comforted by the love which the people showed towards us, and: by the
kind reception that we met at the hands of all. Finally we reached
Lanchan, the capital and the royal seat of the kingdom. This kingdom
has a vast territory, but it is thinly populated because it has been
often devastated by Pegu. It has mines of gold, silver, copper, iron,
brass, [sic] and tin. It produces silk, benzoin, lac, brasil, wax, and
ivory. There are also rhinoceroses, many elephants, and horses larger
than those of China. Lao is bounded on the east by Cochinchina and
on the northeast and north by China and Tartaria, from which places
came the sheep and the asses that were there when I went. Much of
their merchandise is exported by means of these animals. On its west
and southwest lie Pegu and Sian, and on the south and southeast,
it is bounded by Camboja and Champan. [100] It is a rich country,
and everything imported there is very expensive. Before our arrival
at Lanchan, a cousin of the exiled king, on account of the usurper's
death, had fled thither from Camboja, fearing lest the latter's son
who was then ruling would kill him. He related what we had done in
Camboja, in consequence of which the king of Lao received us very
cordially, and showed great respect for us, praising our deeds and
showing amazement that they had been accomplished by so few. When
we arrived the old king of Camboja, together with his elder son and
daughter, had already died, and there was left only the younger
son with his mother, aunt, and grandmother. These women rejoiced
greatly over our deeds and arrival, and more attention was given them
thenceforth. Before our arrival at the city, we met an ambassador,
whom the usurping king, Anacaparan, had sent from Camboja, in order
that he might reach Lanchan before we did, and see what was going
on there. He feigned excuse and pretext of asking for the old queen,
who was the step-mother of the dead king Prauncar, and whom Anacaparan
claimed to be his father's sister. The king of Lao was sending her,
but at our arrival, and on our assuring him of Anacaparan's death, he
ordered her to return, and the ambassador, for fear of being killed,
fled down the river in a boat to Camboja. Then we declared our embassy,
and asked for the heir of the kingdom in order to take him to our
ships and thence to his own country. We were answered that he [i.e.,
the younger son] was the only one, and that they could not allow him
to go, especially through a foreign country, and over such rough roads
and seas. The youth wished to come, but his mothers [101] would not
consent to it. Finally it was decided that we should return to the
fleet and proceed with it to Camboja. We were to send them advices
from there, whereupon they would send him under a large escort. His
mothers gave me letters directed to that city [i.e., Manila], making
great promises to the Spaniards on behalf of the kingdom, if they would
return to Camboja to pacify the land and restore it to them. The king
of Lao entrusted me with another embassy, in which he petitioned for
friendship and requested that the fleet return to Camboja, adding that,
should Gallinato be unwilling to return, he would send large forces
by land to our assistance, under command of the heir himself. Thus we
took leave and went to Cochinchina. While these things were happening
in Lao, the following occurred in Camboja. As soon as the fleet had
departed, the news of Anacaparan's death was published. When it was
heard by Chupinaqueo, kinsman of the lawful king, who was in prison,
he escaped from his prison, incited a province to rise, collected
its men, and having proclaimed Prauncar as the lawful king, came to
get us with about six thousand men, in order to join us and make war
upon the sons of the usurper, who were now ruling. Not finding us in
Chordemuco, where our ships had been lying, he sent boats to look
for us as far as the bar. Seeing that we were nowhere to be found
he seized all the Chinese and other people there, and returned to
his province where he had gathered his forces, and there he fortified
himself. Meanwhile the men at Champan, who had gone thither to take it,
returned, whereupon the commander of the camp, called Ocuña de Chu,
took sides with the sons of the usurper and had one of them--the
second--Chupinanu by name, proclaimed king, because he was the most
warlike. For this reason, the elder brother, called Chupinanon,
and those of his party were angered, and consequently there was
continual strife between them. Then all having united, together with
the army from Chanpan, pursued Chupinaqueo, who came out to meet
them with many of his men. They fought for many days, but at last it
was Chupinaqueo's fate to be conquered and cruelly killed. Thus for
the time being Chupinanu ruled as king, and the camp was disbanded,
each man going to his own home. At this time a ship arrived from
Malaca on an embassy, bringing some Spaniards who came in search
of us, and a number of Japanese. Chupinanu would have liked to have
killed them all, but seeing that they came on an embassy, and from
Malaca, he let them go immediately. A large province, called Tele,
seeing the cruelty with which the king treated them, revolted, and
declaring themselves free, proclaimed a new king; then they marched
against Chupinanu, and defeated and routed him, took from him a large
number of elephants and artillery, and sacked his city. In the battle,
most of the Spaniards and Japanese who had come from Malaca were
killed. Chupinanu retreated with all his brothers, six in number,
to another province, always accompanied by Ocuña de Chu. There they
began to make plans and to collect men. They also invited two Malays,
leaders of all the other Malays on whom Chupinanu relied strongly,
who on the break-up of the camp after Chupinaqueo's death, had gone
to the lands of which they were magistrates. But in order that what
follows may be understood, I will tell who these Malays are. When
this country was being ravaged by Sian, these two went to Chanpan,
taking with them many of their Malays, as well as many Cambodians;
and because the ruler of Champan did not show them all the honors that
they desired, they caused an insurrection in the city when he was
away. They fortified themselves there, and then plundered the city,
after which they returned to this kingdom with all the artillery
and many captives. When they arrived here the usurper Anacaparan
was ruling. Congratulating one another mutually for their deeds,
the usurper gave them a friendly welcome, and they gave him all
the artillery and other things which they had brought. Then the
usurper gave them lands for their maintenance, and made them great
mandarins. These two Malays made it easy for him to capture Champan,
and offered to seize its king. Since the latter had been so great
and long-standing an enemy of the Cambodians, Anacaparan immediately
collected an army, which he sent under command of Ocuña de Chu. When
we killed Anacaparan, these forces were in Chanpan, and, as abovesaid,
they returned after his death. These men presented themselves before
the new king, Chupinanu, with all their Malays and it was at once
decided to attack the insurgents of Tele. At this juncture arrived the
ambassador who had fled from Lao as we reached Lanchan. He said that
we had remained there and that our purpose was to ask for the lawful
heir of Camboja in order to take him to our ships and transport him
to his kingdom; that the king of Cochinchina was going to help us
in this undertaking; that we had entered Lao with that report; and
that the king of Lao was about to send the heir with great forces by
river and by land, while we and the men of Cochinchina would go by
sea and join them in Camboja, where we would declare war and inflict
severe punishment upon whomsoever would not render homage. When the
new king and his followers heard this news they were frightened, and
consequently each thought only of himself. A few days later it was
reported from the bar that four Spanish ships had entered, accompanied
by many galleys from Cochinchina. This report was either a vision that
some had seen, or was a fiction; and we have been unable to clarify
the matter to this very day. At any rate, on hearing this news, these
people confirmed as true the entire report of the ambassador who had
fled. The mandarins of Camboja, taking into consideration the war which
was now waging with the men of Tele, and the new one threatened by the
Spaniards, Cochinchina, and Lao, decided to depose the new king and
render homage to the one who was coming from Lao. For this purpose they
communicated with the two Malays and together with them attacked the
king with his brothers and turned them out of the realm. The two elder
brothers fled separately, each to the province where he thought to find
more friends. After this the mandarins ordered a fleet of row-boats to
proceed toward Lao to receive their king, who they said was already
coming. They sent Ocuña de Chu as leader of the fleet and also his
two sons. Other boats were sent to the bar to receive the Spaniards,
and make friendly terms with them, sending for that purpose certain
Spaniards there. Two Cambodian mandarins and the two Malays were to
remain to guard the kingdom, and to act as governors. The Spaniards
went to the bar, but, finding nothing, returned. Ocuña de Chu took the
road to Lao, but seeing that he did not meet his king, or hear any news
of him, resolved to go to Lanchan and ask for him. He continued his
march, but suffered some pangs of hunger, for he had left the kingdom
unprovided, and the way was long. On account of this some of his men
deserted, but at last he reached Lanchan with ten armed praus. All
the kingdom of Lao was thrown into great confusion. Imagining that he
was coming to make war, they abandoned their villages and property,
and fled to the mountains. But on seeing that he was coming on a
peaceful mission, they lost their apprehension. At his arrival we
were already on the road to Cochinchina, whereupon the king ordered
us to return to Lanchan immediately. The king [of Lao], on learning
what was happening in Camboja, despatched there a large fleet by
sea, and forces by land, and sent for the king of that country. He
despatched me to Cochinchina with news of what was happening, and
to take the ships to Camboja; but, while on the way, I heard of the
battle fought by our fleet, whereupon I returned to Camboja with the
king. When we reached the first village of the kingdom, we learned
from the spies who had preceded us, that, as the news of the ships
had been untrue, and Cuña de Chu was delaying so long, the provinces
where the two brothers sought shelter had proclaimed them kings,
and were at war with one another; that the people of Tele had come
to fight with the governors, who were divided into factions; and that
each man obeyed whom he pleased. But they said that Ocuña Lacasamana,
one of the Malay headmen, had the greatest force of artillery
and praus; and that a Japanese junk--the one that had been in
Cochinchina when our fleet was there--had arrived, and was supporting
Chupinannu. The sea and land forces were collected together at the
point where this news had been received, and it was found that they
were not sufficient to make a warlike entry. A fort was built there,
and a request for more men sent to Lao. In the meantime, secret letters
were despatched to probe the hearts of the leading men. The men from
Lao delayed, and no answers were received to the letters. Feeling
insecure in that place, they deliberated upon returning to Lao,
but at this juncture news arrived from Ocuña Lacasamana, one of the
Malays who had fortified himself in his own land, saying that he was
on their side, although he had rendered homage to Chupinanu--a feigned
promise because he had seen the king's delay--but that as soon as the
king entered the land he would join his party. Soon after news came
from another Cambojan governor, to the effect that, although he had
rendered homage to Chupinanu, yet, if the king would come to him,
he would attack Chupinanu, and depose or kill him. For that he said
that he had four thousand men fortified with himself on a hill. He
sent one of his relatives with this message. All trusted in this man,
and immediately we set out for that place. When the above-mentioned
man learned of the king's approach, he attacked the other king and
routed him; then he came out to receive us, and thus we entered. That
province and many others were delivered to us immediately. Chupinanu
withdrew to some mountains. Immediately the two Malays, each with
his forces, joined us; the Japanese did the same. The king then gave
orders to pursue Chupinanu until he was taken and killed. Then he
seized another man who was acting as judge in another province and
put him to death. Soon after war began against the eldest of the
brothers and against the people of Tele who also refused homage. At
this juncture, a ship arrived from Malaca with fourteen Spaniards of
our fleet, who had put into Malaca. The king was delighted thereat,
and honored and made much of them, when he learned that they were
some of the men who had killed the usurper. They were esteemed and
respected in an extraordinary manner by the whole kingdom. Captain
Diego Belloso tried to assume charge of them by virtue of an old
document from Malaca; this I forbade, alleging that the right of this
jurisdiction should proceed from Manila, since the restoration of this
kingdom proceeded from that place, and that those men were Castilians
and had nothing to do with his document or with Malaca. The king,
before whom this matter was brought, replied that the matter lay
between us two, and refused to mingle in those affairs. Some of the
newcomers coincided with Belloso's opinion, and others with mine;
and thus we have gone on until now. This has been the cause of my
not asking the king for a fort to secure our personal safety. It
would have been a footing for some business, [102] and what I shall
relate later would not have happened to us. After the arrival of the
Castilians, the king sent an embassy to Cochinchina--a Spaniard and a
Cambodian--to get father Fray Alonso Ximenez and certain Spaniards,
who, as we heard, had remained there. The ruler of Chanpan seized
them, and they have not returned. The wars continued, in all of
which the Spaniards and Japanese took part. Whatever we attacked,
we conquered with God's assistance, but where we did not go, losses
always resulted. Consequently we gained great reputation and were
esteemed by our friends and feared by the enemy. While we were making
an incursion, Ocuña de Chu, who was now called manbaray--the highest
title in the kingdom--tried to revolt. In this he was aided by one of
the Malay chiefs called Cancona. The king summoned me and ordered me
to bring with me the Spaniards of my party. He ordered Diego Belloso
to remain, for both of us were leaders and still are, in any war in
which any of us is engaged. I came at his bidding, and he told me that
those men were trying to kill him and deprive him of his kingdom,
and asked me to prevent such a thing. The mambaray was the one who
ruled the kingdom, and since the king was young and addicted to wine,
he held the latter in little esteem and considered himself as king. At
last, I, aided by Spaniards, killed him; then his sons were captured
and killed. Afterward the Malay Cancona was seized and killed, and
the king was extricated from this peril by the Spaniards. Then we
returned to the war. I learned that another grandee who was head of a
province was trying to rebel and join Chupinannon; I captured him and
after trying him, put him to death. Therefore the king showed great
esteem for us, and the kingdom feared us; that province was subdued
and we returned to the king. At this time a vessel arrived from Sian,
and ported here on its way to an embassy at Manila. On board this
vessel were father Fray Pedro Custodio and some Portuguese. The king
was greatly delighted at the arrival of the father and wished to build
him a church. We all united and continued the war. Again we returned,
after having reduced many provinces to the obedience of the king,
and left Chupinanon secluded on some mountains, thus almost ending
the war. Hereupon many Laos arrived under the leadership of one
of their king's relatives, for hitherto they had done nothing nor
uttered any sound. I do not know whether it was from envy at seeing
us so high in the king's favor and that of the people of the kingdom,
or whether they decided the matter beforehand in their own country;
they killed a Spaniard with but slight pretext. When we asked the
king for justice in this matter, the latter ordered his mandarins to
judge the case. Meanwhile we sent for the Japanese who were carrying
on the war in another region, in order to take vengeance if justice
were not done. The Laos, either fearing this, or purposing to make
an end of us, attacked our quarters at night and killed the father
and several Spaniards who had accompanied him and who were sick;
they also killed some Japanese, for their anger was directed against
all. The rest of us escaped and took refuge on the Japanese vessel,
where we defended ourselves until the arrival of the Japanese. The
Laos made a fort and strengthened themselves therein. There were about
six thousand of them. They sent a message to the king saying that
they would not agree to any act of justice which he might order to
be carried out. The king was very angry for the deaths that they had
caused, and for the disrespect with which they treated him; but, in
order not to break with their king, he refused to give us forces with
which to attack them, although we often requested him to do so; nor did
we attack them ourselves, as we were without weapons. The king sent
word of this affair to Lao, and we remained for the time, stripped,
without property, without arms, without justice or revenge, and quite
angry at the king, although he was continually sending us excuses,
saying that if the king of Lao did not do justice in this matter,
he himself would do it, and would not let them leave the country on
that account; he also sent us food, and some clothes and weapons. At
this juncture a ship was despatched on an embassy to Malaca in which
we wished to embark, but neither the king nor his mothers would allow
Diego Belloso or me to leave. Some of the Spaniards embarked in it,
some returned to Sian, and others remained with us; and the king from
that time on made us more presents than ever. The Japanese gathered in
their ship, and refused to continue the war. When the enemy learned
that we were in confusion, they collected large forces and regained
many undefended regions. The king requested the Laos to go to war,
since they had thrown into confusion those who were defending his
country. They went, lost the first battle, and returned completely
routed, leaving many dead and wounded on the field. Chupinanon followed
up the victory and came within sight of the king's residence, only
a river separating them. Thereupon the king quite disregarded the
Laos, and persuaded us and the Japanese to take up arms again and
defend him. By this time we had all reëquipped ourselves with arms
and ammunition, and after much entreaty from him and his mothers, we
went to war and relieved a fortress which Chupinanon was besieging. We
won two battles and forced him to withdraw, thus taking from him all
he had just regained, as well as other lands which had remained in
those regions. We captured a quantity of rice and provisions from
the enemy--with which the king's forces recuperated themselves,
for they were suffering famine--and we went into quarters. This we
did, I, the Spaniards, and the Japanese who were on my side. Diego
Belloso and his men went to Tele, killed its king, and returned after
having conquered part of the province. At this time a Portuguese ship
arrived from Macao, [103] laden with merchandise; on which account,
and on beholding our deeds, the Laos were filled with great fear
of us, and without leave from the king, departed in boats to their
country. Thereupon we went to the king, and requested him not to let
them go without doing justice, unless he wished to break friendship
with Luzon and Malaca. He replied that he did not dare detain them,
but that if we wished to pursue and dared to fight them, he would
secretly give us men. Accordingly we all negotiated for ten praus,
and followed them. But since they were far ahead of us and under
the spell of fear, we could not overtake them for many days. For
this reason Belloso turned back with some Spaniards and Japanese. I
followed with great difficulty--on account of certain strong currents,
for we dragged the praus part way with ropes--although with but few
men, until I overtook many of the Laos, and seized their praus and
possessions, from which we all received compensation and gained
still more in reputation, which at present we enjoy to a higher
degree than was ever enjoyed by any nation in foreign lands. We are
greatly esteemed by the king and his men, and by those native here;
and greatly feared by foreigners. Accordingly we receive great respect
in all parts of the kingdom. They have bestowed upon Captain Diego
Belloso and myself the title of grandee, the highest in their kingdom,
so that we may be more respected and feared, and better obeyed. Two
of the best provinces in the kingdom are entered in our names, and
will be made over to us as soon as the turmoils of war are settled
and assemblies have been held to take the oaths to the king, which
has not yet been done. In the meantime we are making use of other
people whom the king orders to be given us. There is no opportunity
in the kingdom for any one else to possess entire power and command,
beyond Ocuña Lacasamana, leader of the Malays, whom the king favors on
account of his large forces, and because he needs him for the wars in
which he is engaged. The Spaniards have some encounters with his men,
for which reason we hold aloof from one another. I have informed
your Grace so minutely of these wars and affairs, in order that
it may be judged whether his Majesty has any justifiable and legal
right to seize any portion of this kingdom, since his forces killed
the man who was quietly in possession of it; and since its heir, who
was driven away where he had lost hope of ever again possessing it,
has afterward reconquered it through his Majesty's subjects, who have
guarded and defended his person from his enemies. For the hope that the
king will give it up voluntarily will never be realized, as he rather
fears having so many Spaniards in his country, even while he esteems
them; for he dreads lest they deprive him of his kingdom, since he
sees that this only requires the determination therefor. Some of our
enemies impress this fact upon him, especially the Moros. I beg and
entreat your Grace, who can do so much in this matter, to see that we
do not lose our hold on this land, since so much has been accomplished
in it, and it has been brought to a so satisfactory state. Moreover
it is very important to possess a fortress on the mainland, since it
is the beginning of great things. For if a fortress be built here,
and the king see a large force in this land, he would have to do what
he knows to be just, even if ill-disposed. I say this on account of
his mother, aunt, and grandmother, who rule and govern, for he only
does as they tell him. He is a child and is addicted to wine more
than his father; he only thinks of sports and hunting, and cares
nothing for the kingdom. Therefore should he see many Spaniards,
and that nobody could harm them, he would do whatever they wished,
because, as above-said, he loves them; neither would our opponents
dare to offer any opposition. If perchance there should be so few men
in the Filipinas at present that no great number of them can be sent,
at least send as many as possible with the fathers, so as not to
lose this jurisdiction and our share in anything; for Diego Belloso
sent to Malaca for religious, men, and documents, so that by that
means he may become chief justice of this land, and make over this
jurisdiction to Malaca. Since this kingdom has been restored by that
kingdom [i.e., the Philippines], your Grace should not allow others to
reap the fruits of our labors. If some soldiers should come, and the
Cambodians should refuse them the wherewithal to maintain themselves
because of their small number, and not fearing them, I would do here
whatever your Grace bade me, so long as it were reasonable; and until
more soldiers came, I could manage to make the Cambodians give it,
however much against their inclination. These men should come bound
hard and fast by documents, so that, as the country is very vast,
they should not be tempted to avail themselves of license, for lack of
discipline was the cause of our encounter with the Laos. It has been
very difficult for me to despatch this vessel, because little is given
to the king for any purpose, and because there were many opponents to
prevent it--for it is evident that the mandarins, whether native or
foreign, are not pleased to see men set over them in the kingdom--and
as I am poor, for I have lived hitherto by war, and subsisted from
its gains by many wars, for the king also is very poor. The Spaniard
whom I entrust with this mission is poor and an excellent soldier;
and to enable him to go, I have assisted him from my indigence. Will
your Grace please assist both him and the Cambodian, in order that
the latter may become acquainted with some of the grandeur of his
Majesty. I would rejoice to be the bearer of this, so as to give your
Grace a long account of these affairs and of other notable things,
and of the fertility of these kingdoms; but neither the king nor his
mothers have allowed me to go, as the bearer will state, among other
things. Your Grace may believe him, for he is a person disinterested in
all respects, having just arrived from Macan. On account of the many
wars, the king does not possess many things to send your Grace. He
sends two ivory tusks, and a slave. Your Grace will forgive him; he
will send many things next year, if the pacification of his country is
accomplished, for he still has something to do in it. I have spoken to
him and persuaded him to send to that city [i.e., Manila] to request
soldiers, in order to complete the pacification of the country; but
his mothers would not have it on any account, I am sure that they
act thus in order not to promise them lands for their maintenance,
or that they may not seize the land. But when they were in Lao,
they promised very vast lands. But if what is done is not sufficient
to provide for them, let the mercy of God suffice. When this embassy
was despatched, Diego Belloso and myself told the king that if he did
not give us the lands that he had promised us, we intended to go to
Luzon, because we did not now possess the wherewithal with which to
maintain ourselves. Many things occurred with respect to this request,
but finally he gave us the lands, as is stated in the embassy; he
gave them to us on condition of our holding them in his service and
obedience. By this means I shall have more resources for your Grace's
service. I spent all my possessions in meeting the expenses that I
incurred in that city [i.e., Manila], and in maintaining my men in
this kingdom. For that purpose I took the silver of the common seamen
of my vessel, and although I paid the latter with some silver which
we found in the [Chinese] ships, Gallinato would not consent to it,
but took it all for himself. In Malaca they made me pay it out of
the property on my ship, and would not consent to their being paid
out of the prizes, since the war was considered a just one. [104] For
this reason I am now destitute of any property, and therefore do not
possess the means of serving your Grace as I ought and as I should
have desired. Recollecting your Grace's unique armory I send you a
bottle and a small flask of ivory. Your Grace will forgive the trifle
for I promise to compensate for it next year. Your Grace may command
me in any service for I shall take great pleasure therein. Will your
Grace do me the favor to protect my affairs, so that they may gain
some merit by your favor. Trusting to this, may our Lord preserve
your Grace, and give you increase in your dignity, as this servant
of your Grace desires in your affairs. From Camboja, July twenty,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight.
Your Grace's servant,
BLAS RUYZ DE HERNAN GONÇALES
Through this news and despatch from Camboja we learned in Manila of
the good result attained by the stay of Diego Belloso and Blas Ruys in
that land. Don Luys Dasmariñas gaining encouragement in the enterprise
that he had proposed, discussed it with greater warmth. But since
difficulties were still raised as to the justification with which an
entrance could be made into Camboja with armed forces for more than
the protection of, and completion of establishing, Prauncar in his
kingdom, and to leave preachers with him--it was said on Don Luys's
behalf that after accomplishing the above, he would, with the necessary
favor of the same king of Camboja, proceed to the neighboring kingdom
of Champan and take possession of it for his Majesty. He would drive
thence a usurper, the common enemy of all those kingdoms, who lorded
over it, and who, from his fortress near the sea, sallied out against
all navigators, plundering and capturing them. He had committed many
other crimes, murders, and thefts, on the Portuguese and other nations,
who were obliged to pass his coasts in their trading with, and voyages
to, China, Macan, Xapon, and other kingdoms, concerning all of which
sufficient testimony had been given. On account of all these reports,
the theologians and jurists decided that the war against the ruler
of Champan and the conquest of his lands was justifiable, and that
this position was of no less importance to the Spaniards than that
of Camboja.
The governor and president, Don Francisco Tello, held a consultation
with the Audiencia and others--religious and captains--as to what in
their opinion was the most advisable measure to take in this matter. It
was resolved that, since Don Luys offered to make this expedition
at his own expense with those men who chose to follow him, the plan
should be carried out. [105] Accordingly, an agreement was made with
him on the above basis. He was to take the men at his own expense,
with commission and papers from the governor for affairs of government
and war, and provisions from the Audiencia for the administration of
justice. He began preparing ships, men, and provisions, in order to
sail as soon as possible.
In the meanwhile, Governor Don Francisco Tello despatched Don Joan
de Çamudio with a moderate-sized ship to Great China to obtain leave
from the viceroy of Canton for the Spaniards to communicate and
trade with his province. He was also to fetch saltpeter and metals
which were wanted for the royal magazines of Manila. Don Joan reached
his destination with good weather, and after stationing himself off
the coast of Canton, sent certain of his company to the city with
despatches for the tuton or viceroy. When the viceroy heard of the
arrival of the Spaniards and the reason thereof, he gave them audience,
and treated them cordially. The Portuguese residing in Macan near the
city of Canton, made many efforts to prevent the viceroy, the conchifu,
and other mandarins from admitting the Castilians of Manila into
their country, alleging that the latter were pirates and evil-doers,
who seized upon whatever kingdom and province they visited. They told
them so many things that it would have sufficed to destroy them, had
not the viceroy and mandarins looked at the matter dispassionately;
for they knew the declaration of the Portuguese to be hate and enmity,
and that these passions moved them to desire that the Castilians
have no trade with China, for their own interests. The affair went so
far, that, having been brought before a court of justice, silence was
imposed upon the Portuguese of Macan, under penalty of severe corporal
punishment; while the Castilians were given and assigned a port on
the same coast, named El Pinal [Pine Grove], twelve leguas from the
city of Canton, where they might then and always enter and make a
settlement of their own; and they were given sufficient chapas [i.e.,
edicts or passports of safety] and provisions therefor. Thereupon
Don Joan de Çamudio, entered El Pinal with his ship and there he was
furnished with everything needful by the Chinese at a moderate price
while the Spaniards went to and fro on the river upon their business
to Canton in lorchas [106] and champans. While the Spaniards were
detained, in the said port they were always well received in the city
and lodged in houses within its walls. They went about the streets
freely and armed, a thing which is new and unique in China in respect
to foreigners. This caused so great wonder and envy to the Portuguese
(who are not so treated) that they tried with might and main to
prevent it, even going so far as to come by night in boats from Macan
to El Pinal to fire the ship of the Castilians. This did not succeed,
however, for, having been heard, the necessary resistance was made,
and after that a good watch was always kept on board, until the ship
having accomplished its business and object departed thence, much to
the satisfaction of the Chinese, who gave the Spaniards chapas and
documents for the future. The ship reached Manila at the beginning
of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine.
After Don Luys Dasmariñas had equipped two moderate-sized ships and
a galliot, and collected two hundred men who chose to follow him
in this enterprise to Camboja--they were part of the unemployed in
Manila--with the necessary provisions, ammunition, and equipment on
his ships; and accompanied by Fray Alonso Ximenez and Fray Aduarte
of the Order of St. Dominic and Fray Joan Bautista of the Order of
St. Francis, some Japanese, and native Indians of Manila: he set sail
with his fleet from the bay, in the middle of July, [107] of the year
ninety-eight. The weather was somewhat contrary as the seasons of
the vendavals had set in, but his desire to accomplish his voyage,
lose no time, and leave Manila, which was the greatest difficulty,
caused him to disregard the weather; he thought that, once at sea,
he would be able to stop on the coast in the port of Bolinao.
This plan did not succeed so well as Don Luis had anticipated, for, as
soon as the fleet of these three ships left the bay it was so buffeted
by the weather that it could not fetch the port of Bolinao or hold
the sea. The flagship sprung a leak, and the ships returned to the
mouth of the bay above Miraveles, [108] where they stayed several days
refitting. When the weather moderated they set sail again, but again
they were buffeted so violently that the ships were separated from
one another, and the galliot--the weakest of them--with difficulty
made the port of Cagayan. Quite dismantled and very necessitous,
it entered by the bar of Camalayuga to the city of Segovia, which is
at the head of the island of Luzon opposite Great China. There the
alcalde-mayor of that province furnished it the necessary provisions
and tackle. Captain Luis Ortiz, who commanded this galliot, together
with twenty-five Spaniards and some Indians, hastened preparations for
their departure and again left that port to rejoin the fleet which
he had to follow, according to his instructions, making for the bar
of the river of Camboja which was their destination. He had scarcely
left Cagayan, when the almiranta entered the port in the same distress
as the galliot. It was also detained some days to refit. Then it left
again to rejoin the flagship and the galliot. The flagship being a
stronger vessel kept the sea with difficulty; and as the storm lasted
a long time, it was compelled to run in the open toward China. The
storm continued to rage so steadily that, without being able to
meliorate its voyage, the ship was obliged to sail, amid high seas
and cloudy weather, to certain small uninhabited islands on the coast
of China below Macan. There it was many times in danger of shipwreck,
and parts of the cargo were thrown away daily. The almiranta, after
having been refitted, left Cagayan, made the same voyage in the same
storm, and anchored near the flagship, where it was lost with some
men and its entire cargo. [109]The flagship did its best to rescue
those who escaped from the almiranta, and although the former kept
afloat several days, at length it grounded near the coast. There
it began to leak so badly that, with that and the strong sea which
struck it broadside, the vessel went to pieces. The ship's boat had
already been lost, and in order to save their lives before the ship
was completely wrecked they were obliged to make rafts and prepare
framework and planks on which Don Luis and the religious and crew--in
all one hundred and twenty Spaniards--went ashore. They brought away
from the said ship a few of the most valuable objects, the weapons,
and the most manageable pieces of artillery, abandoning the rest as
lost. All of the Spaniards were so soaked and in so ill a plight that
some Chinese who came to the coast, from some neighboring towns, both
from compassion felt for their loss and on account of having been given
certain things that had been brought away from the wreck, provided
them with food and with a native vessel of small burden in which to
leave that place and make for Macan and Canton, which were not far.
As soon as Don Luis and his men sighted Macan, the former sent two
soldiers of his company in Chinese vessels to the city and settlement
of the Portuguese to announce their arrival and hardships, in order to
obtain some help from them. He sent two other soldiers to Canton to
ask the viceroy or tuton for assistance and protection, so that they
might equip themselves in, and sail from, China, in prosecution of
their voyage. The people of Macan and their chief captain Don Pablo
of Portugal received the Castilians so ill that they were thrown
into prison and not allowed to return to Don Luis. To the latter they
sent word warning him to leave the coast immediately, as they would
treat them all no less ill. When the Portuguese learned that Captain
Hernando de los Rios [110] and one of his companions had gone to Canton
for the same purpose, they at once sent two Portuguese, members of
their council and magistracy [camara and regimiento] to oppose their
entry into China, by saying that they were robbers and pirates, and
evil-doers, as they had said before of Don Joan de Çamudio, who at
this time was with his ship in the port of El Pinal, as abovesaid.
In Canton, Captain Hernando de los Rios and his companion met Alferez
Domingo de Artacho and other companions belonging to Don Joan's ship,
who, on learning of the disaster of Don Luis's fleet and that it had
been wrecked near by, came together and defended themselves against the
calumnies and pretensions of the Portuguese. The result was that, as
the main difficulty had been already overcome in the case of Don Joan,
and the viceroy and mandarins were informed that all were from Manila,
who Don Luis Dasmariñas was, and that he was going to Camboja with
his fleet, they received him with the same good-will with which they
had received Don Joan de Çamudio, and gave him permission to enter
the port of E1 Pinal with him. There the two met, with much regret
by the one at Don Luis Dasmariñas's loss, and with much satisfaction
by the other at finding there Don Joan de Çamudio and his men, who
provided them with certain things that they needed. With Don Joan's
assistance, Don Luis at once bought a strong, moderate-sized junk,
on which he embarked with some of his men, and the artillery and
goods which had been saved. He enjoyed the same advantages in that
port as the Spaniards of Don Joan de Çamudio's ship. He intended to
remain there until, having sent news to Manila, ships and the other
necessary things for pursuing his voyage thence to Camboja, should
be sent him, in respect to which Don Luis would never allow himself
to show any discouragement or loss of resolution.
Don Joan de Çamudio left El Pinal, leaving Don Luis Dasmariñas and
his men in that port, at the beginning of the year ninety-nine,
and reached Manila in twelve days. After him, Don Luis sent Alférez
Francisco Rodrigues with three companions to Manila in a small champan
to beg the governor and his supporters for help and assistance in
his present emergency, a vessel, and what was needful to continue the
expedition that he had begun. In Manila the news of Don Luis's loss
and of the conditions to which he was reduced, was learned both from
Don Joan de Çamudio and from Alférez Francisco Rodrigues, who reached
Manila after the former. Seeing that it was impossible for Don Luis to
continue the voyage to Camboja, and that there was neither property
nor substance with which to equip him again, nor the time for it,
a moderate-sized ship was purchased and despatched from Manila to
E1 Pinal with provisions and other things, under command of the same
Alférez Francisco Rodrigues, who was accompanied by some soldiers of
whom he was captain and leader. Through them Don Francisco Tello sent
orders to Don Luis to embark his men and return to the Filipinas,
without thinking for the present of the expedition to Camboja or of
anything else.
Captain Hernando de los Rios, who attended to Don Luis's affairs in
Canton, wrote a letter at this time to Doctor Antonio de Morga; and
in order that what happened in this respect may be better understood,
the letter reads word for word as follows.