeyasudono to court, and told him that he wished to marry his son to
the latter's granddaughter, the daughter of his eldest son, so that
he might succeed to the empire. The marriage was celebrated, and the
government of Japon left, until his son was older, to Yeyasudono,
associated with Guenifuin, Fungen, Ximonojo, and Xicoraju, his special
favorites and counselors, [125] to whose hands the affairs of his
government had passed for some years, in order that thus united they
might continue to administer them after his death, until his son, whom
he left named and accepted by the kingdom as his successor and supreme
lord of Japon, was old enough to rule in person. After the death of
Taicosama in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, [126]
the five governors kept his son carefully watched in the fortress of
Usaca, with the service and pomp due his person, while they remained
at Miaco at the head of the government for some time. Consequently the
pretensions of Faranda Quiemon to make an expedition against Manila
ceased altogether, and nothing more was said about the matter. Since
the affairs of Japon are never settled, but have always been in
a disturbed condition, they could not last many days as Taico left
them. For, with the new administration and the arrival at court, from
other provinces of Japon, of tonos, lords, captains, and soldiers,
whom the combaco in his lifetime had kept busy in the wars with Coray
[i.e., Corea] and the king of China, in order to divert them from
the affairs of his kingdom, the men began to become restless and
corrupt. The result was that the four governors entertained suspicions
of, and quarreled with, Yeyasudono, for they feared from his manner of
governing and procedure that he was preparing, on account of his power,
to seize the empire for himself, and to exclude and take no notice
of Taico's son, who had been married to his granddaughter. The flame
burned still higher, for many tonos and lords of the kingdom felt the
same way about the matter; and now, either because they desired the
succession of Taico's son, or because they liked to see matters in
disorder so that each one might act for his own interest--which was
the most likely motive, and not the affection for Taicosama, who,
being a tyrant, had been feared rather than loved--they persuaded
the governors to oppose Yeyasudono and check his designs. Under this
excitement, the opposition became so lively, that they completely
declared themselves, and Yeyasudono found it convenient to leave the
kingdom of Miaco and go to his lands of Quanto, in order to insure his
own safety and return to the capital with large forces with which to
demand obedience. The governors, understanding his intentions, were
not idle, but collected men and put two hundred thousand soldiers in
the field. They were joined by most of the tonos and lords of Japon,
[127] both Christian and pagan, while the minority remained among
the partisans and followers of Yeyasudono. The latter came down as
speedily as possible from Quanto to meet the governors and their army,
in order to give them battle with one hundred thousand picked men
of his own land. The two armies met, and the battle was fought with
all their forces. [128] In the course of the struggle, there were
various fortunes, which rendered the result doubtful. But, finally,
after a number of men had deserted from the camp of the governors to
that of Yeyasudono, it was perceived that the latter's affairs were
improving. Victory was declared in his favor, after the death of many
soldiers and lords. Those who remained--for but few escaped--including
the four governors, surrendered to Yeyasudono. After he had beheaded
the majority of the tonos, and deprived others of their seigniories
and provinces, which he granted again to men devoted to his party;
and after his return to the capital, triumphant over his enemies,
and master of the whole kingdom: he inflicted special punishment
upon the governors, by having them crucified immediately, and their
ears cut off, and then carried through the streets of the principal
cities of Usaca, Sacay, Fugimen, and Miaco, in carts, until they died
on the crosses in the midst of other tortures. Since these were the
men through whose zeal and advice Taico had, a few years before,
inflicted the same punishment upon the discalced friars whom he
martyred, we may infer that God chose to punish them in this world
also with the same rigor.
Thus Yeyasudono remained the supreme ruler of Japon as Taico had been,
but failed to withdraw the son from the fortress of Usaca; on the
contrary he set more guards over him. Then, changing his own name,
as is usual among the seigniors of Japon, he styled himself Daifusama
for the sake of greater dignity.