CHAPTER I

NATIVE LIFE IN

EAST AFRICA

[Illustration: _The Author_]

NATIVE LIFE IN EAST AFRICA

THE RESULTS OF AN ETHNOLOGICAL RESEARCH EXPEDITION

BY

DR. KARL WEULE

DIRECTOR OF THE LEIPZIG

ETHNOGRAPHICAL MUSEUM AND PROFESSOR AT

THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

TRANSLATED BY

ALICE WERNER

NEW YORK

D APPLETON AND COMPANY

1909

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION xi

I. OUTWARD BOUND 1

II. THE UNEXPECTED 16

III. APPRENTICESHIP 26

IV. FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF THE INTERIOR 45

V. LOOKING ROUND 65

VI. NATIVE LIFE SEEN FROM THE INSIDE 77

VII. MY CARAVAN ON THE SOUTHWARD MARCH 104

VIII. AT MATOLA’S 134

IX. AMONG THE YAOS 155

X. FURTHER RESULTS 190

XI. TO THE ROVUMA 203

XII. UNYAGO EVERYWHERE 230

XIII. THE HARVEST OF KNOWLEDGE 243

XIV. FURTHER RESEARCHES 278

XV. LAST DAYS AT NEWALA 318

XVI. THE ROVUMA ONCE MORE 332

XVII. ACHIEVEMENT 352

XVIII. MY RETURN TO THE COAST 393

XIX. FROM LINDI TO TANGA 408

XX. RETROSPECT 413

INDEX 423

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

CAPE GUARDAFUI 1

DAR ES SALAM HARBOUR 2

NATIVE DANCE AT DAR ES SALAM 3

STREET IN NATIVE QUARTER, DAR ES SALAM 4

MAP OF THE MAIN CARAVAN ROAD 9

COURTYARD AT DAR ES SALAM 10

IN THE EUROPEAN QUARTER, DAR ES SALAM 12

LINDI BAY 16

THE SS. “RUFIJI” 18

VIEW NEAR THE MOUTH OF THE LUKULEDI ABOVE LINDI 19

LINDI ROADSTEAD 24

ARAB DHOW 25

CHAIN-GANG 26

WOMEN’S DANCE AT DAR ES SALAM 27

SELIMAN MAMBA 29

YAO WOMEN AT MTUA 33

GIRLS FROM LINDI 35

RUINED TOWER, LINDI 38

UNDER THE PALMS 40

THE LIKWATA DANCE 45

MAKUA WOMEN FROM THE LUKULEDI VALLEY 47

A MAN OF THE MWERA TRIBE AND A YAO 48

RUINS OF NYANGAO MISSION STATION 50

A MWERA WOMAN 56

YOUNG MAN OF THE MWERA TRIBE 56

MWERA WOMAN WITH PIN IN LOWER LIP 57

ROAD THROUGH THE BUSH IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF CHINGULUNGULU 59

MOUNTAINS NEAR MASASI 65

THE INSULAR MOUNTAIN OF MASASI 67

OUR ASCENT OF MTANDI MOUNTAIN 72

MNYASA HUNTER WITH DOG 77

THROUGH THE BUSH ON A COLLECTING EXCURSION 79

READY FOR MARCHING (MASASI) 81

CAMP AT MASASI 83

INTERIOR OF A NATIVE HUT IN THE ROVUMA VALLEY 85

DOVECOTE AND GRANARY 92

RAT TRAP 96

TRAP FOR ANTELOPES 98

TRAP FOR GUINEA-FOWL 99

TRAP FOR LARGE GAME 99

MY CARAVAN ON THE MARCH 104

YAO HOMESTEAD AT CHINGULUNGULU 105

THE YAO CHIEF MATOLA 108

NAKAAM, A YAO CHIEF 109

INTERIOR OF A COMPOUND AT MWITI 110

CAMP AT MWITI 112

SHUTTER WITH INLAID SWASTIKA IN NAKAAM’S HOUSE AT MWITI 114

YAO HUT 115

ELDERLY MAKONDE WOMAN IN GALA DRESS 121

GROUND PLAN OF ZUZA’S HUT 128

ZUZA’S COUCH AND FIREPLACE 129

YAO WOMEN WITH NOSE-STUDS 130

INFANT’S GRAVE 132

MATOLA’S COMPOUND 134

BEER-DRINKING 136

WATAMBWE WOMAN DECORATED WITH NUMEROUS KELOIDS 141

MANUAL CHRONOLOGY, “THAT HAPPENED WHEN I WAS SO HIGH” 145

OUR CAMP AT CHINGULUNGULU 149

WATER-HOLES AT CHINGULUNGULU 151

MAKONDE WOMEN FROM MAHUTA 153

TWO MAKUA MOTHERS 157

A FRIENDLY CHAT 158

WOMAN POUNDING AT THE MORTAR 165

MONKEYS ATTACKING A PLANTATION 168

THE BLIND BARD SULILA OUTSIDE THE BOMA AT MASASI 171

YAO DANCE AT CHINGULUNGULU 178

“BUSH SCHOOL” IN THE PORI, NEAR CHINGULUNGULU 179

A YAO DRESSED FOR THE MASEWE DANCE 181

MASEWE DANCE OF THE YAOS AT MTUA 182

FRESCO ON THE WALL OF A HUT AT AKUNDONDE’S 185

HERD OF ELEPHANTS 190

VILLAGE OF THE NGONI CHIEF MAKACHU 193

GRAVE OF THE YAO CHIEF MALUCHIRO, AT MWITI 194

KINDLING FIRE BY FRICTION 196

MY COMPANION, NILS KNUDSEN 199

FISH-DRYING ON THE ROVUMA 202

TWO MATAMBWE MOTHERS FROM THE ROVUMA 205

TYPICAL HUT IN THE ROVUMA VALLEY 208

DESERTED BUILDINGS, LUISENFELDE MINE 210

UNYAGO BOYS PLAYING ON FLUTES OUTSIDE THE NDAGALA AT AKUNDONDE’S 211

LIKWIKWI, THE BIRD OF ILL OMEN 212

LISAKASA IN THE FOREST NEAR AKUNDONDE’S 213

YAO GRAVES AT AKUNDONDE’S 214

NDAGALA (CIRCUMCISION-LODGE) IN THE FOREST NEAR AKUNDONDE’S 216

LAUGHING BEAUTIES 220

GIRLS’ UNYAGO AT THE MAKONDE HAMLET OF NIUCHI 221

GIRL’S UNYAGO AT THE MATAMBWE VILLAGE OF MANGUPA. I 226

GIRLS’ UNYAGO AT THE MATAMBWE VILLAGE OF MANGUPA. II 227

OLD MEDULA LIGHTING HIS PIPE 228

OUR CAMP AT NEWALA 231

THE AUTHOR IN WINTER COSTUME AT NEWALA 232

MAKONDE MASKS 236

MAKONDE STILT-DANCER 237

THE NJOROWE DANCE AT NEWALA 238

MAKONDE WOMEN GOING TO DRAW WATER 243

TWO NEWALA SAVANTS 245

DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI 249

FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER” 251

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR MAHUTA 256

USUAL METHOD OF CLOSING HUT-DOOR 261

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO 262

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY 263

THE ANCESTRESS OF THE MAKONDE 266

BRAZIER 267

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASAI 269

MAKUA WOMAN MAKING A POT 270

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA 275

MAKUA WOMEN 278

WOMAN CARRYING A BABY ON HER BACK 283

THREE MAKUA VEGETARIANS 284

USE OF THE THROWING STICK 286

THROWING WITH THE SLING 287

SPINNING A TOP 288

IKOMA DANCE AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, ACHIKOMU 289

XYLOPHONE (MGOROMONDO) 290

PLAYING THE NATURA 291

NATURA (FRICTION-DRUM) 291

USING THE NATIVE TELEPHONE 292

and

293

NATIVE TELEPHONE 293

MAKONDE CHILDREN 295

MASEWE DANCE OF THE MAKUAS IN THE BOMA AT NEWALA 296

KAKALE PROCESSION ON THE LAST DAY OF THE UNYAGO 298

MASKED DANCE AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI 303

WOMAN OF THE MAKONDE TRIBE 305

AN OFFERING TO THE SPIRITS 324

LANDSCAPE ON THE ROVUMA 325

TREES IN THE BURYING-GROUND AT NEWALA 327

KNOTTED STRING SERVING AS CALENDAR 329

MY ESCORT HALTED AT HENDERERA’S VILLAGE IN THE MAKONDE HIGHLANDS 334

NATIVE SUFFERING FROM THE UBUBA DISEASE 337

MAJALIWA, SAIDI, AND MAKACHU 338

FOREST RUINED BY NATIVES NEAR NCHICHIRA, ROVUMA VALLEY 343

MATAMBWE FISHERMAN CATCHING A TURTLE, WHICH A WATER-SNAKE IS

TRYING TO SEIZE 347

PILE-DWELLING ON THE ROVUMA, NEAR NCHICHIRA 350

THE WALI OF MAHUTA 353

MOTHER AND CHILD 355

TWO-STORIED HOUSES AT NCHICHIRA ON THE ROVUMA 357

MAKONDE GIRL WITH LIP PIERCED FOR PELELE AND ULCERATED 358

PSEUDO-SURGERY. MAKONDE WOMAN WITH TORN LIP ARTIFICIALLY JOINED 359

MAKONDE KELOIDS 360

MATAMBWE AND MAKUA WOMEN WITH KELOIDS 361

MAKUA WOMAN WITH KELOIDS ON BACK 362

MAKUA WOMEN WITH KELOIDS 363

MAKONDE WOMEN WITH ELABORATE KELOIDS 364

AFRICAN ART: CARVED POWDER, SNUFF, AND CHARM-BOXES FROM THE

MAKONDE HIGHLANDS 365

MAKONDE MAN WITH KELOID PATTERNS 365

YAO WOMEN WITH KELOIDS 366

THE LITOTWE 367

“BWANA PUFESA” (THE PROFESSOR) 368

WANGONI WOMEN AT NCHICHIRA 369

TWO NATIVES 370

THE BUSH COUNTRY AND ITS FAUNA 372

MAKONDE WOMAN IN HOLIDAY ATTIRE 375

MAKONDE HAMLET NEAR MAHUTA 377

A DIABOLO PLAYER ON THE MAKONDE PLATEAU 378

DIABOLO 379

ASKARI IN FATIGUE DRESS 382

WANDUWANDU’S GRAVE 397

GREAT NGOMA DANCE IN THE BOMA AT MAHUTA 403

MY ESCORT CLEANING THEIR TEETH 405

ENTERING THE RED SEA 408

THE AUTHOR IN BUSH COSTUME 410

Translator’s Introduction

The greater thoroughness and system with which anthropology and the

kindred sciences have been cultivated in Germany than in this country,

has been repeatedly brought home to us; but in nothing is it more

apparent than in the difficulty of finding equivalents for quite

elementary technical terms. The distinction between ethnology and

ethnography, indeed, is pretty generally recognized, and is explained in

works as popular in scope as Professor Keane’s _Ethnology_ and _Man Past

and Present_. But _Vōlkerkunde_, which includes both these sciences and

some others besides, is something which certainly cannot be translated

by its etymological equivalent “folklore;” and, though the word

“prehistoric” is perfectly familiar, we have no such noun as

“prehistory,” far less a professorship of the same in any university.

These remarks are suggested by the fact that Dr. Weule, whose

experiences in East Africa are here presented to the English reader, is

“Professor of _Vōlkerkunde und Urgeschichte_” at Leipzig, besides being

Director of the Ethnographical Museum in the same city.

Dr. Karl Weule, whose name is less well known in England than in his own

country, has in the past devoted himself rather to geography than to

ethnography proper. He was a pupil and friend of the late Friedrich

Ratzel, whose _History of Mankind_ was translated into English some

years ago, and whose _Politische Geographie_ gave a new direction to the

study of that science in its more immediate relation to the historical

development of mankind, or what is now called “anthropogeography.” It

was Ratzel, too, who suggested to Dr. Helmolt the idea of his

_Weltgeschichte_, a comprehensive history of the world, built up out of

detached monographs, including three by Dr. Weule, on the historical

importance of the three great oceans. (Only one of these appears in the

English edition, with introduction by Professor Bryce, published in

1901). Dr. Weule returned to the same subject in his _History of

Geography and Exploration_ (_Geschichte der Erdkenntnis und der

geographischen Forschung_) and a detached essay, _Das Meer und die

Naturvōlker_ (both published in 1904), with various other monographs of

a similar character.

After completing his university studies at Göttingen and Leipzig, Dr.

Weule resided from 1891 to 1899 at Berlin, first as a member of the

Richthofen Seminary, where his work was more purely geographical, and

afterwards as assistant in the African and Oceanian section of the

Ethnological Museum. In 1899 he was appointed to the Assistant

Directorship of the Leipzig Museum, and at the same time to the chair

which he still occupies at that University; and, seven years later, he

was entrusted with the research expedition described in the following

pages, where its scope and objects are set forth with sufficient

clearness to render further reference in this place unnecessary. After

his return he was promoted to the appointment he now holds at the

Leipzig Museum.

His residence in Africa lasted a little over six months, and the record

before us shows that he made good use of his time. Several features in

his narrative have the merit of novelty, at least as far as the general

reader is concerned; for though the cinematograph and phonograph have

been made use of for some time past in the service of anthropology, yet

we do not remember to have seen the results of the latter figuring to

any great extent in a work of this sort, though Sir Harry Johnston has

reproduced one phonographic record of a native air in his _Uganda

Protectorate_. (It is very unfortunate that so many of Dr. Weule’s

cinematograph films proved a disappointment; this instrument is proving

one of the most valuable adjuncts to exploration, especially in the case

of tribes whose peculiar customs are rapidly passing away before the

advance of civilization). Another point which imparts great freshness to

Dr. Weule’s work is the happy inspiration which led him to collect

native drawings; the sketches by his carriers and especially the

portrait of the author himself on p. 368 are decided contributions to

the gaiety of nations, and strike out a line unworked, so far as I am

aware, by previous travellers. It is a matter of deep and lasting regret

to me, personally, that I ever parted with a similar gem of art, picked

up at Blantyre, and presumably representing a European engaged in

inspecting his coffee plantation.

This whole question of native African art is very interesting. Properly

speaking, nothing in the way of indigenous graphic art is known to exist

in Africa, outside Egypt and Abyssinia, (if indeed it can be called

indigenous in the latter case), except the rock paintings of the

Bushmen, which, as is well known, have in some cases attained real

excellence. (The best published reproductions up to the present date are

contained in the late G. W. Stow’s _Native Races of South Africa_.) In

South Africa wherever Bantu natives have executed any paintings beyond

the simplest geometrical patterns, they are found to have learnt the art

from Bushmen. The natives on Mount Mlanje (Nyasaland) decorate their

huts with paintings of animals, but these have not yet been sufficiently

examined to pronounce on their quality; and, on the other hand, many

things render it probable that there is a strong Bushman element in the

population of Mlanje (at least in the indigenous Anyanja, who have been

only partly displaced by the Yaos). Dr. Weule states that this kind of

“fresco” decoration is very common on the Makonde Plateau, but considers

that it is entirely on the same level as the drawings of his

carriers—_i.e._, that it shows no artistic aptitude or tradition, and

merely consists of scrawls such as those with which innate depravity

impels every untaught human being to deface any convenient blank space.

The single specimen reproduced in his book is not precisely calculated

to refute his theory, yet it is no rougher than some of the cruder

Bushmen drawings (which show every conceivable degree of skill and

finish); and, if the daubs in question are merely the product of the

universal _gamin_ instinct, surely, huts having clay walls would

everywhere be adorned with animal-paintings, which is by no means the

case.

The comparative value of Dr. Weule’s various results must be left to the

judgment of experts; but it seems safe to assume that he was most

successful in what may be called the outside part of his task: in

forming a collection and in describing what is visible and tangible in

the life and customs of the people. That he should have failed to

penetrate their inner life is scarcely surprising. What does surprise

one is that he should have expected to do so at such exceedingly short

notice. His disappointment in this respect at Masasi, and subsequently

at Chingulungulu, is calculated to provoke a smile, if not “from the

sinful,” at least from the veteran in African experience. The greater

his experience the more is the inquirer inclined to hesitate before

putting direct questions even when they cannot be described as

“leading”; but Dr. Weule seems to have recognized no other mode of

investigation. The wonder is that the elders, officially convened by

tuck of drum from village after village and set down to be pumped till

both parties were heartily weary of the process, should have told him

anything at all—as they undoubtedly did, and much of it, to judge from

internal evidence, correct enough. The most sympathetic of travellers

does not always find it easy to satisfy his thirst for knowledge, and

Dr. Weule’s methods, on his own showing, were frequently such that I

prefer to withhold any comment.

Dr. Weule devoted a considerable amount of time to the study of the

languages spoken in the districts he visited, viz., Makua, Yao, and

Makonde; but he does not appear to have published any linguistic

documents beyond the songs, etc., given in the present volume. It is not

clear whether he was aware of any work previously done in this

direction, but he certainly speaks as though he were the first to reduce

these idioms to writing, though abundant materials exist in print for

the study of Yao, and the late Bishop Maples published a grammatical

sketch of Makua which is excellent as far as it goes, not to mention the

more recent work of Professor Meinhof. It is also extremely strange

that, while insisting on the close relationship between the different

languages of the Makonde Plateau, he should have overlooked the curious

cleavage between Makua,—which has peculiarities directly connecting it

with the distant Sechuana and Sesuto—and its neighbours.

Though the scene of Dr. Weule’s labours was repeatedly visited by

Europeans, even before the German occupation, not much has been written

about it in this country outside the publications of the Universities’

Mission. Livingstone ascended the Rovuma in 1862, to within thirty miles

of Ngomano at the Lujende junction; his farthest point being apparently

a little higher up than the camp occupied by Dr. Weule in August, 1906.

He had hoped to find a navigable waterway to the immediate vicinity of

Lake Nyasa; and, in fact, some natives told him that the Rovuma came out

of the Lake; but the rapids and rocks made it impossible to take the

boats beyond the island of Nyamatolo, which, though not marked on Dr.

Weule’s map, must be somewhere near the mouth of the Bangala. Most of

the names given by Livingstone are difficult to identify on recent maps;

but this is not surprising, as native villages are usually known by the

name of the chief or headman for the time being. It is true that some of

these names are more or less permanent, being official or hereditary

designations assumed by every successive functionary; but the population

has shifted so much during the last forty years that the old names have

been forgotten or transferred to other sites. Thus Mr. H. E. O’Neill, in

1882, found the Yao chief Chimsaka living in the eastern part of the

Mavia Plateau a little east of 40° E, having been driven from his former

place on the Upper Rovuma, more than two hundred miles to the west, by a

raid of the Mangoni (Angoni or Maviti).

The country is still inhabited, as it was in Livingstone’s time, by the

Makonde, Makua, and Matambwe tribes, with the Wamwera to the north in

the hinterland of Lindi, and the Mavia (Mabiha) south of the Rovuma, but

they have moved about a good deal within its limits, while the Yaos have

penetrated it from the west. The raids of the Angoni or Maviti have also

played a great part in these changes. Dr. Weule, as we shall see, made

careful inquiries on the subject of these tribal migrations, and the

information given to him fits in fairly well with what others have

obtained from the Yaos in the Shire Highlands and the Angoni to the west

of Lake Nyasa.

Livingstone returned to this region on his last journey, when he landed

at Mikindani Bay (March 24, 1866) with those unfortunate camels and

buffaloes whose sufferings on the jungle-march made his diary such

painful reading. The choice of camels for transport in this country was

certainly a mistake; but a greater mistake—and one which he bitterly

regretted—was made in the choice of the men who drove the camels.

On this occasion, Livingstone followed the Rovuma by land as far as

Mtarika’s (the old village about the Lujende confluence, near Chimsaka’s

former abode, not the Mtarika’s which will be found marked in Dr.

Weule’s map on the Lujende itself), and struck south-westward in the

direction of the Lake, which he reached, near the mouth of the Mtsinje,

on the 8th of August. The route followed some years previously by Dr.

Roscher, who made his way from Kilwa to Lake Nyasa, sighting it November

24, 1859, a few weeks after its discovery by Livingstone, lies somewhat

to the north-west of the country dealt with in this book, and nowhere

touches the scene of Dr. Weule’s travels.

In 1875, the late Bishop Steere followed in Livingstone’s tracks,

starting from Lindi on the first of November, and reaching Mwembe

(Mataka’s village) in a little over five weeks. This was the first of a

series of remarkable journeys accomplished by members of the

Universities’ Mission, of which we need here only mention, that of the

Rev. W. P. (now Archdeacon) Johnson and the late Rev. C. A. Janson in

1882. The station of Masasi was founded in 1876, and that of Newala in

1882; the buildings of the former were nearly all destroyed in the

“Majimaji” rising of 1906, shortly before Dr. Weule’s visit, and are

only now in process of reconstruction.

The Rovuma valley was further explored in 1882, by the late Joseph

Thomson, whom the Sultan of Zanzibar had commissioned to examine its

mineral resources, with a view to ascertaining if workable coal-seams

existed. His report was, on the whole, unfavourable, though a French

engineer, M. D’Angelvy, subsequently (in 1884) despatched on a similar

errand, came to a different conclusion. The Livingstone expedition had

found coal near Lake Chidia, in 1862; but up to the present day it has

not been utilized.

Mr. H. E. O’Neill, when British Consul at Mozambique, did a great deal

of exploring, in an unobtrusive way, between the coast and Lake Nyasa,

and, in 1882 examined the country inland from Tungi Bay, and south of

the Rovuma, being the first European to penetrate the Mavia Plateau and

come in contact with that tribe who enjoyed among their neighbours the

reputation of being “so fierce and inhospitable that no one dares to

pass through their country.” This exclusiveness Mr. O’Neill found to be

largely if not entirely the result of the persecution the Mavia had

undergone at the hands of stronger tribes, particularly the Yaos,

incited by coast slavetraders. They were unwilling to guide him to their

villages, and took him there by night so that he might be the less

likely to find his way there a second time; but, “when once their

natural suspicions were allayed and confidence established, they were

hospitable and generous, and showed neither distrust nor reserve.

Indeed, they seemed to me to be a particularly simple-minded, harmless

folk.” Men, as well as women, wear the pelele, or lip ring, as mentioned

by Dr. Weule, who never came across the Mavia for himself. Of their

wearing their hair in pig-tails, Mr. O’Neill says nothing—in fact,

beyond the pelele, there was little to distinguish them from

neighbouring tribes, and he was disposed to consider them a branch of

the Makonde. His description of their villages hidden away in the thorny

jungle and approached by circuitous paths recalls what Dr. Weule says as

to the difficulty of finding the Makonde settlements without a guide. In

the course of this journey Mr. O’Neill discovered Lake Lidede, and at

one point of his march he looked down on the Rovuma Valley from the edge

of the Mavia Plateau at almost the same point as that where Dr. Weule

saw it from the opposite escarpment, as described on pp. 343–4. It is

interesting to compare the two accounts:—Mr. O’Neill’s is to be found in

the Proceedings of the R.G.S. for 1882, p. 30.

Mr. J. T. Last, starting from Lindi on the 28th of October, 1885, made

his way overland to Blantyre, _via_ Newala, Ngomano and the Lujende

Valley, in eleven weeks. He remarks on the “desolation of the country

which was formerly well populated, as the sites of the old villages

show; but now there is not a house to be seen”—through the raids of the

Magwangara and others. Lions were as numerous as they appear to have

been in 1906, and for a similar reason. One of Mr. Last’s carriers was

dragged out of the grass shelter where the men were sleeping, thus

affording an almost exact parallel to the incident related by Dr. Weule

on pp. 394–8.

At this time the country was under the nominal rule of the Sultan of

Zanzibar, who stationed his officials at some of the places near the

coast and exercised a somewhat intermittent and uncertain authority over

the chiefs in the interior. By the treaty of 1890 the whole of the

mainland as far back as Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika, between the

Rovuma on the south, and the Umba River on the north, was handed over to

Germany, while the protectorate over what remained of the Sultan’s

dominions (viz., the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba) was taken over by

the British Government.

It seems improbable that this immense territory can ever be colonised by

Germans in the same way in which Canada and Australia have been

colonised by ourselves. There are few if any parts where German peasants

and workmen could expect to live, labour, and bring up families. So far

as the country has been settled at all, it is on the plantation system:

European capitalists cultivating large tracts of land by means of native

labour. Some coffee plantations in Usambara are, we understand,

flourishing fairly well, though not producing wealth beyond the dreams

of avarice; but the system, if it is to be extended to the whole

territory, does not augur well for the future. It is not a healthy one

for employer or employed; it always tends in the direction of forced

labour and more or less disguised slavery; and, in the end, to the

creation of a miserable and degraded proletariat. Much more satisfactory

is the method to which Dr. Weule extends a somewhat qualified approval

(though there can be no doubt that it has his sympathies) of securing to

the native his own small holding and buying his produce from him, as has

been done, to some extent, with the best results, in our own Gold Coast

Colony. Dr. Weule remarks, somewhat naively, that a wholesale

immigration from Germany would be interfered with if the native “claimed

the best parts of his own country for himself.” But surely a _ver

sacrum_ of the kind contemplated is unthinkable in the case of East

Africa.

It is possible that the reader may be somewhat perplexed by Dr. Weule’s

estimate—or estimates—of the native character. The recurring

contradictions apparent in various parts of his book arise from the plan

on which it is written. In the original edition, the traveller’s

narrative takes the form of letters addressed to his wife and friends

from the successive stages of his journey. This form has been dispensed

with (beyond the dates at the head of each chapter) in translation,[1]

because the personal allusions, in a foreign dress, rather detract from

than add to the interest of the narrative, and all the more so, as they

are not, in a sense, genuine, but have been added, _après coup_, to

impart an air of verisimilitude to the letters. The latter, in fact,

were not written from the places at which they are dated, but were put

into shape after the author’s return to Europe, from notes made on the

spot, together with extracts from actual letters, not printed as a

whole. This material, in order not to sacrifice the freshness of first

impressions, has been used very much as it stood, and it will be noticed

that, in many cases, the observations made at different places correct

and qualify one another.

I am glad to find that Dr. Weule stands up for the native in respect of

the old accusation of laziness. He shows that the people of the Makonde

Plateau, at any rate, work pretty hard (in some points, as in their

water-carrying, unnecessarily hard) for a living. He also defends them

against the charge of improvidence, making it quite plain that they take

infinite pains in storing their seed-corn for next season, and that, if

they do not save more of their crops against a year of famine, instead

of making the surplus into beer, it is because they have, under present

circumstances, absolutely no means of keeping them. It is true that, in

one passage, he seems to depreciate the industry of native women, by

comparison with the work done by German maid-servants and farmers’

wives. But he forgets to make allowance for the difference of

climate—and, perhaps, one may be permitted to doubt whether any human

being really ought to work as hard as most German women do in town or

country.

On the whole, Dr. Weule is kindly disposed towards the native. He does

not seem entirely to have escaped the danger deprecated on p. 41—at

least it strikes one that some of the (doubtless not unmerited)

castigations bestowed in the course of his pages might have been

dispensed with by the exercise of a little more patience and tact; but

he remained throughout on the best of terms with his carriers, and

appears to have parted from Moritz, Kibwana and Omari, in spite of the

trials to which they had subjected him in the exercise of their several

functions, with no ill-feeling on either side. More than once he bears

testimony to the uniform good manners of the people whose villages he

visited, and to their homely virtues—their unfailing cheerfulness, their

family affection, and their respect for parents. At the same time, he

relates various incidents calculated to leave a less pleasant

impression, though it must be remembered that the proportion they bear

to the whole of native life is probably less than that borne by the

criminal cases reported in our newspapers to the daily life and conduct

of our population in general. Dr. Weule’s stay in Africa was surely long

enough for him to see that the Bantu native is not in general

bloodthirsty or ferocious; that, on the contrary, when not maddened by

terror or resentment, he is gentle, reasonable, and even somewhat

lacking in vindictiveness compared with other races. Yet, in the

scientific report on the expedition (a publication several times alluded

to in the course of the work before us) the author is, it seems to me,

guilty of a grave injustice.

The reader will note that, on his return to the coast (see pp. 27–9), he

spent some time in studying the records of the Criminal Court at Lindi,

though he does not here tell us anything about the results of his

examination. Now these records certainly afford valuable material for

the study of social conditions; but they should be used with

discrimination. Dr. Weule does not give what is of the very first

importance, the number of criminal cases and their proportion to the

population, especially as the serious cases, which are brought for trial

to Lindi, represent the whole of an extensive province. But he mentions

two atrocities as a proof of the ignorance shown by certain German

newspapers, which “during the last two years have thought it necessary

to insist, over and over again, on the noble traits in the negro

character,” and of the “predominance of low instincts in those sons of

untamed nature” who have “an innate disposition to violence.” One of the

cases in question was that of a woman who killed her own mother by a

blow with the pestle used for pounding corn. But it is hardly fair to

place this murder on the same footing as a crime committed out of mere

brutal passion: the woman’s children had died, and she believed her

mother to have caused their death by witchcraft. We know what horrible

cruelties this belief has induced people not otherwise depraved to

commit: an instance occurred only twelve or thirteen years ago, no

further off than Clonmel. The other case, which is certainly revolting

enough, was the revenge of a husband on a guilty wife. But both of them

together prove absolutely nothing without information which would enable

us to see whether they are to be regarded as exceptional, or as in any

sense typical. The other incident given by way of proving that violence

and brutality are “in the blood” of the native, is that of an

unfortunate woman who, unsuspiciously passing through the bush, fell in

with a band of _unyago_ boys, and was by them seized and put into a

slave-stick “out of mere mischief and enjoyment of violence.” The

comment on this is that, unless the woman had been a stranger from a

distance (who, under ordinary circumstances would not be very likely to

travel alone), she must have known that there was an _unyago_ in the

neighbourhood, that if she traversed the bush in that direction she

would do so at her peril, and that her trespassing on the forbidden

ground was an act of the grossest impropriety combined with sacrilege.

As for “delight in violence”—surely that, in one form or another, is an

inherent attribute of the “human boy” in every part of the world, above

all when he conceives himself to have a legitimate excuse?

The mention of the _unyago_ mysteries suggests a subject on which Dr.

Weule has obtained fuller information than any previous writer—at any

rate on this part of Africa. It is surprising that he should have been

able to secure so many photographs of the dances—especially those of the

women—but these only constitute the more public part of the ceremonial.

As to the instruction given to the younger generation, he does not seem

to have got beyond generalities except in the case of the two old men

who, when very drunk, began to dictate the actual formula in use, though

they did not get to the end of it. Whether any tribal traditions, any

myths, embodying the religious ideas of a far distant past, are handed

down along with such practical teaching about life as the elders are

able to give, does not appear—but from what we know about other tribes

it seems highly probable. Among the Anyanja (Wanyasa) of Lake Nyasa,

_e.g._, a story accounting for the origin of that lake is told. But

perhaps many of the Makonde and Makua traditions have by this time been

forgotten. It is evident that they have led a very unsettled life for

the past forty or fifty years, besides being decimated by the

slave-trade. (This circumstance, by the by, should always be remembered

in connection with Dr. Weule’s pictures of native life, which leave a

painfully squalid impression. I am far from wishing to idealize the

“state of nature”; but neither the Zulus, nor the Anyanja, nor the Yaos

of the Shire Highlands are so ignorant and careless of hygiene or so

neglectful of their babies as the poor women of Chingulungulu and Masasi

are represented by him to be.)

These “mysteries” are universal—or practically so—among the Bantu tribes

of Africa, and no doubt most others as well. Usually they are spoken of

as an unmixed evil, which Christian missionaries do all in their power

to combat, and some are not backward in calling out for the civil power

(in countries under British administration) to put them down. The

subject is a difficult and far-reaching one, and cannot adequately be

discussed here. My own conviction, which I only give for what it is

worth, is that it is a great mistake to interfere with an institution of

this sort, unless, perhaps, when the people themselves are ceasing to

believe in it, in which case there is danger of its becoming a mere

excuse for immorality. Otherwise, even the features which to our

feelings seem most revolting are entwined with beliefs rooted in a

conception of nature, which only the gradual advance of knowledge can

modify or overthrow. And we must remember that the problem which these

poor people have tried to solve in their own way is one which presses

hardly on civilized nations as well. Parents and teachers have

discovered the evil of keeping the young in ignorance, or leaving them

to discover for themselves the realities of life; but many of them

appear helplessly perplexed as to the best way of imparting that

instruction.

As regards missions, Dr. Weule has not very much to say, but I am sorry

to find that he cannot refrain from the cheap sneer about “Christianity

not suiting the native,” which seems to be fashionable in some quarters.

It seems to be a mere _obiter dictum_ on his part—perhaps unthinkingly

adopted from others—for he brings no arguments in support of his view,

beyond remarking that Islam suits the African much better, as it does

not interfere with his freedom. But some excuse may be found for those

who hold that view in the erroneous conceptions of Christianity which

have prompted various mistakes on the part of missionaries. It is quite

true that such or such a system of complicated doctrinal belief, the

product of long ages and a special environment, may not suit the

African. It is also true that, if Christianity means Europeanisation—if

it means that the African is to be made over into a bad imitation of an

Englishman or German—it is impossible that it should gain any real hold

on him. But it is no exaggeration to say that no people on earth are

more capable—many are not so capable—of appreciating and acting on the

spirit of the Gospel, of simple love and trust in the Eternal Goodness

and goodwill towards their fellow-men.

The question is a wide one, which cannot be fully discussed within these

limits. Missionaries have often made mistakes and acted injudiciously;

they have in some cases done serious harm, not from failure to act up to

their principles, but from error in those very principles and a fatal

fidelity to them. They may have interfered between chiefs and people,

and broken down customs better left alone, or may unwittingly have

encouraged the wrong sort of converts by welcoming all and sundry,

including fugitives from justice or people discontented with their home

surroundings for reasons quite unconnected with high spiritual

aspirations. Or again, they may incur blame for the deficiencies of

alleged converts who, after honouring the mission with their presence

for a time, depart (usually under a cloud) and victimise the first

European who can be induced to employ them.

But there is another side to the matter. A man—whether consciously a

follower of the Nietzschean doctrine or not—who thinks that “the lower

races” exist to supply him with labour on his own terms, is naturally

impatient of a religion which upholds the claims of the weak, and

recognizes the status of man as man. _Hinc illæ lacrymæ_, in a good many

cases. Honestly, I do not think this is Dr. Weule’s view. But I cannot

quite get rid of the suspicion that he was repeating what he had heard

from a planter, and that it was, in strict accuracy, the planter’s

convenience, and not the native, that Christianity failed to “suit.”

Anyone who has read a certain pamphlet by Dr. Oetker, or Herr von St.

Paul Illaire’s _Caveant Consules_, or Herr Woldemar Schütze’s _Schwarz

gegen Weiss_ will not think this remark too strong.

It would be deplorable, indeed, if those writers had to be taken as

typifying the spirit of German colonial administration in Africa, or

indeed anywhere else. But I do not think we have any right to suppose

that this is so. There has been, I think, too much militarism—and very

brutal militarism, in some cases—in that administration; but this is an

evil which appears to be diminishing. There is a tendency, perhaps, to

worry the native with over-minute government regulations, which, no

doubt, will as time goes on be corrected by experience. And there is no

lack of humane and able rulers who bring to their task the same

conscientious, patient labour which their countrymen have bestowed on

scientific research; who are trained for their posts with admirable care

and thoroughness, and grudge no amount of trouble to understand and do

justice to the people under their care. They shall in no wise lose their

reward.

A. WERNER.

[Illustration: CAPE GUARDAFUI]

Native Life in East Africa

CHAPTER I

OUTWARD BOUND

DAR ES SALAM, Whit-Sunday, 1906.

Six months ago it would not have entered my head in my wildest dreams

that I should spend my favourite festival, Whitsuntide, under the shade

of African palms. But it is the fact, nevertheless. I have now been two

days in the capital of German East Africa, a spot which may well

fascinate even older travellers than myself. Not that the scenery is

strikingly grand or majestic—on the contrary, lofty mountain-masses and

mighty rivers are conspicuous by their absence, and the wide expanse of

the open ocean contributes nothing directly to the picture, for Dar es

Salam lies inland and has no seaview worth mentioning. The charm of the

landscape lies rather in one of the happiest combinations of flashing

waters, bright foliage, and radiant sunshine that can be imagined.

The entrance to the harbour gives to the uninitiated no hint of the

beauty to come. A narrow channel, choked with coral reefs, and, by its

abrupt turns, making severe demands on the skill of the pilot, leads to

the central point of a shallow bay which seems to have no outlet.

Suddenly, however, the vessel glides past this central point into an

extraordinarily narrow channel, with steep green banks on either side,

which opens out, before the traveller has had time to recover from his

astonishment, into a wide, glittering expanse, covered with ships. That

is the famous bay of Dar es Salam. In presence of the obvious advantages

of this locality, one need not have lived for years in the country to

understand why the Germans should have been willing to give up the old

caravan emporium of Bagamoyo with its open roadstead for this splendid

harbour, and thus make the almost unknown native village of Dar es Salam

the principal place in the colony.[2]

[Illustration: DAR ES SALAM HARBOUR]

On the voyage out, I visited with much enjoyment both Mombasa and

Zanzibar, though unfortunately prevented by an accident (an injury to my

foot) from going ashore at the German port of Tanga. Of these two

English centres, Zanzibar represents the past, Mombasa the present, and

still more the future. It is true that Zanzibar has the advantage in its

situation on an island at a considerable distance from the mainland, an

advantage of which the mainland towns, however splendid their future

development, will never be able to deprive it, since their lines of

communication, both economic and intellectual, will always converge on

Zanzibar. But since the completion of the Uganda Railway, Mombasa forms

the real gateway to the interior, and will do so in an increasing

degree, as the economic development of Central Africa—now only in its

infancy—goes on. Whether our two great German railways—as yet only

projected—can ever recover the immense advantage gained by Mombasa, the

future will show. We must hope for the best.

[Illustration: NATIVE DANCE AT DAR ES SALAM]

Mombasa and Zanzibar interested me more from a historical than from a

political point of view. How little do our educated and even learned

circles know of the exploration and development, the varied political

fortunes of this corner of the earth on the western shore of the

Indian Ocean! Only specialists, indeed, can be expected to know that

this year is the jubilee of the French Admiral Guillain’s epoch-making

work, _Documents sur l’Histoire, la Géographie, et le Commerce de

l’Afrique Orientale_, but it is extremely distressing to find that our

countryman, Justus Strandes’ _Die Portugiesenzeit in Deutsch- und

Englisch-Ostafrika_ (1899) is not better known. Most of us think that

Eastern Equatorial Africa, considered as a field for colonization, is

as much virgin soil as Togo, Kamerun and German South-West Africa, or

the greater part of our possessions in the South Seas. How few of us

realise that, before us and before the English, the Arabs had, a

thousand years ago, shown the most brilliant capacity for gaining and

keeping colonies, and that after them the Portuguese, in connection

with and as a consequence of Vasco da Gama’s voyage to India round the

Cape of Good Hope in 1498, occupied an extensive strip of the long

coast, and maintained their hold on it for centuries? And yet these

events—these struggles for East Africa form one of the most

interesting chapters in the history of modern colonization. Here for

the first time the young European culture-element meets with an

Eastern opponent worthy of its steel. In fact that struggle for the

north-western shores of the Indian Ocean stands for nothing less than

the beginning of that far more serious struggle which the white race

has waged for the supremacy over the earth in general, and in which

they already seemed to be victorious, when, a few years ago, the

unexpected rise of Japan showed the fallacious nature of the belief so

long entertained, and perhaps also the opening of a new era.

[Illustration: STREET IN THE NATIVE QUARTER, DAR ES SALAM]

Anyone who does not travel merely for the sake of present impressions,

but is accustomed to see the past behind the phenomena of the moment,

and, like myself, leaves the area of European culture with the express

object of using his results to help in solving the great problem of

man’s intellectual evolution in all its details, will find in the voyage

to German East Africa a better opportunity for survey and retrospect

than in many other great routes of modern travel.

This is the case as soon as one has crossed the Alps. It is true that

even the very moderate speed of the Italian express gives one no chance

for anthropological studies. In order to observe the unmistakable

Teutonic strain in the population of Northern Italy, it would be

necessary to traverse the plain of Lombardy at one’s leisure. But

already in the Adige Valley, and still more as one advances through

Northern and Central Italy, the stratification of successive races seems

to me to be symbolized by the three strata of culture visible in the

fields: corn below, fruit-trees planted between it, and vines covering

them above. Just so the Lombards, Goths and other nations, superimposed

themselves on the ancient Italian and Etruscan stocks. On the long

journey from Modena to Naples, it is borne in upon one that the

Apennines are really the determining feature of the whole Italian

peninsula, and that the Romans were originally started on their career

of conquest by want of space in their own country. The only place which,

in May, 1906, produced an impression of spaciousness was the Bay of

Naples, of which we never had a clear view during our four or five days’

stay. A faint haze, caused by the volcanic dust remaining in the air

from the eruption of the previous month, veiled all the distances, while

the streets and houses, covered with a layer of ashes, appeared grey on

a grey background—a depressing and incongruous spectacle. The careless

indolence of the Neapolitans, which as a rule strikes the industrious

denizens of Central Europe as rather comical than offensive, requires

the clear sky and bright sunshine, celebrated by all travellers (but of

which we could see little or nothing), to set it off.

From our school-days we have been familiar with the fact that the

countries bordering the Mediterranean—the seats of ancient

civilisation—are now practically denuded of forests. Yet the landscape

of Southern Italy and Sicily seems to the traveller still more

unfamiliar than that of the northern and central districts; it is even

more treeless, and therefore sharper in contour than the Etruscan and

Roman Apennines and the Abruzzi. But the most striking feature to us

inhabitants of the North-German plain are the river-valleys opening into

the Strait of Messina, leading up by steep gradients into the interior

of the country. At this season they seem either to be quite dry or to

contain very little water, so that they are calculated to produce the

impression of broad highways. But how terrible must be the force with

which the mass of water collecting in the torrent-bed after heavy rains,

with no forest-soil to keep it back, rushes down these channels to the

sea! To the right and left of Reggio, opposite Messina, numbers of

sinuous ravines slope down to the coast, all piled high with débris and

crossed by bridges whose arches have the height and span of the loftiest

railway viaducts.

It is scarcely necessary to say anything about Port Said and the Suez

Canal. Entering the Red Sea, I entered at the same time a familiar

region—I might almost say, one which I have made peculiarly my own—it

having fallen to my share to write the monographs on the three oceans

included in Helmolt’s _Weltgeschichte_.[3] Of these monographs, that

dealing with the Atlantic seems, in the opinion of the general reader,

to be the most successful; but that on the Indian Ocean is undoubtedly

more interesting from the point of view of human history. In the first

place, this sea has this advantage over its eastern and western

neighbours, that its action on the races and peoples adjacent to it was

continued through a long period. The Pacific has historic peoples

(historic, that is to say, in the somewhat restricted and one-sided

sense in which we have hitherto used that term) on its north-western

margin, in eastern Asia; but the rest of its huge circumference has

remained dead and empty, historically speaking, almost up to the present

day. The Atlantic exactly reverses these conditions: its historical

density is limited to the north-eastern region, the west coast of

Africa, and the east coast of the Americas being (with the exception of

the United States) of the utmost insignificance from a historical point

of view.

Now the Indian Ocean formed the connecting link between these two

centres—the Mediterranean culture-circle in the west, and that of India

and Eastern Asia in the east,—at a time when both Atlantic and Pacific

were still empty and untraversed wastes of water. This, however, is

true, not of the whole Indian Ocean, but only as regards its northern

part, and in particular the two indentations running far inland in a

north-westerly direction, which we call the Red Sea and the Persian

Gulf. To-day, when we carry our railways across whole continents, and

even mountain ranges present no insuperable obstacles to our canals, we

imagine that masses of land as wide as the Isthmus of Suez or the much

greater extent of the “Syrian Porte”—the route between the Persian Gulf

and the Eastern Mediterranean—must have been absolute deterrents to the

sea-traffic of the ancients. In a sense, indeed, this was the case;

otherwise so many ancient rulers would not have attempted to anticipate

us in the construction of the Suez Canal. But where technical skill is

insufficient to overcome such impediments, and where at the same time

the demand for the treasures of the East is so enormous as it was in

classical and mediæval times, people adapt themselves to existing

conditions and make use of navigable water wherever it is to be found.

Only thus can be explained the uninterrupted navigation of the Red Sea

during a period of several thousand years, in spite of its dangerous

reefs and the prevailing winds, which are anything but favourable to

sailing vessels.

Only one period of repose—one might almost say, of enchanted sleep—has

fallen to the lot of the Red Sea. This was the time when Islam, just

awakened to the consciousness of its power, succeeded in laying its

heavy hand on the transition zone between West and East. With the

cutting of the Suez Canal, the last shadow of this ancient barrier has

disappeared, and the Red Sea and North Indian Ocean have regained at a

stroke, in fullest measure, their old place in the common life of

mankind.

The passengers on board our steamer, the _Prinzregent_, were chiefly

German and English; and at first a certain constraint was perceptible

between the members of the two nationalities, the latter of whom seemed

to be influenced by the dread and distrust expressed in numerous

publications of the last few years. Mr. William Le Queux’s _Invasion of

1910_ was the book most in demand in the ship’s library.

A more sociable state of things gradually came about during the latter

part of the voyage; and this largely through the agency of an

unpretending instrument forming part of my anthropological equipment.

One day, when we were nearing the Straits of Bab el Mandeb, partly in

order to relieve the tedium of the voyage, and partly in order to obtain

statistics of comparative strength, I produced my Collin’s dynamometer.

This is an oval piece of polished steel, small enough to be held flat in

the hand and compressed in a greater or less degree, according to the

amount of force expended, the pressure being registered by means of

cogged wheels acting on an index which in its turn moves a second index

on a dial-plate. On relaxing the pressure, the first index springs back

to its original position, while the second remains in the position it

has taken up and shows the weight in kilogrammes equivalent to the

pressure. The apparatus, really a medical one, is well adapted for

ascertaining the comparative strength of different races; but its more

immediate usefulness appears to lie in establishing cordial relations

between total strangers in the shortest possible time. On that

particular hot morning, I had scarcely begun testing my own strength,

when all the English male passengers gathered round me, scenting some

form of sport, which never fails to attract them, young or old. In the

subsequent peaceful rivalry between the two nations, I may remark that

our compatriots by no means came off worst; which may serve to show that

our German system of physical training is not so much to be despised as

has been recently suggested by many competent to judge, and by still

more who are not so competent.

In his general attitude on board ship, the present-day German does not,

so far as my observations go, contrast in the least unfavourably with

the more experienced voyagers of other nationalities. It is true that

almost every Englishman shows in his behaviour some trace of the

national assumption that the supremacy of the seas belongs to him by

right of birth. Our existence, however, is beginning to be

recognized—not out of any strong affection for “our German cousins,” but

as a simple matter of necessity. If, for comfort in travel, one must

have recourse to German ships; and when, at home and abroad, there is a

German merchant-fleet and a German navy to be reckoned with, the first

of which keeps up an assiduous competition, while the second is slowly

but steadily increasing, these things cannot fail to impress even the

less cultured members of the British nation. Only one thing is, and will

be for many years to come, calculated to make us ridiculous in the eyes

of Old England—and that is the Zanzibar Treaty. Never shall I forget the

looks of malicious triumph and the sarcastic condolences which greeted

us—the unfortunate contemporaries of the late Caprivi—when we came in

sight of Zanzibar. My friend Hiram Rhodes, of Liverpool, the

ever-smiling and universally popular, usually known as “the laughing

philosopher,” from his cheerful view of life, was not as a rule given to

sharp sayings, but with regard to the famous political transaction, I

distinctly remember to have heard him use the expression, “Children in

politics.” Caustic, but not undeserved! Another remark of his, after

viewing Dar es Salam: “That is the finest colony I have ever seen!”

served, it is true, as a touch of healing balm—but no amount of

conciliatory speeches will give us back Zanzibar!

[Illustration: MAP OF THE MAIN CARAVAN ROAD, WITH ITS PRINCIPAL

BRANCHES. DRAWN BY SABATELE, A MMAMBWE]

The object of the journey on which I have embarked may now be briefly

stated. Several decades since, and therefore before the beginning of our

colonial era, the Reichstag voted an annual grant of some 200,000 marks

for purposes of scientific research in Africa—purely in the interests of

knowledge and without any ulterior intentions from a narrowly

nationalist point of view. One might have expected that, after the

establishment of our settlements in Africa and the Pacific, this fund

would unhesitatingly have been devoted, wholly or in part, to the

systematic exploration and study of these colonies of ours. But this has

not been done, or only in a very uncertain and desultory manner—to the

great grief of German scientific circles, who, under these

circumstances, were forced to content themselves with the occasional

reports of civil and military officials supplemented by sporadic

research expeditions, official or private.

[Illustration: COURTYARD AT DAR ES SALAM—_Dolce far niente_]

It was not till the first Colonial Congress in 1902 that a more vigorous

agitation took place for the application of the African Fund on a large

scale to the systematic investigation of our dependencies. From

specialists in all branches of knowledge—geography and geology,

anthropology and ethnography, zoology and botany, linguistics,

comparative law, and the new science of comparative music—arose the same

cry, with the result that, three years later, at the second Colonial

Congress (October, 1905), we were in a position to state clearly the

most pressing problems and mark out the principal fields of research in

each subject. It might, however, have taken years to put the work in

hand, but for the “Committee for the Geographical Exploration of the

German Colonies,” and its energetic president, Dr. Hans Meyer, who

rescued the proceedings from their normal condition of endless

discussions, and translated them at one stroke into action. Dr. Jäger,

Herr Eduard Oehler, and myself are the living proofs of this (in our

country) unwonted rapidity of decision, being selected to carry out the

instructions of the Committee (which is affiliated to the Colonial

Office) and help to realise the long-cherished dream of German science.

The task of the two gentlemen I have mentioned is purely geographical,

consisting in the examination of the interesting volcanic area situated

between Kilimanjaro and the Victoria Nyanza, while I am commissioned to

bring some order into the chaos of our knowledge concerning the tribes

who occupy approximately the same region. It must be remembered that the

country surrounding Lakes Manyara and Eyasi, and extending to a

considerable distance south of them, swarms with tribes and peoples who,

in spite of the fact that our acquaintance with them dates more than

twenty years back, still present a variety of ethnological problems.

Among these tribes are the Wasandawi, whose language is known to contain

clicks like those of the Hottentots and Bushmen, and who are conjectured

to be the forgotten remnant of a primæval race going back to prehistoric

ages. The Wanege and Wakindiga, nomadic tribes in the vicinity of Lake

Eyasi, are said to be akin to them. In the whole mass of African

literature, a considerable part of which I have examined during my

twenty years’ study of this continent, the most amusing thing I ever

came across is the fact that our whole knowledge up to date of these

Wakindiga actually results from the accident that Captain Werther had a

field-glass in his hand at a given moment. This brilliant traveller, who

traversed the district in question twice (in 1893 and 1896), heard of

the existence of these people, but all that he saw of them was a distant

telescopic view of a few huts. As yet we know no more of them than their

bare name, conscientiously entered in every colonial or ethnological

publication that makes its appearance.

Another group of as yet insufficiently-defined tribes is represented by

the Wafiomi, Wairaku, Wawasi, Wamburu and Waburunge. All these are

suspected of being Hamites, and some of them have evolved remarkable

culture-conditions of their own. But, under the onrush of new

developments, they are in danger of losing their distinctive character

still more rapidly than other African peoples, and, if only for this

reason, systematic observations are needed before it is too late. The

same may be said of the Wataturu or Tatoga, who are undoubtedly to be

looked on as the remnant of a formerly numerous population. They are

said to speak a language related to Somali, but now live scattered over

so wide a territory that the danger of their being effaced by absorption

in other races is, if possible, still greater than in the case of the

others. The last of the tribes which specially concern me are the

Wanyaturu, Wairangi and Wambugwe. All of these belong to the great Bantu

group, but have, in consequence of their isolation, preserved certain

peculiarities of culture so faithfully that they too will be well worth

a visit.

[Illustration: IN THE EUROPEAN QUARTER, DAR ES SALAM]

With regard to the original home of the African race, this is a question

to which ethnologists have not hitherto devoted very much attention. The

Hamites, who occupy the north-eastern corner of the continent, are

supposed by all writers without exception to have come from Asia across

the Red Sea. Most authorities have been content with comparatively short

periods in estimating the date of this migration—indeed, the most recent

work on the subject, Captain Merker’s book on the Masai (whom, by the

bye, he claims as Semites) asserts that both date and route can be

accurately calculated, and places the former about 5,000 years ago.

Not only for these, moreover, but also for the great mass of the

population of Africa, the Sudanese and Bantu negroes, an original home

outside the continent is very generally assumed; and both these groups

are supposed to have penetrated to their present abodes from Asia,

either by way of the Isthmus of Suez, or across the Straits of Bab el

Mandeb.

This theory I had the pleasure of combating some years ago. There is

absolutely nothing to show that the ancestors of the present negro race

ever lived elsewhere than in the region which, in the main, they occupy

to-day. No branch of this large group can be shown to have possessed any

nautical skill worth mentioning; and none has ever ventured far out to

sea.

It may be said that no great knowledge of navigation was needed for

crossing the Strait of Bab el Mandeb, even if the migration did not take

place by way of the Isthmus. The problem, however, is by no means to be

solved in this simple fashion. Modern anthropology demands for human

evolution periods as long as for that of the higher animals. Diluvial

Man has long since been recognized by our most rigid orthodoxy; and

people would have to get used to Tertiary Man, even if the necessities

of the case did not make him an indispensable postulate. As the youth of

mankind recedes into early geological periods, the problem of

race-development is seen to require for its solution not merely

measurements of skull and skeleton, but the vigorous cooperation of

palæontology and historical geology. So far as I can judge, the sciences

in question will probably end by agreeing on three primitive races, the

white, black and yellow, each having its centre of development on one of

the old primitive continents. Such a continent in fact existed through

long geological ages in the Southern Hemisphere. A large fragment of it

is represented by modern Africa, smaller ones by Australia and the

archipelagoes of Indonesia and Papua. The distribution of the black race

from Senegambia in the west to Fiji in the east is thus explained in a

way that seems ridiculously easy.

To account for the great groups of _mixed races_, too, we must for the

future, in my opinion, have recourse to the geological changes of the

earth’s surface. Whence do we derive the Hamites? and what, after all,

do we understand by this term, which, curiously enough, denotes a zone

of peoples exactly filling up the geographical gap between the white and

black races? Furthermore, how are we to explain the so-called

Ural-Altaic race, that mass of peoples so difficult to define, occupying

the space between the primitive Mongol element in the East and the

Caucasian in the West? Does not, here too, the thought suggest itself

that the impulse to the development of both groups—the North African as

well as the North Asiatic—came from a long-continued contact between the

ancient primitive races which, according to the position of affairs,

_i.e._, judging by the geological changes which have taken place, both

in the south-eastern corner of the Mediterranean, and in the east of

Northern Europe—was only rendered possible by the junction of the old

continents formerly separated by seas? In fact the land connection in

both these places is, geologically speaking, very recent.

To come back from dreary theory to cheerful reality, I may mention that

I have taken a few successful photographs of Cape Guardafui. From the

north this promontory does not look very imposing. The coast seems quite

near, but in reality we are five or six miles away from it, and at this

distance the cliffs, though nearly a thousand feet high, are reduced to

insignificance.

The view from the south is more impressive. Here, on our right, the

mountains rise in an almost vertical wall to a height of some 3,000

feet, and often look still higher, when their summits are lost in a

compact stratum of cloud. Yet the eye always turns back again and again

to the Cape itself. It does not indeed appear more lofty than it did

from the north, but from this side it presents, even to the least

imaginative observer, the shape known to all travellers as the “Sleeping

Lion.” I am not in general particularly impressed by the fancied

resemblances which as a rule give rise to the bestowal of similar

appellations, but here I was struck by the absolute verisimilitude of

this piece of natural sculpture. The mighty maned head lies low,

seemingly resting on the dark blue line of the Indian Ocean, the right

fore-paw drawn up close to it. But the royal beast’s eyes are closed,

and what a splendid piece of symbolism is thus lost to us! As it is, the

image presented to-day is a somewhat tame one. In old times, while the

lion was awake, he watched over the busy maritime traffic which the

later period of antiquity and the early Middle Ages kept up before his

eyes, when Phœnicians, Himyarites, Greeks, Romans, Arabs, and Persians

sailed eastward and southward, and the mediæval Chinese advanced from

the east as far as the Gulf of Aden, and even into the Red Sea. That was

a time when it was worth while to keep awake. Then came Islam and the

rule of the Turk—and, still later, the circumnavigation of the Cape

rendered the Egyptian and Syrian overland routes useless. The Red Sea

and the Persian Gulf sank into a stagnation that lasted for

centuries—and the Lion grew weary and fell asleep.

Even the enormous traffic brought by the opening of the Suez Canal has

not been sufficient to wake him; the world is ruled by _vis inertiæ_,

and a scant forty years is all too short a time for the sounds of life

to have penetrated his slumbers. For that, other means will be required.

There is an Italian captain on board, a splendid figure of a man, but

suffering sadly from the effects of spear-wounds received from the

Abyssinians at Adowa. I asked him the other day why his Government had

not placed a lighthouse on Cape Guardafui, which, as rulers of the

country they were surely bound to do. He acknowledged that this was so,

but pointed out that the attempt to carry out any such project would

involve a difficult and expensive campaign against the Somali, who would

by no means tamely submit to lose the profits of their trade as

wreckers.

No doubt the captain was right, but Italy cannot in the long run refuse

to comply with the international obligation of erecting a lighthouse on

this exposed spot, where even now may be seen the melancholy black hull

of a French steamer, which, coming up the coast on a dark night, took

the westerly turn too soon. But from the moment when this lighthouse

throws its rays for the first time over the waves of the Indian Ocean,

the Lion will awake, and feel that his time has come once more.

The monsoon is a welcome change, after the enervating atmosphere of the

Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, but for any length of time its monotony

becomes tedious. Hence the loud rejoicing of passengers on sighting

Mombasa and Zanzibar and the speed with which they rush on shore at

those ports. At Dar es Salam the first freshness has worn off a little,

but the traveller nevertheless sets foot on dry land with an indefinable

feeling of relief.

[Illustration: LINDI BAY]

Native life in East Africa · 第 1 / 20 章